Dissertations / Theses: 'Melanchthon'

1

Deflers, Isabelle. "Lex und ordo : eine rechtshistorische Untersuchung der Rechtsauffassung Melanchthons /." Berlin : Duncker & Humblot, 2005. http://www.gbv.de/dms/spk/sbb/recht/toc/481286209.pdf.

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Richards, John. "Thucydides in the Circle of Philip Melanchthon." The Ohio State University, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1376788422.

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3

Kuropka, Nicole. "Philipp Melanchthon : Wissenschaft und Gesellschaft : ein Gelehrter im Dienst der Kirche, 1526-1532 /." Tübingen : Mohr Siebeck, 2002. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb388895095.

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4

Pauls, Robert Paul Hubert. "Kenosis : Melanchton en de kunst van de herhaling /." [S.l.] : [s.n.], 1996. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb39095658n.

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5

Waschbüsch, Andreas. "Alter Melanchthon Muster theologischer Autoritätsstiftung bei Matthias Flacius Illyricus." Göttingen Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2005. http://d-nb.info/988533642/04.

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6

Matz, Wolfgang. "Der befreite Mensch : die Willenslehre in der Theologie Philipp Melanchthons /." Göttingen : Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2001. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb38843451d.

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7

Jung, Martin H. "Frömmigkeit und Theologie bei Philipp Melanchthon : das Gebet im Leben und in der Lehre des Reformators /." Tübingen : Mohr Siebeck, 1998. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb392405783.

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8

Schurb, Ken. "The Uebertragungslehre in the theology of Philip Melanchthon, 1530-1560." Online full text .pdf document, available to Fuller patrons only, 1988. http://www.tren.com.

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9

Fuchs, Thorsten. "Philipp Melanchthon als neulateinischer Dichter in der Zeit der Reformation." Tübingen Narr, 2006. http://d-nb.info/984513019/04.

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10

Kuhn, Reiner [Verfasser], Herman J. [Herausgeber] Selderhuis, Christopher B. [Herausgeber] Brown, Günter [Herausgeber] Frank, Bruce [Herausgeber] Gordon, Barbara [Herausgeber] Mahlmann-Bauer, Tarald [Herausgeber] Rasmussen, et al. "Bekennen und Verwerfen : Westphals Ringen um Luther und Melanchthon / Reiner Kuhn." Göttingen : Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2019. http://www.v-r.de/.

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11

Schneider, Ulrich Johannes. "Die schweren Schritte des Nachdenkens: Melanchthon in der Philosophiegeschichtsschreibung bis Hegel." frommann-holzboog, 2003. https://ul.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A12769.

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Im 18.Jahrhundert hatten die Philosophiehistoriker grundsätzliche Schwierigkeiten, den protestantischen Aristoteliker Melanchthon als Philosophen zu würdigen. Von diesen Schwierigkeiten handelt die folgende Darstellung, die bis zum Anfang des 19. Jahrhunderts reicht. Mit dem 19. Jahrhundert verschiebt sich das Melanchthon-Problem von der Philosophiegeschichte in die Theologie- und Kirchengeschichte, die Reformation wird philosophiehistorisch ein weniger interessantes Datum. Bei Hegel etwa wird die Beziehung von Religion, Theologie und Wissenschaft innerhalb der Philosophiegeschichte unwichtig, ja selbst die von Melanchthon mitgetragene Kritik an der Scholastik "fällt mehr ins Literarische, in die Geschichte der Bildung, der Religion als der Philosophie". Hegel hat einen Begriff von Melanchthons Denken als "kühle, populäre Philosophie" und zeigt kein Interesse an der problematischen Stellung Melanchthons zwischen Tradition und Innovation, zwischen Mittelalter und Moderne.

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12

ALBRECHT, PAULO SAMUEL. "PHILIP MELANCHTHON (1497-1560): LIFE, THEOLOGY AND FIGURE OF WITTENBERG’S OTHER REFORMER." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2013. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=22350@1.

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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO
COORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIOR
PROGRAMA DE SUPORTE À PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO DE INSTS. DE ENSINO
Este trabalho procura resgatar a importante contribuição de Filipe Melanchthon para o movimento reformatório europeu do século XVI, trazendo uma biografia de sua vida e carreira, abordando aspectos centrais de sua teologia e a como eles também ajudaram a moldar o discurso reformatório a partir de Wittenberg para toda a Europa. De maneira especial, enfatiza-se a historiografia de Melanchthon desde a época da Reforma, procurando desfazer-se rótulos e juízos de valor infundados sobre a sua pessoa, especialmente no que se refere a ser considerado um auxiliar sem grandes contribuições originais ou, pior ainda, um traidor da causa luterana. Busca-se, ainda, apontar para os novos rumos atuais da pesquisa teológica sobre a sua pessoa na Europa e nos Estados Unidos, com o intuito de estimular a pesquisa sobre este assunto também no Brasil. Ao final, verifica-se que a Melanchthon foi destinada uma posição obscura na pesquisa histórica do movimento reformatório europeu, o que não condiz com a grandeza e a importância de suas contribuições para aquela época e também daquilo que pode servir de estímulo ao refletir teológico atual.
This work’s purpose is to highlight the great contributions to the Reformatorial Movement in Europe during the XVI Century by Philip Melanchthon. So, it brings a biography of his life, as well as it underlines some of the basic aspects of his theology and how they helped to shape the message of the Reformation from Wittenberg to all Europe. Mostly, it focuses on the historiography of Melanchthon from Reformation’s time on, in order to clear up misunderstandings and biased labels that were imposed on him, above all that he gave no original contribution and – even worst – that he was a traitor inside the Lutheran ranks. It also tries to point out the new directions that Melanchthon Research is taking in Europe and in the United States, in order to foster the research on this topic also in Brazil. In the end, it becomes clear that a rather obscure place was assigned to Melanchthon in the historical research of the Reformation, what is not appropriate considering the extent of his contribution then and how much it can foster theological thinking today.

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13

Brosseder, Claudia. "Im Bann der Sterne Caspar Peucer, Philipp Melanchthon und andere Wittenberger Astrologen /." Berlin : Akademie Verlag, 2004. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/55653230.html.

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14

Bester, Gottlieb Christiaan. "The Spirituality of Martin Luther as exemplified in his Letters to Philip Melanchthon." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/18030.

