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Journal articles on the topic 'Mekhilta of Rabbi Ishmael'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 30 July 2024

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1

Yadin, Azzan. "SHNEI KETUVIM AND RABBINIC INTERMEDIATION." Journal for the Study of Judaism 33, no. 4 (2002): 386–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700630260385130.

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AbstractThe present article argues that in the legal midrashim associated with the school of Rabbi Ishmael, the Mekhilta and the Sifre Numbers, "Two Verses Contradict and a Third Resolves" is not a general rule meant to resolve logical difficulties, as is generally assumed. The third verse resolution is employed in only two of the derashot that discuss biblical contradictions. A close reading of these derashot suggest that the issue at hand is not logical but theological and that in each case the third verse introduces a theological intermediary, denying the unmediated presence of God in the Tent of Meeting and at Sinai.

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2

White, Devin L. "Jesus at Fifty: Irenaeus on John 8:57 and the Age of Jesus." Journal of Theological Studies 71, no. 1 (February 6, 2020): 158–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/flz170.

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Abstract Irenaeus’s reading of John 8:57, especially his conclusion that Jesus was approximately 50 at the time of his crucifixion, is well known. While secondary scholarship typically explains Irenaeus’s exegesis of this text with reference to his possible sources or his doctrine of recapitulation, this study looks to his broader religious context. A similar argument from Mekhilta de-Rabbi Ishmael suggests that Jesus’ age is relevant to ancient discussions of religious conversion. Just as Abraham’s circumcision at 99 made room for all proselytes under that age, so too the Irenaean Jesus has passed through every stage of life, enabling persons of any age to join Irenaeus’s church.

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3

Nelson, W. David. "Oral Orthography: Early Rabbinic Oral and Written Transmission of Parallel Midrashic Tradition in the Mekhilta of Rabbi Shimon B. Yoḥai and the Mekhilta of Rabbi Ishmael." AJS Review 29, no. 1 (April 2005): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009405000012.

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Throughout the past two centuries, the corpus of rabbinic writings, called either tannaitic midrashim or halakhic midrashim, has served as a pivotal foundation upon which scholars have based their historical reconstructions of the development of rabbinic Judaism. The reasons for this dependence are manifold. Predated in redaction by only the Mishnah, these documents contain a wealth of traditions attributed to the founders of rabbinic Judaism who flourished during its nascency. Moreover, these texts differ significantly in rhetorical style, logic, scope, and concern not only from those rabbinic documents which precede them (Mishnah), follow them (Palestinian/Babylonian Talmuds and amoraic midrashim), or are, perhaps, contemporaneous with them (Tosefta), but also among themselves as a corpus of writings. Finally, these documents are the earliest collections of rabbinic biblical exegesis (“Midrash”) and, were it not for a small number of examples of exegesis preserved in the Mishnah and Tosefta, they would also represent the earliest examples of rabbinic biblical interpretation known today. For reasons such as these, the tannaitic midrashim have figured prominently in research conducted over the past century on the historical development of Rabbinic Judaism.

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4

Goldman, Edward A., and Jacob Neusner. "Mekhilta According to Rabbi Ishmael: An Analytical Translation, vol. 1: Pisha, Beshallah, Shirata, and Vayassa." Journal of the American Oriental Society 111, no. 2 (April 1991): 391. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/604041.

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5

GRAVES, MICHAEL. "Scholar and Advocate: The Stories of Moses in Midrash "Exodus Rabbah"." Bulletin for Biblical Research 21, no. 1 (January 1, 2011): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/26424411.

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Abstract Like any form of interpretive writing but in its own distinctive way, rabbinic midrash functions both as a response to elements of the text (exegesis) and as a medium through which the interpreters speak to their own context (cultural expression). One notable feature of aggadic midrash is the practice of telling extrabiblical stories about biblical figures. Even the telling of these stories represents both exegesis and cultural expression, as seen in the presentation of Moses in midrash Exodus Rabbah. In non-rabbinic Jewish portrayals of Moses from the Greco-Roman world, Moses was often an important vehicle for the expression of the Jewish appropriation of cultural Hellenism. In the Mekhilta de Rabbi Ishmael, the figure of Moses is elaborated only modestly, but he is clearly depicted within the framework of rabbinic thought. Exodus Rabbah follows and develops the trajectory of the Mekhilta but also highlights features of Moses that were prominent in earlier sources in light of shared cultural experiences and their common text (that is, Exodus). In Exodus Rabbah, Moses is depicted through numerous aggadic tales as a rabbinic scholar of Torah and as the advocate who successfully mediates between Israel and God. Although these stories freely describe Moses in anachronistic terms as though he were a sage from the era of the rabbis, they also reflect genuine responses to actual points of tension and meaning in the text. This approach enabled the sages of the midrash to appreciate the meaningfulness of the text as they saw their own situations acted out in the text through Moses, although this came at the expense of recognizing fully the points of difference between the world of the text and the world of the interpreters.