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Thesis (MTh)--Stellenbosch University, 2011.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In this study the researcher will reflect on the spirituality of Martin Luther as expressed in his letters to Philip Melanchthon written from Wartburg. Through such a reflection, based on biographical material, the researcher wishes to contribute to research that reflects on the spirituality of historical individuals. The first chapter will present a general introduction on how the researcher came to study the Spirituality of Martin Luther via inter alia a study on Dietrich Bonhoeffer. A short motivation will also be given on why biographical material (such as letters), the primary source for this study, should be seen as a suitable source for theological inquiry. The second chapter will reflect on a few contemporary works on Luther’s spirituality as well as the works of Scott Hendrix, Egil Grislis, Mark McIntosh and Sandra Schneiders to gain insight into the development of spirituality as a field of study and its current focus. The third chapter entails biographical accounts of Luther and Melanchthon with a primary focus on their lives up until Luther's safekeeping at Wartburg as well as a reflection on their friendship. The purpose will be to contextualize the letters and to give a better understanding of the people involved. The fourth chapter will summarize the content of the nine letters Luther wrote from Wartburg to Melanchthon. The summary will indicate the matters which were discussed between the two reformers and will be reflected on in order to find deeper insight into Luther's spirituality. Chapter five will consider matters of importance identified in chapter four, such as the Luther's identity and spirituality and his understanding and reference to Christ and God, while at Wartburg. The final chapter will reflect on the content of this study and the contribution that a study based on biographical material has to offer to spirituality as an academic discipline.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In die studie wil die navorsers reflekteer oor die spiritualiteit van Martin Luther soos dit uitgedruk is in sy briewe aan Philip Melanchthon, geskryf vanaf Wartburg. Die hoop is om deur hierdie refleksie, gebaseer op biografiese material, ‘n bydrae te lewer tot navorsing wat reflekteer op die spiritualiteit van historiese individue. Die eerste hooftuk van die studie behels ‘n algemene inleiding wat sal verduidelik hoe die navorser daartoe gekom het om ‘n studie te doen oor die spiritualiteit van Martin Luther via, onder andere, ‘n voorafgaande studie oor Dietrich Bonhoeffer. ‘n Kort motivering sal ook gegee word hoekom biografiese materiaal (soos briewe), die primêre bron van dié studie, gesien kan word as ‘n gepaste bron vir teologiese ondersoek. In die tweede hoofstuk van die studie word daar gereflekteer oor sommige kontemporêre werke aangaande Luther se spiritualiteit asook die werke van Scott Hendrix, Egil Grislis, Mark McIntosh en Sandra Schneiders wat insig sal gee tot die ontwikkeling van spiritualiteit as ‘n studieveld. Die derde hoofstuk behels biografiese refleksies oor die lewens van Luther en Philip Melanchthon, met ‘n primêre fokus op hul lewens voordat Luther na Wartburg geneem is vir beskerming, asook ‘n refleksie op hul vriendskap. Die doel hiervan is om die briewe te kontekstualiseer en ‘n beter begrip van die betrokke mense te kry. In die vierde hoofstuk gee die navorser 'n opsomming van die inhoud van die nege briewe wat Luther vanaf Wartburg aan Melanchthon geskryf het. Dit sal ‘n aanduiding gee van die sake wat tussen die Hervormers bespreek was en waaroor verder reflekteer moet word vir dieper insigte tot Luther se spiritualiteit. Hoofstuk vyf fokus op die sake wat in hoofstuk vier geïdentifiseer is, asook Luther se identiteit en spiritualiteit en sy verstaan en verwysings na God en Christus. In die finale hoofstuk van die studie word daar gereflekteer oor die inhoud van die studie en die bydrae wat ‘n refleksie gebaseer op biografiese materiaal, te bied het aan spiritualiteit as ‘n akademiese veld.

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15

Schurb, Ken Ray. "Philip Melanchthon, the formula of Concord, and the third use of the law /." The Ohio State University, 2001. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1488205318509405.

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16

Wels, Volkhard. "Melanchthons Lehrbücher der Dialektik und Rhetorik als komplementäre Teile einer Argumentationstheorie." Universität Potsdam, 2013. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2014/6912/.

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Der Aufsatz zeigt, dass Melanchthons Änderungen an den traditionellen Lehrinhalten der Dialektik (Logik) und der Rhetorik in erster Linie nicht inhaltlich, sondern durch die argumentationstheoretische Neuausrichtung der beiden Disziplinen motiviert ist.

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17

Schneider, Ulrich Johannes. "Die schweren Schritte des Nachdenkens." Universitätsbibliothek Leipzig, 2014. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:15-qucosa-149094.

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Im 18.Jahrhundert hatten die Philosophiehistoriker grundsätzliche Schwierigkeiten, den protestantischen Aristoteliker Melanchthon als Philosophen zu würdigen. Von diesen Schwierigkeiten handelt die folgende Darstellung, die bis zum Anfang des 19. Jahrhunderts reicht. Mit dem 19. Jahrhundert verschiebt sich das Melanchthon-Problem von der Philosophiegeschichte in die Theologie- und Kirchengeschichte, die Reformation wird philosophiehistorisch ein weniger interessantes Datum. Bei Hegel etwa wird die Beziehung von Religion, Theologie und Wissenschaft innerhalb der Philosophiegeschichte unwichtig, ja selbst die von Melanchthon mitgetragene Kritik an der Scholastik "fällt mehr ins Literarische, in die Geschichte der Bildung, der Religion als der Philosophie". Hegel hat einen Begriff von Melanchthons Denken als "kühle, populäre Philosophie" und zeigt kein Interesse an der problematischen Stellung Melanchthons zwischen Tradition und Innovation, zwischen Mittelalter und Moderne.

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18

Janssen, Wibke. ""Wir sind zum wechselseitigen Gespräch geboren" Philipp Melanchthon und die Reichsreligionsgespräche von 1540/41." Göttingen Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2007. http://d-nb.info/989279936/04.

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19

Briskina, Anna. "Philipp Melanchthon und Andreas Osiander im Ringen um die Rechtfertigungslehre : ein reformatorischer Streit aus der ostkirchlichen Perspektive /." Frankfurt am Main : P. Lang, 2006. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb402222008.

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20

Pena, Búa Pilar. "Las fuentes de la teología en Felipe Melanchthon : su doctrina sobre los lugares teológicos comparada con la doctrina católica de Melchor Cano y la tradición medieval /." Salamanca : Universidad pontificia de Salamanca, 2007. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb412554667.

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21

Schneider, Ulrich Johannes. "Sachiko Kusukawa: The Transformation of Natural Philosophy. The Case of Philipp Melanchthon, Cambridge University Press (Ideas in Context) 1995, 246 S. (Rezension)." Universitätsbibliothek Leipzig, 2015. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:15-qucosa-171770.

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Die Studie enthält eine Untersuchung der Naturphilosophie Melanchthons. Sie rekonstruiert die Entwicklung seiner wissenschaftlichen Interpretation des naturphilosophischen Wissens und weist nach, daß die lebenslange Beschäftigung Melanchthons mit naturphilosophischen Problemen ihre Motivation aus Luthers Theologie bezog, wenngleich diese nach einer philosophischen Unterstützung nicht verlangte.

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22

Osslund, Richard. "I̲m̲p̲u̲t̲a̲t̲i̲o̲ i̲u̲s̲t̲i̲t̲i̲a̲e̲ C̲h̲r̲i̲s̲t̲i̲, L̲i̲b̲e̲r̲u̲m̲ a̲r̲b̲i̲t̲r̲i̲u̲m̲ i̲n̲ r̲e̲n̲a̲t̲i̲s̲, and t̲e̲r̲t̲i̲u̲s̲ u̲s̲u̲s̲ l̲e̲g̲i̲s̲ in Melanchthon's later L̲o̲c̲i̲." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1986. http://www.tren.com.

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23

Sugg, Richard John. "The impact of Vesalian anatomy of religious and literary culture from Philip Melanchthon to John Donne." Thesis, University of Southampton, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.364738.

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24

Hoaas, Brynjulf. "The bestowal of the benefits of the real presence the early eucharistic works of Martin Chemnitz as a contribution toward the Formula of Concord article VII /." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1990. http://www.tren.com.

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25

Marks, Darren Charles. "The real and revelation, the development and function of the doctrine of original sin in Phillip Melanchthon." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/mq25202.pdf.

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26

Aubert, Annette G. "Luther, Melanchthon, and Chemnitz the doctrine of the atonement with special reference to Gustaf Aulén's Christus victor /." Online full text .pdf document, available to Fuller patrons only, 2002. http://www.tren.com.

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27

Williams, Brian. "The moral formation of the intellectual appetite in Hugh of St. Victor, Philip Melanchthon, and John Henry Newman." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:494c2d67-6ba0-486f-afa5-7d168c9824ec.

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Humans desire a variety of things: food, safety, pleasure, friendship, play, beauty, and so forth. Included among these is knowledge. This thesis is partially about trying to understand this desire to know, often referred to as the "intellectual appetite," and the ends toward which it should be directed. Like other appetites, the intellectual appetite can be morally ordered or disordered. When morally ordered, it is referred to as the virtue of studiositas, and when morally disordered, the vice of curiositas. If human persons possess an intellectual appetite, if what they know affects how they live, and if they undergo some kind of formal education, then it is reasonable for individual learners to critically consider who or what is forming their intellectual appetites and what they expect formal academic institutions to help them accomplish. Though the purpose of education is a perennial concern, the debate has intensified and widened in recent decades. Many of the popular visions of education that shape student expectations, animate academic institutions, inform local communities, and determine public policy restrict the scope of the intellectual appetite's tutelage. These visions often regard people as either detached intellects, political citizens, marketplace labourers, technological innovators, or moral and spiritual agents, and orient the process of education accordingly. The tradition of theological reflection on education, known as the "didascalic tradition," provides resources for thinking that people are each of these and more. This work examines how three influential Christian educators from different centuries and settings defend education's intellectual, practical, and moral ends. Hugh of St. Victor, a leading teacher at the twelfth century Abbey of St. Victor, authored an influential work that integrated the liberal and servile arts with the Christian narrative of creation and restoration. Philip Melanchthon, known as the Praeceptor Germaniae, was a Protestant Humanist professor of Greek at the sixteenth century University of Wittenberg and curriculum designer for over eighty schools and universities across Europe. John Henry Newman was a fellow at nineteenth century Oriel College, Oxford, founding rector of the Catholic University of Dublin and the Oratory School in Birmingham, and author of three volumes and numerous essays on university education. This thesis offers an integrated account of each educator's ideas and practices, synthesizes their major and minor works, compares and contrasts them with each other, and places them in dialogue with contemporary educational philosophers Martha Nussbaum and Stanley Fish. Both Nussbaum and Fish offer profound insights into education. However, Nussbaum's decision to harness the intellectual appetite for the political liberalism of John Rawls, and Stanley Fish's decision to harness it for the modern research university means that both fail to offer comprehensive accounts of education. In contrast, Hugh, Melanchthon, and Newman demonstrate that education can form the intellectual appetite to serve multi-dimensional intellectual, practical, and moral goods that foster human flourishing and the common good.

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28

Kinding, Björn. "Die bibelübersetzung Martin Luthers : eine soziolinguistische analyse der absicht, der methode und der auswirkung." Thesis, Högskolan Dalarna, Tyska, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:du-6225.

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Brundin (2004, S. 63) sagt, dass sich die Reformation „um einen Kampf handelte, der Auswirkungen auf die ganze gesellschaftliche Struktur hatte.“ Das Ziel dieser Arbeit ist die Absichten hinter, die linguistischen Methoden und die sozialen Auswirkungen der Bibelübersetzung Luthers festzustellen, und dadurch die Aussage Brundins zu bestätigen bzw. widerlegen. Es wurde gefunden, dass Martin Luther die Bibelübersetzung und die Reformation in enger Zusammenarbeit mit seinen Kollegen an der Leucorea Universität und unter Führung des sächsischen Kurfürsten, Friedrich III., durchgeführt hat. Dabei haben die verwendeten linguistischen Methoden eine Schlüsselrolle gespielt, und viele heute bekannten wissenschaftlichen Theorien sind praktisch umgesetzt worden. Dazu gehören die Sapir-Whorf-Hypothese, die Defizit- bzw. die Differenzhypothese und die Diskurstheorie. Die Reformation hat eine gewaltige Machtverschiebung zur Folge, wo der Klerus dem Adel viele Rechte abgeben müsste, und die neu erzeugte Sprache der Lutherbibel hat zu einer deutschen Einheitssprache und die Erstehung eines deutschen Nationalstaates geführt. Als Schlussergebnis kann die Aussage Brundins klar bestätigt werden.

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29

Fong, Chun-Ming. "The doctrine of the image of God in Lutheran and Reformed orthodoxy." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1995. http://www.tren.com.

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30

Klein, Boris. "La transmission des savoirs au sein des universités luthériennes germaniques à l’époque de la confessionnalisation : le cas de Helmstedt : XVI e - XVII e siècles." Thesis, Lyon 2, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011LYO20070.