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6

Arnow, David. "Sh’fokh Ḥamatkha in the Mekhilta of Rabbi Ishmael and the Passover Haggadah: A Search for Origins and Meaning." Conservative Judaism 65, no. 1-2 (2013): 32–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/coj.2013.0042.

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7

Bar-Asher Siegal, Michal. "Uncovering midrash: the Hebrew slave in the Mekhilta deRabbi Ishmael." Journal of Jewish Studies 68, no. 1 (April 1, 2017): 034–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/3300/jjs-2017.

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8

Bakhos, Carol. "Abraham Visits Ishmael: A Revisit." Journal for the Study of Judaism 38, no. 4-5 (2007): 553–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851507x193063.

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AbstractPrevious studies of the story of Abraham's visit to Ishmael in Pirqe de Rabbi Eliezer (PRE) focus on its relationship to Islamic versions and read it either as polemical or apologetic. It is also assumed that either the author of PRE reworked an Islamic version of the story, or that the story is of Jewish origin. Such readings, however, are based largely on notions of Ishmael's character in the story that overlook other references to Ishmael and the Ishmaelites in PRE. This article thus examines the story in light of all references to Ishmael and the Ishmaelites in PRE.

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9

Yadin, Azzan. "4QMMT, RABBI ISHMAEL, AND THE ORIGINS OF LEGAL MIDRASH." Dead Sea Discoveries 10, no. 1 (2003): 130–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685170360584182.

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10

Plietzsch, Susanne. "“Dass jede einzelne Sache, für die Israel sein Leben gab, in seinen Händen Bestand haben sollte . . .”: Individuelle und regional unabhängige Religiosität in der Mekhilta des Rabbi Jischmael." Journal for the Study of Judaism 41, no. 2 (2010): 244–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006310x488043.

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AbstractThis paper argues that Mekhilta de-Rabbi Yishmael (MekhY) is distinguishing between local realities of Jewish religion (like the Temple, the Davidic kingdom, full jurisdiction, and even the land of Israel) and a local independent religiosity based on individual responsibility. MekhY pursues the interest to strengthen a regional independent Judaism of individual religious practice and deduces this concept from the Exodus-Sinai narrative. Shabbat is mentioned time and again as a paradigm of this perception of Jewish religiosity. The exegetical interest of MekhY can be shown already by its selection of Biblical texts, this will furthermore be demonstrated by means of four passages of this Midrash.

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11

Kulp, Joshua, and Azzan Yadin. "Scripture as Logos: Rabbi Ishmael and the Origins of Midrash." Journal of Biblical Literature 124, no. 1 (April 1, 2005): 184. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/30041005.

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12

Hezser, Catherine. "Scripture as Logos: Rabbi Ishmael and the Origins of Midrash." Journal of Jewish Studies 56, no. 2 (October 1, 2005): 349–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/2628/jjs-2005.

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13

Teugels, Lieve. "Mekhilta de-Rabbi Shimon bar Yohai: Translated into English, with Critical Introduction and Annotation." Journal for the Study of Judaism 39, no. 3 (2008): 427–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006308x313193.

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14

Hirshman, Marc G. "Scripture as Logos: Rabbi Ishmael and the Origins of Midrash (review)." Jewish Quarterly Review 97, no. 2 (2007): 36–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jqr.2007.0018.

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15

Gottstein, Alon Goshen. "The Body as Image of God in Rabbinic Literature." Harvard Theological Review 87, no. 2 (April 1994): 171–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816000032776.

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The liberation of rabbinic theology from the reins of medieval theology is still underway. One of the central issues that sets rabbinic theology apart from later medieval developments is the attribution of body or form to the godhead. Even though the anthropomorphic tendency of rabbinic thought is widely recognized, it is still early to speak of a learned consensus on this issue. The standard work on the topic remains Arthur Marmorstein'sEssays in Anthropomorphism, written in 1937. Marmorstein recognized the anthropomorphic tendency of rabbinic thinking. His way of dealing, both theologically and scholastically, with the issue was to suggest the existence of two schools in the tannaitic period. According to Marmorstein, the schools of Rabbi Akiva and Rabbi Ishmael were divided on the question of the literality of the understanding of the biblical text. Rabbi Akiva's literal reading gave rise to an anthropomorphic understanding of God. Rabbi Ishmael's nonliteral, or allegorical, reading brought about an opposition to anthropomorphism. This description of rabbinic anthropomorphism has informed the discussions of many scholars, including those who have dealt with our present topic—the image of God. I would, therefore, state my differences with this presentation.