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Les recherches portent sur la transmission des savoirs au sein des universités allemandes à l’époque moderne : il s’agit d’une tentative pour comprendre la manière dont le modèle universitaire germanique, dans le monde luthérien, a emprunté une voie spécifique au moment décisif de la confessionnalisation et de la territorialisation, c’est-à-dire à l’heure où les fractures confessionnelles s’enracinent dans la durée, tandis que la Guerre de Trente ans et l’humanisme ont bouleversé les conditions de la pratique savante. L’étude entend examiner l’évolution des savoirs et de leur transmission en lien avec le contexte social : elle analyse l’évolution des disciplines dans le cadre des chaires des facultés, mais aussi les pratiques des groupes concernés. Parmi les nombreuses universités allemandes de l’époque, celle de Helmstedt retient plus spécialement l’attention. Grâce aux catalogues de cours et aux comptes-rendus manuscrits des professeurs, l’université située dans le duché de Brunswick offre la possibilité de réconcilier histoire des sciences, politique et sociologie
This research is about the transmission of knowledges within german universities in the early modern period : it attempts to understand the way the german academic model followed a specific path, in the lutheran world, in the decisive moment of confessionalization and territorialization, when confessional dislocation took root and the Thirty Year’s War and humanism turned the scholarly practice conditions upside down. This study intends to examine the evolution of knowledges and its transmission in connection with the social context : it analyzes the evolution of the disciplines within the framework of faculty chairs, but also the practices of the groups concerned by this. Among the many german universities of this period, Helmstedt commands attention. Thanks to class catalogues and handwritten accounts by the teachers, the university located in the Duchy of Brunswick allows the possibility to reconcile the history of sciences with politics and sociology

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31

Schneider, Ulrich Johannes. "Sachiko Kusukawa: The Transformation of Natural Philosophy. The Case of Philipp Melanchthon, Cambridge University Press (Ideas in Context) 1995, 246 S. (Rezension)." de Gruyter, 1998. https://ul.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A13361.

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Die Studie enthält eine Untersuchung der Naturphilosophie Melanchthons. Sie rekonstruiert die Entwicklung seiner wissenschaftlichen Interpretation des naturphilosophischen Wissens und weist nach, daß die lebenslange Beschäftigung Melanchthons mit naturphilosophischen Problemen ihre Motivation aus Luthers Theologie bezog, wenngleich diese nach einer philosophischen Unterstützung nicht verlangte.

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32

Davis, Cameron. "St. John Chrysostom's and Philip Melanchthon's Views of Justification (ΔΙΚΑΙΩΣΙΣ) in St. Paul's Epistles, With Special Attention to How Their Respective Intellectual Environments Influenced Their Interpretations." DigitalCommons@USU, 2015. https://digitalcommons.usu.edu/etd/4370.

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This thesis compares how Christian thinkers John Chrysostom (349-407 CE) and Philip Melanchthon (1497-1560 CE) understood the theological concept of justification as found in Paul’s epistle to the Romans, and how their respective intellectual environments influenced their understandings of justification. Through detailed analysis of how Chrysostom and Melanchthon defined the theological concepts underlying their views of justification, it is demonstrated that, while their descriptions of justification often seem amicable, these apparent similarities are superficial. Their primary disagreement rests in their understandings of righteousness, which, for Chrysostom, was the outcome of a synergistic process wherein the faithful Christian gradually became, in actuality, more righteous by cooperating with the will and grace of God. Furthermore, Chrysostom viewed righteousness as a distinct stages in one’s struggle for salvation that followed one’s justification. Melanchthon rejected the notion that human beings themselves could become righteous, instead positing that faithful Christians are justified and simultaneously declared righteous by God based solely on their trust in the saving power of Christ’s atoning death.

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33

Gerber, René Joseph. ""Lis avec application les articles... et puis tu jugeras" : la réception des XII articles dans les "Flugschriften" de 1525." Phd thesis, Université de Strasbourg, 2012. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00869938.

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Les auteurs des Flugschriften mènent un combat pour la paix, chacun à sa manière. Luther veut sauvegarder la paix ; l'assemblée commune des autorités et des sujets de l'Ortenau veut rétablir la paix ; Melanchthon veut consolider la paix. De quelle paix s'agit-il ? Tout d'abord, le renoncement à la violence. Il s'agit essentiellement de sauvegarder la paix civile. Les Réformateurs, surtout Melanchthon, associent volontiers cette paix toute " extérieure " à la paix " intérieure que procure Dieu dans le cœur de celui qui place sa confiance en Lui. ". La paix ne peut pas être fondée sur un usage abusif de l'Ecriture. Luther dénonce le Droit divin qui, à ses yeux, relève d'un mésusage de l'Ecriture, et prône le " droit chrétien " : souffrir, et invoquer Dieu. L'assemblée commune des autorités et des sujets à Renchen ignore totalement ce Droit divin. Melanchthon condamne le recours à ce Droit divin. Aux arguments bibliques avancés par les paysans pour justifier leurs griefs et leur programme, Melanchthon en oppose d'autres pour récuser les XII articles. Luther le rappelle aux princes et aux seigneurs : ils doivent s'attacher à la Parole de Dieu ; qu'ils tiennent compte des articles des paysans qui sont souvent " justes et équitables " ; qu'ils engagent des négociations en vue d'une conciliation. Aux princes et aux seigneurs Melanchthon adresse ses suppliques pour assurer la paix future. Luther demande aux paysans de renoncer au Droit divin ; qu'ils adoptent le droit chrétien et qu'ils se gardent des faux prophètes ! Melanchthon déclare : le maintien de la paix implique pour le chrétien quelques renoncements et obligations. L'Ecriture condamne le recours à la violence illégitime.

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Regier, Jonathan N. "Cause in Kepler's Natural Philosophy." Paris 7, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA070068.