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16

PHILLIPS, ELAINE A. "נתן נפשׁוֹ: Paradigms of Self-Sacrifice in Early Judaism and Christianity." Bulletin for Biblical Research 9, no. 1 (January 1, 1999): 215–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/26422240.

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Abstract Mekilta de Rabbi Ishmael presents Moses and David as key figures whose willingness to sacrifice themselves on behalf of Torah, Israel, the Temple, and justice was exemplary. Attaching their names to these symbols ensured memory and continuity in the face of difficult circumstances. The Sages further suggested that being faithful meant all Israelites' willingness likewise to give themselves. This may have been a subtle response to the Christian communities who were appropriating the symbols of Torah associated with the redemptive process.

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17

PHILLIPS, ELAINE A. "נתן נפשׁוֹ: Paradigms of Self-Sacrifice in Early Judaism and Christianity." Bulletin for Biblical Research 9, no. 1 (January 1, 1999): 215–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/bullbiblrese.9.1.0215.

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Abstract Mekilta de Rabbi Ishmael presents Moses and David as key figures whose willingness to sacrifice themselves on behalf of Torah, Israel, the Temple, and justice was exemplary. Attaching their names to these symbols ensured memory and continuity in the face of difficult circumstances. The Sages further suggested that being faithful meant all Israelites' willingness likewise to give themselves. This may have been a subtle response to the Christian communities who were appropriating the symbols of Torah associated with the redemptive process.

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18

Yadin, Azzan. "The Hammer on the Rock: Polysemy and the School of Rabbi Ishmael." Jewish Studies Quarterly 10, no. 1 (2003): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.1628/0944570033029185.

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19

Orlov, Andrei A. "«WITHOUT MEASURE AND WITHOUT ANALOGY»: THE TRADITION OF THE DIVINE BODY IN 2 (SLAVONIC) ENOCH." Scrinium 3, no. 1 (March 30, 2007): 231–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18177565-90000156.

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The artice investigates the origins of the Shiccur Qomah tradition. This tradition depicts visionaries, Rabbi Ishmael and Rabbi Akiba, receiving from the supreme angel Metatron revelations of the «measurement of the body» (in Hebrew, Shiccur Qomah), an anthropomorphic description of the Deity together with the mystical names of its gigantic limbs. Although the majority of the evidence of the the Shiccur Qomah tradition survived in late Jewish writings, Gershom Scholem argued that the beginning of Shiccur Qomah speculations can be found in 2 (Slavonic) Enoch where one can find the description of the appearance of the Lord as a terrifying extent analogous to the human form. The article develops Scholem's hypothesis arguing that the traditions about the divine body in 2 Enoch were shaped by the early Adamic traditions. The portrayal of the prelapsarian Adam found in the longer recension of 2 Enoch reveals fascinating similarities to the later Shiccur Qomah descriptions.

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20

Stemberger, Günter. "The Meshalim in the Mekhiltot. An Annotated Edition and Translation of the Parables in Mekhilta de Rabbi Yishmael and Mekhilta de Rabbi Shimon bar Yochai. With the assistance of Esther van Eenennaam, written by Lieve M. Teugels." Journal for the Study of Judaism 51, no. 1 (March 3, 2020): 145–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-12511285.

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21

Visotzky, Burton L. "Mekhilta de-Rabbi Shimon Bar Yohai: Translated into English, with Critical Introduction and Annotation (review)." Hebrew Studies 48, no. 1 (2007): 401–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hbr.2007.0029.

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22

Cover, Michael Benjamin. "Paulus als Yischmaelit?: The Personification of Scripture as Interpretive Authority in Paul and the School of Rabbi Ishmael." Journal of Biblical Literature 135, no. 3 (2016): 617–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jbl.2016.0038.

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23

Omer-Sherman, Ranen. "Nomadism and Stasis in Transparent." Studies in American Jewish Literature (1981-) 41, no. 2 (September 1, 2022): 223–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/studamerijewilite.41.2.0223.

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Abstract Joey Soloway (previously known as Jill) approaches the Jewish story as one of perpetual wandering—between identities, between bodies, between realms of belonging. While Transparent is as arguably concerned with relationality and interdependence as untethered individualism, in the series’ tense opposition between wandering and stasis, Soloway privileges the expansive, open-ended identity of wandering over the narrowly proscribed monolithic identity that accompanies rest or arrival. Looking back on how the series has evolved, its emphasis on loss, confusion, and unsettled indeterminacy occurs most emphatically in Rabbi Raquel’s evocative words launching the third season as she struggles with a sermon about Passover. At one time or another the series revisits or otherwise evokes the ruptures of Genesis, the sense of felix culpa that accompanies all human exiles; from the Garden, Abraham’s Lech Lacha (“Get you gone from your country and from your birthplace and from your father’s house”), the expulsion of Ishmael into the desert, the narrative of Ruth the Moabite, each offering richly circuitous terrains, repetitions of wandering, wryly underscored in the uncertainties and scrambled destinies of the Pfefferman tribe.