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Cette thèse tient à fournir une analyse originale de la causalité chez Johannes Kepler (1571-1630). Elle est divisée en deux parties, selon les deux grandes catégories de causes dans la philosophie naturelle de Kepler : les causes archétypales et efficientes. 1) La première partie se concentrera donc sur les oeuvres majeures de la philosophie archétypale. Nous monterons comment cette philosophie, qui se base sur une synthèse de l'épistémologie mélanchthonienne et du néoplatonisme, a comme objectif principal l'unité de la connaissance. 2) Kepler croyait également que tout changement dans le monde était dû à une force. Il s'est donc chargé de caractériser les forces primaires de la nature, particulièrement la lumière et la force solaire (vis motrix). Ces forces, qui nous occuperont dans la deuxième partie de cette thèse, sont vitales, c'est-à-dire qu'elles sont des facultates animae. Une des conclusions de cette thèse est que sa conception de la force, ainsi que sa méthode en « physique céleste », doivent être comprises sur le fond de la médecine du XVIe siècle, dont un des traits est un hylémorphisme extrêmement syncrétique. Un autre de nos objectifs est de montrer la continuité qui existe entre la causalité archétypale et la causalité efficiente. Elles sont toutes les deux censées expliquer comment les idées géométriques sont quantifiées ou, plus précisément, incorporées. Le vitalisme de Kepler est lui-même une sorte de réflexion mathématique : les âmes sont des entités mathématiques et leurs forces peuvent être décrites comme des proportions actives et incarnées
This thesis provides an original analysis of causality in Johannes Kepler's (1571-1630) natural philosophy. It is split into two parts, according to the two kinds of cause that reign large in Kepler's investigations: the archetypal and the efficient. 1) Part one focuses on the major works of his archetypal philosophy. I will show how this philosophy, based on a synthesis of Melanchthonian epistemology and Neoplatonism, is deeply preoccupied with the unity of knowledge. 2) Kepler also believed, quite naturally, that change was the result of force, and he set himself to explicating the chief forces at work in nature, namely light and the solar vis. These forces are vital, that is, they represent facultates animae. One of my major points in this thesis is that Kepler's method for doing celestial physics, as well as his conception of force, must be understood within the context of sixteenth century medicine and its extremely syncretic brand of hylomorphism. Another will be to show the underlying continuity between archetypal and efficient causes. Both must explain how geometrical ideas are quantified, or, to be more precise, embodied. And both are implicated in the taming of matter with form, where matter is quantity and form is geometrical reason or ratio. Kepler's vitalism is itself a kind of mathematical reflection: souls are mathematical entities and their forces can be described as active and embodied proportions

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Freyburger, Pierre. "Recherches sur le traité des divinations de Caspar Peucer." Paris 10, 1988. http://www.theses.fr/1988PA100045.

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Dans son traite des divinations (1553), Peucer, le gendre et le disciple de Melanchthon, entreprend de définir et d'apprécier les sources du savoir : quelle part de la réalité est offerte à la vue du savant, qui doit y contempler les traces de la providence? Comment distinguer les signes "fondés en nature" des prestiges diaboliques qui les parodient et suscitent des savoirs illusoires et interdits? Apres avoir relevé les lieux communs qu'illustre Peucer, j'analyse l'outillage mental que lui a légué Melanchthon, une synthèse des notions vigoureusement érodées d'un aristotélisme scolaire et de quelques intuitions stoïciennes, pour définir l'ordre de nature et identifier les signes authentiques, Peucer renforce l'intelligibilité que la synthèse de Melanchthon confère au monde par celle que révèle l'évidence de la perversité diabolique dans le cours des évènements. En commentant cette encyclopédie des signes et des causes, je suis dans son travail une pensée à la fois sinueuse, répétitive et dogmatique. Je dois pour cela m'orienter dans la jungle des substances, des formes et des vertus de différents degrés, des actions et des effets, des natures et des "usages", du "consentement", des sympathies et des mélanges, reconstituer les questions auxquelles l'auteur répond sans les avoir posées, et définir sa position face à d'autres, adversaires ou allies. Je m'efforce de montrer les contradictions, mais aussi la profonde cohérence de cette pensée, et d'apprécier, avec son alliance de naïveté, de désinvolture et de mauvaise foi, le type d'intelligence qui se donne libre cours dans une philosophie du bon sens qui répudie le doute et les problèmes.

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Goyet, Francis. "Rhétorique et littérature : le "lieu commun" à la Renaissance, "sive de grandiloquentia"." Paris 12, 1993. http://www.theses.fr/1993PA120007.

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L'expression "lieu commun" ou "lieu communs" a une polysemie considerable de 1515 a 1700 environ : une douzaine d'acceptions, qui se repartissent en un sens i (l'amplification oratoire d'un grand principe), un sens ii (le recueil classe par rubriques) et un sens iii (les lieux "tout court" de la topique, definition, description, etymologie, etc. ) l'enquete a delimite l'importance relative des trois sens. L'essentiel est le sens i, analyse dans les deux premieres parties. L'analyse du de inventione de ciceron montre que le lieu commun ou "indignatio" est le sommet de l'eloquence : par exemple contre le parricide en general. C'est le moment du movere. L'indignation insuffle son emotion irresistible ou "sublime" au discours tout entier, et lui donne ainsi sa coherence. Au xvie siecle, c'est a melanchthon que l'on doit l'importance accordee aux lieux communs. Le reformateur allemand y voit le moyen de transmettre une bonne doctrine. D'ou ces titres de lieux communs pour designer par excellence des sommes theologiques a usage militant, contre les catholiques. Melanchthon critique l'aimahble fourre-tout des compilations erasmiennes, et donne l'exemple d'une indexation methodique (cf. Ramus) et d'analyses de discours non moins methodiques. "lieux communs" en vient ainsi a designer des tentatives d'ordre encyclopedique. Mais on est passe du movere au docere, de la conviction a la transmission des "verites", des normes. Une longue analyse du pour milon de ciceron tente ainsi de mesurer la force et la faiblesse de l'analyse de ce discours par melanchthon
The words 'commpnplace"' and 'commonplaces' have a dozen meanings during the xvith and xviith centuries. We may consider three main meanings : i, the oratorical development of a great principle; ii, a collection organized by headings; iii, the more traditional 'loci', definition, description, etymology, etc. The first is by far the more important. It takes the two first sections (out of three) to analyse it. In the de inventione of cicero, the commpnplace or 'indignatio' is eloquence at its peak : for example, against parricide in general. It is par excellence the time for the movere, for the greatest emotion. Indignation gives irresistible violence or 'sublime' to the whole speech, thus giving it its internal coherence. During the xvith century, melanchthon is the thinker who gives full importance to the commonplaces. The german reformer sees them as the means to teach the doctrine. Hence all these loci communes, title which names first of all theological summae, against the catholics. Melanchthon blames the erasmian taste for compilations of all sorts, and he gives examples of what a methodical indexation (cf. Ramus) should be. 'commonplaces' comes to name any encyclopaedic compilations. In the process, the movere has been lost and replaced by the docere : by the teaching of 'truths' i. E of norms. A long analysis of the pro milome attempts to measure the strong and weak points of melanchthon's own approach

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Jensen, M. L. "Philipp Melanchthon's political philosophy 1518-1547." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2014. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1456359/.

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This thesis gives a historical account of the political philosophy of the Wittenberg reformer Philipp Melanchthon (1497-1560) from his arrival in Wittenberg in 1518 to the end of the Schmalkaldic War in 1547. Whilst scholars have discussed partial aspects of Melanchthon's political thought, this has primarily been with a focus on Melanchthon's theological writings. In contrast, it is a central argument of this thesis that Melanchthon delineated politics as a philosophical discipline distinct from theology. Accordingly, this thesis discusses Melanchthon's specifically political writings in their own right, and in their intellectual and political contexts, to give a fuller account of the development of his political thought. Chapter one analyses Melanchthon's earliest humanist political thought. In the 1525 Oratio de legibus in particular Melanchthon formulated a political position by drawing on Cicero, distinct from contemporary scholastics, renaissance humanists, and from Luther. Chapter two argues that Melanchthon's 1530 commentary on Aristotle's Politics should be understood as a criticism of late medieval Ockhamist political thought. Motivated by the uprisings of 1525, Melanchthon developed an account of political authority on the basis of natural law to undermine Ockhamist arguments that could legitimise rebellion. Chapter three discusses Melanchthon's 1538 Philosophiae moralis epitome. There, Melanchthon developed his account of political authority on the basis of natural law further, drawing on both scholastic and humanist elements, to address contemporary political problems. Chapter four discusses Melanchthon's intervention in the polemics of the Schmalkaldic War. Melanchthon's 1547 Von der Notwehr Unterricht drew on his moral and political philosophy to formulate an alternative theory of resistance to the theological and apocalyptic arguments forwarded by his fellow Lutherans. In conclusion, the thesis shows how Melanchthon's political thought addresses some of the larger questions discussed in the scholarship on sixteenth century political thought, indicating how Melanchthon influenced later political thinkers.

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Ryu, Seongmin [Verfasser], Herman J. [Herausgeber] Selderhuis, Christopher B. [Herausgeber] Brown, Günter [Herausgeber] Frank, Bruce [Herausgeber] Gordon, Barbara [Herausgeber] Mahlmann-Bauer, Tarald [Herausgeber] Rasmussen, et al. "Dulcissimae Carmina Ecclesiae : Theologie und Exegese des Psalmenkommentars Melanchthons / Seongmin Ryu." Göttingen : Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2019. http://www.v-r.de/.

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Graybill, Gregory B. "The evolution of Philipp Melanchthon's thought on free will." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.396164.

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40

Bihlmaier, Sandra [Verfasser], Herman J. Herausgeber] Selderhuis, Christopher B. [Herausgeber] Brown, Günter [Herausgeber] Frank, Bruce [Herausgeber] Gordon, Barbara [Herausgeber] Mahlmann-Bauer, Tarald [Herausgeber] Rasmussen, et al. "Ars et methodus : Philipp Melanchthon’s Humanist concept of philosophy / Sandra Bihlmaier." Göttingen : Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2018. http://www.v-r.de/.

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Bihlmaier, Sandra [Verfasser], Herman J. [Herausgeber] Selderhuis, Christopher B. [Herausgeber] Brown, Günter [Herausgeber] Frank, Bruce [Herausgeber] Gordon, Barbara [Herausgeber] Mahlmann-Bauer, Tarald [Herausgeber] Rasmussen, et al. "Ars et methodus : Philipp Melanchthon’s Humanist concept of philosophy / Sandra Bihlmaier." Göttingen : Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2018. http://www.v-r.de/.

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42

Picon, Marina. "Normes et objets du savoir dans les premiers essais leibniziens." Thesis, Lyon, École normale supérieure, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015ENSL1058.

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La doctrine leibnizienne de la science repose-t-elle sur une théorie de la connaissance? Après avoir montré, dans des travaux préalables, qu’une telle dépendance ne se rencontre pas dans l’œuvre de la maturité, nous nous intéressons ici aux premiers écrits de Leibniz. La Nova Methodus discendae docendaeque Jurisprudentiae (1667) dresse, suivant l’exemple de Bacon, un inventaire raisonné des disciplines que doit réunir la nouvelle encyclopédie. Comme dans les projets leibniziens ultérieurs, cet inventaire est précédé de la distinction entre types de savoir en fonction des critères logiques selon lesquels les propositions se répartissent entre histoires, observations et théorèmes. Nous nous attachons en particulier à la définition de ceux-ci comme propositions « démontrables ex terminis ». Cette norme de la science étant posée, quels fondements in re Leibniz entend-t-il donner au savoir démonstratif ? Prenant pour fil conducteur sa polémique avec l’humaniste Marius Nizolius, nous étudions sa tentative pour fonder la validité des propositions de vérité éternelle sur des universaux subsistant indépendamment de l’existence des individus. Ce n’est cependant que dans les premiers écrits parisiens (1672-1673) que se dégage sa réponse définitive à ce problème : apparue d’abord comme un autre nom de la signification qu’« exprime » une définition, la notion d’idée y prend consistance en tant qu’archétype subsistant en Dieu. Les principaux traits de la théorie leibnizienne de la science sont ainsi fixés, indépendamment de toute « doctrine de l’entendement »
Does Leibniz’s doctrine of demonstrative knowledge rest upon a theory of cognition? Having shown in previous articles that such was not the case in his mature works, we now turn to his early writings. The Nova Methodus discendae docendaeque Jurisprudentiae (1667) contains a reasoned inventory of the disciplines that should constitute the new encyclopaedia. As in later projects, Leibniz precedes this inventory with a classification of the types of knowledge based on the logical criteria according to which propositions are divided in histories, observations and theorems. Particular attention is given to the definition of the latter as propositions « demonstrable ex terminis ».This norm of scientific necessity once defined, what real (in re) foundation does Leibniz give to demonstrative knowledge? Following the various threads offered by his polemic against the Italian humanist Marius Nizolius, we study Leibniz’s attempt to ground the validity of propositions of eternal truth on universals subsisting independently of the existence of individuals. But one has to wait until the first Paris writings (1672-1673) to see the emergence of his mature answer to that problem: first conceived after the model of the significatio which a definition « expresses », the notion of idea reaches its latter ontological status as an archetype subsisting in God’s mind. The principal features of Leibniz’s theory of demonstrative knowledge are thus in place, prior to and independently of what he will later call his « doctrine of the understanding »

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Armogathe, Jean-Robert. "Theologia cartesiana : physique et théologie en Europe au XVIIème siècle." Paris 1, 1998. http://www.theses.fr/1998PA010601.