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24

Michael Benjamin Cover. "Paulus als Yischmaelit? The Personification of Scripture as Interpretive Authority in Paul and the School of Rabbi Ishmael." Journal of Biblical Literature 135, no. 3 (2016): 617. http://dx.doi.org/10.15699/jbl.1353.2016.3094.

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25

Kadari, Adiel. "Did Elijah Show Respect to Royalty?" Journal for the Study of Judaism 46, no. 3 (August 25, 2015): 403–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-12340104.

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At the end of the description of the dramatic event at Mount Carmel, Kings relates that after the heavy downpour began Elijah ran before the king to Jezreel. Elijah’s running was already understood in the Tannaitic sources as a gesture meant to show respect to royalty. This interpretation, which is not consistent with the characterization of Elijah as zealous that emerges from the biblical narrative, was accepted by both medieval and modern biblical commentators. The article discusses this interpretive tradition in its textual and historical contexts and reveals the conceptual stance that it expresses. At the center of the discussion is a passage from Mekilta de-Rabbi Ishmael, in which this interpretive tradition first appears. The article indicates a number of strata in the Mekilta text, each of which expresses a different ideological approach to the question of the proper attitude to “royalty.” The article proposes that Mekilta reflects different positions on the question of the proper attitude to the Roman authorities, and reveals an ideological-educational conflict over the image and heritage of biblical characters as part of the struggle over the fashioning of the collective Jewish historical and political memory.

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26

Gray, Alyssa M. "W. David Nelson. Mekhilta de-Rabbi Shimon bar Yoḥai. Translated into English, with Critical Introduction and Annotation. Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 2006. xxx, 398 pp." AJS Review 32, no. 2 (November 2008): 421–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009408001311.

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27

Neusner, Jacob. "Extra- and Non-Documentary Writing in the Rabbinic Canon of Late Atiquity: Non-Documentary Writing in Sifra, Sifré to Numbers, Sifré to Deuteronomy, Mekhilta Attributed to R. Ishmael, and Leviticus Rabbah." Review of Rabbinic Judaism 10, no. 1 (2007): 11–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007007781191817.

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28

Barth, Lewis M. "Jacob Neusner. The Canonical History of Ideas. The Place of the So-Called Tannaite Midrashim: Mekhilta Attributed to R. Ishmael, Sifra, Sifré to Numbers, and Sifré to Deuteronomy. South Florida Studies in the History of Judaism, no. 4. Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1990. xv, 224 pp." AJS Review 20, no. 1 (April 1995): 191–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009400006474.

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29

"Mekhilta de-Rabbi Shimon bar Yohai." Choice Reviews Online 44, no. 12 (August 1, 2007): 44–6799. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.44-6799.

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30

Draper, Jonathan A. "‘If those to whom the W/word of God came were called gods ...’– Logos, wisdom and prophecy, and John 10:22–30." HTS Teologiese Studies / Theological Studies 71, no. 1 (March 23, 2015). http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/hts.v71i1.2905.

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Jesus’ quotation of Psalm 82:6, ‘I said, You are gods’, a riposte to the accusation that he had blasphemed by making himself equal to God, has attracted considerable attention. The latest suggestion by Jerome H. Neyrey rightly insists that any solution to the problem should take account of the internal logic of the Psalm and argues that it derives from or prefigures a rabbinic Midrash on the Psalm which refers it to the restoration of the immortality lost by Adam to Israel at the giving of the Torah on Sinai. This immortality was then lost again because of the sin of the golden calf. Whilst agreeing that the Psalm is interpreted in the context of the giving of the Torah on Sinai, this article argues that its reference is directed towards Moses on Sinai rather than Israel in general. This accords with the interpretation of Philo and Josephus and other sources much earlier than the Mekkilta de Rabbi Ishmael that Moses is rightly called a god and is assumed to heaven in glory without dying. Rather than deny this attribution of divine features to Moses due to his reception of the Torah on Sinai, John argues that the Torah was received from the hands of Jesus as the Logos. Therefore, Moses’s derivative divine features simply confirm the true divinity of the Logos as the expression of the Father. Moses could be called a god because he knew Jesus as Logos and wrote about him (5:45–5:47), but he sinned and died like any mortal. The corollary is that Moses and his disciples lost their status and died like any mortal, whilst the disciples of Jesus who are ‘taught by God’ and believe in the Incarnate Logos (6:45), have not only seen the glory denied to Moses but are born from above to become divinised as tekna theou (1:12) and do not die.

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