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Le présent travail est une introduction au système du monde, entre Copernic et Newton. Après avoir étudié le statut de la méthode comme ordre chez Melanchthon et Suarez, l'auteur étudie le fonctionnement de concepts théologiques dans le cadre de la physique moderne : le vide, le temps, la substance rapportes à l'Empyrée, au l'aevum angélique, à la transsubstantiation. De la physica sacra, transposition des écritures saintes en termes de science physique (chez Comenius) jusqu'à la religiophilosophica de Cotton Mather, la science du XVIIIeme sie=ècle se construit dans un contexte scripturaire et religieux. Le cartésianisme ne marque pas une rupture, il est absorbé dans les universités néerlandaises pour la défense d'une nouvelle scholastique, attaquée comme theologia cartesiana
The present dissertation is an introduction to the system of the world, from Copernicus to Newton. The author studies first the status of method as order in Melanchthon and Suarez ; then he shows how theological concepts have been worked out in an epistemological context: vacuum, time, substance are studied with the helpp of theological tools : the empyreum, the aevum, the Eucharist. From the physica sacra, which is a transposition of the scriptures into a scientific scheme (comenius), to the religiophilosophica of cotton mather, xviith century science is built in a religious and metaphysical context. Nor does cartesianism stand aside, being absorbed by the dutch universities in order to fight for new scholasticism and being attacked as theologia cartesiana

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Alderson, Michael Peter. "Melanchthon's authorizing of Luther : an examination of the narrative origins of sixteenth-century historical life-writing." Thesis, Durham University, 2014. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/10572/.

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For many, the Reformation schism from the Roman Church represented a heretical act and a break from an institution with a well-established historical understanding of itself. Early Protestants developed a representation of their history in sophisticated narratives that justified their action and countered the charges of heresy levelled at them; fledgling Protestant history argued its theological orthodoxy by presenting its break from the abuses of the past as a return to the ancient Church’s purity. These narratives indicate that the self-perception of the movements was tied closely to their major proponents; as such, the histories of these few individuals became crucial to an understanding of the movements themselves, and the diverse narrative forms, adopted by sixteenth-century Protestants in numerous chronicles, biographies, hagiographies and sermons relating to Luther’s life, clearly show the quest for a suitable narrative form to make sense of the Reformation. Through an examination of a largely neglected master text of the Lutherbild, Melanchthon’s Historia de vita et actis Reverendiss. viri D. Mart. Lutheri (Erfurt: Gervasius Stürmer, 1548), this thesis identifies the nature of the narrative models used to represent Luther, and thereby recreates the historical consciousness of his first biographer. Given the ‘good’ Catholic backgrounds of the first reformers along with the need to justify the orthodoxy of the Reformation, this analysis shows how the historical consciousness present in early histories demonstrates an orthodoxy and inheritance from well-established narrative models to represent the leaders of Protestantism. Simultaneously, this analysis indicates how in adopting various aspects of the life-writing tradition and through careful selection, Melanchthon establishes an authorized and distinctly Wittenberg image of Luther that has dictated the subsequent understanding of the man and his movement, and that a clearly individual-based and biographical approach has in fact shaped the self-image and understanding of history.

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Schneider, J. R. "Melanchthon's idea of biblical authority as it developed under the influence of his rhetorical theory to 1521." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.233336.

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Ever since Melanchthon assumed the historical role of spokesman for the Lutheran movement in the sixteenth century, debates have raged over his manner of relating human reason to biblical faith. Since the pioneering critical work of H. Heppe in 1854, until quite recently, it was generally agreed upon in the historiographical tradition that Melanchthon was to blame for an excessive and damaging use of humanistic values in developing his Protestant theological position. It has been commonly held that his systematic methods had the result of petrifying the creative, vibrant insights of Luther, that he was, hence, the forerunner of a too rationalistic Protestant scholasticism, that he stressed human realities at the cost of attention to the divine, and finally, that he failed adequately to uphold Luther's crucial principle of sola scriptua in reference to philosophy. The present dissertation has arisen in part from concerns which have been brought forward by a body of research published mainly during the last twenty-five years. It is now a growing interpretative view that the central subject of faith and reason in Melanchthon cannot be accurately assessed apart from thorough knowledge of his pre-Lutheran rhetorical theory, the values and thought-forms of which nearly governed his initial, formative interpretation and expression of Luther's theological teaching. These recent studies have called for more work on the subject of Melanchthon's pre-Lutheran rhetorical doctrines and their influence upon the rise and development of his early Lutheran theology; they have also shown the pressing need for research into the subject of Melanchthon's theoretical understanding of Scripture and of the hermeneutical principles which he applied in forming his theological doctrines. Thus the primary aim of the dissertation is to show how the values and thought-forms of Melanchthon's rhetorical system influenced the idea of biblical authority which he cultivated during his first years at Wittenberg up to the publication of his deeply influential Loci communes of 1521. The main thesis is that the rhetorical thought-forms of the pre-Lutheran period directly and decisively shaped his emerging concepts of Scripture as a diverse but coherent canonical whole, and of biblical perspicuity, efficacy, truthfulness, and inspiration as the unequalled Word of God. Using a mainly chronological method of presentation, the author first discusses the development of Melanchthon's pre-Lutheran system at Heidelberg and Tubingen, secondly, seeks to show how the rhetorical thought-forms influenced each of these several levels of biblical authority in Melanchthon, and, finally, defends the view that a detailed understanding of Melanchthon's idiosyncratic forms of expression will lead eventually to substantial revisions of the aforementioned historiographical traditions.

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46

Park, Joon-Chul. "Philip Melanchthon's Reform of German Universities and its Significance: A Study on the Relationship Between Renaissance Humanism and the Reformation /." The Ohio State University, 1995. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1302881319.

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Pimenta, Pattio Julio Agnelo. "La théorie de la connaissance dans les dialectiques du XVIè siècle de Lorenzo Valla à Pierre de La Ramée : Topique, signification et nature." Thesis, Tours, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017TOUR2007/document.

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La thèse se propose d’étudier le développement des traités de dialectique à la Renaissance, en suivant un parcours chronologique qui mène de Lorenzo Valla à Pierre de La Ramée. Ces auteurs ne sont pas seulement abordés pour leur contribution aux arts du langage, il s’agit également de mettre en évidence la conception de l'esprit humain qu’ils défendent afin de mieux saisir la philosophie de l'esprit que les anime. En cela, notre réflexion ne saurait se limiter à réinsérer ces quelques auteurs majeurs dans la multitude, bien réelle, des traités dialectiques de l’époque. Définie comme « science des sciences », la dialectique présente, à la Renaissance, de fortes affinités avec la rhétorique. Il s'agit donc de comprendre comment l'analyse du langage à la Renaissance, largement tributaire du latin des auteurs classiques, s’oriente vers une topique de l’esprit consacrée aux formes multiples de raisonnement. En développant la discussion sur la dialectique, la thèse prend ainsi le parti d’insister sur le rôle de la théorie de la connaissance
The research proposes to study the development of the dialectical treatises during the Renaissance. In order to achieve this objective a path was chosen, going from Lorenzo Valla to Pierre de La Ramée. These authors are approached not only as offering a reflexion on language, but rather to detect the conception of the intellect they highlight. Having said that, it will not be the case to simply reinsert these authors, central for the understanding of the topic, in the actual swarm of dialectical treatises during the time, but rather to grasp the reflexion concerning the operations of the intellect, that animate them. During the Renaissance, Dialectic and Rhetoric will be brought closer and their cooperation worked in many different ways, the text will thus discuss how the analysis of the language set forth during the time, strongly supported by the Latin of classic authors, will be shifted toward a topic of the intellect, dedicated to multiples forms of reasoning. This 'dialectical' movement was not an uniform one, nevertheless, the works here consulted can be placed within the framework of a growing participation of the theory of knowledge in the discussions about dialectic, understood as the science of sciences

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Sternhagen, Eick [Verfasser]. "Ethik und Drama bei Melanchthon / vorgelegt von Eick Sternhagen." 2007. http://d-nb.info/983438056/34.

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Brdlíková, Kateřina. "Rozhodující momenty dějin luterské reformace v korespondenci Martina Luthera a Philipa Melanchthona." Master's thesis, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-313654.

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This work is an introduction to the part of correspondence of Martin Luther and Philipp Melanchthon, which engages directly in the history of german reformation. It illustrates, how did the both reformators subjectively perceive political, social and religious events in their surroundings and how did they comment it in the letters to their friends. Apart from the correspondence I used Luthers Tabletalks as other important source. Considering the limited range, this work just specializes in the moments of reformational events, which can be found as breakthrough and extraordinarily significant. The work keeps to chronological line to be possible to capture ideal and opinional evolution of Martin Luther, because his thinking was not consistent. The used bibliography serves for interconnection of reflections of reformators to understandable complex and for specification of information, which are accessible in sources.

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Fink, David C. "Divided by Faith: The Protestant Doctrine of Justification and the Confessionalization of Biblical Exegesis." Diss., 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10161/2370.

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This dissertation lays the groundwork for a reevaluation of early Protestant understandings of salvation in the sixteenth century by tracing the emergence of the confessional formulation of the doctrine of justification by faith from the perspective of the history of biblical interpretation. In the Introduction, the author argues that the diversity of first-generation evangelical and Protestant teaching on justification has been widely underestimated. Through a close comparison of first- and second-generation confessional statements in the Reformation period, the author seeks to establish that consensus on this issue developed slowly over the course over a period of roughly thirty years, from the adoption of a common rhetoric of dissent aimed at critiquing the regnant Catholic orthopraxy of salvation in the 1520's and 1530's, to the emergence of a common theological culture in the 1540's and beyond. With the emergence of this new theological culture, an increasingly precise set of definitions were employed, not only to explicate the new Protestant gospel more fully, but also to highlight areas of divergence with traditional Catholic teaching.

With this groundwork in place, the author then examines the development of several key concepts in the emergence of the confessional doctrine of justification through the lens of biblical interpretation. Focusing on two highly contested chapters in Paul's epistle to the Romans, the author demonstrates that early evangelical and Protestant biblical exegesis varied widely in its aims, motivations, and in its appropriation of patristic and medieval interpretations. Chapter 1 consists of a survey of pre-Reformation exegesis of the first half of Rom 2, and the author demonstrates that this text had traditionally been interpreted as pointing to an eschatological final judgment in which the Christian would be declared righteous (i.e., "justified") in accord with, but not directly on the basis of, a life of good deeds. In Chapter 2, the author demonstrates that early evangelical exegetes broke away from this consensus, but did so slowly. Several early Protestant interpreters continued, throughout the 1520's and 1530's, to view this text within a traditional frame of interpretation supplied by Origen and Augustine, and only with Philipp Melanchthon's development of a rhetorical-critical approach to the text were Protestants able to overcome the traditional reading and so neutralize the first half of Rom 2 as a barrier to the emerging doctrine of justification by faith alone.

Chapters 3, 4, and 5 all deal with the reception history of what is arguably the central text in the Reformation debates concerning justification by faith, Rom 3. Chapter 3 turns once more to patristic and medieval interpretation, and here it is argued that that two major strands of interpretation dominated pre-Reformation exegesis. A "minority view" contrasted justification with works of the ceremonial law, arguing that Paul's assertion of justification "apart from works of the law" was aimed at highlighting the insufficiency of the Jewish ceremonial law in contrast with the sacraments of the Catholic church. In contrast with this view, the "majority view" (arising again from Origen and Augustine) argued that the contrast was properly viewed as one between justification and works of the moral law, thus throwing into sharp relief the problem of justification in relation to good works. This tradition generally followed Augustine in drawing a contrast between works of the law performed prior to, and following upon, the initiation of justification as a life-long process of transformation by grace, but at the same time insisted that this process ultimately issued in the believer fulfilling the demands of the moral law. In Chapter 4, I turn to Luther's early exegesis of Rom 3, as seen in his lectures from 1515. In contrast with Luther's own description of his "Reformation breakthrough" later in life, I argue that Luther did not arrive at his new understanding of justification in a flash of inspiration inspired by Augustine; rather, his early treatment of Romans is unimpeachably Catholic and unmistakably Augustinian, although there are indications even in this early work that Luther is not entirely satisfied with Augustine's view. In Chapter 5, I consider the ways in which Luther's followers develop his critique of the Augustinian reading of justification in the first generation of the Reformation. Throughout this period, it was unclear whether Protestant exegesis of Paul would resolve itself into a repristinization of patristic theology, inspired in large part by Augustine, or whether it would develop into something genuinely new. The key turning point, I argue, came in the early 1530's with Melanchthon's rejection of Augustine's transformative model of justification, and his adoption in its place of a strictly forensic construal of Paul's key terms. Many of Melanchthon's fellow reformers continued to operate within an Augustinian framework, however as Melanchthon's terms passed into wider acceptance in Protestant exegesis, it became increasingly apparent that the Protestant reading of Paul could not ultimately be reconciled with patristic accounts of justification.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Melanchthon'

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