Journal articles on the topic 'Mende (African people) Mende (African people)'

Whenever historians of Africa write: “According to tradition…”, they evade the crucial question of what kind of oral tradition they are referring to. The assumption that oral tradition is something more or less of the same nature throughout Africa, or indeed the world, still permeates many studies on African history; and even those who have themselves collected oral material seldom pause to consider how significant this material is or how it compares with that available in other areas.The majority of studies of oral tradition have been written by people who worked with fairly formal traditions; and those who, after reading such studies, go and work in societies where such traditions do not exist are often distressed and disappointed. There is therefore still a need for localized studies of oral tradition in different parts of Africa. As far as Sierra Leone is concerned, no work specifically devoted to the nature of oral tradition has been published, despite several valuable publications on the oral literature of the Limba and Mende. The notes that follow are intended to give a rough picture of the kind of oral material I obtained in a predominantly Mende-speaking area of Sierra Leone in 1977-78 (supplemented by a smaller number of interviews conducted in 1973-75, 1980, and 1984). My main interest was in the eighteenth and nineteenth century history of what I have called the Galinhas country, the southernmost corner of Sierra Leone.I conducted nearly all of my interviews through interpreters and did not use a tape recorder more than a very few times. This was partly because the amount of baggage I could carry on foot was limited, but also because I soon found that some informants were disturbed by the tape recorder, and because it was difficult to catch on tape the contributions of all the bystanders.

Opening ParagraphThe masks and associated traditions of the people of the central Guinea coast of West Africa are among the most obvious and well-known features of the contemporary cultural landscape of the region. For some time social anthropologists have described the functions of the masks as social control mechanisms (Horton, 1976). Recently anthropologists have been elucidating these cultural items in terms of symbolic or structural analyses (Fischer and Himmelheber, 1976; Jdrej, 1976; MacCormack, 1980; Phillips, 1978). So far the studies concerned with symbolism, where they have not been explicitly general and theoretical (Jdrej, 1980; Tonkin, 1979), have confined themselves to a particular culture or a particular mask or subset of masks.

: I argue that the emerging genre of autofiction provides a number of useful techniques and methods by which postcolonial writers engage with the politics of memory in their depiction of a number of largely forgotten brutalities committed by the European imperial powers during the colonial era. More specifically, two of the elements of autofictional practice that have been of particular interest to postcolonial writers are its capacity to mediate between individual and collective forms of memory on the one hand; while also radically destabilizing notions of absolute truth and authenticity on the other. Drawing on research into the relationship between writing and forms of public commemoration, the article analyses Fred D’Aguiar’s portrayal of the killing of African slaves thrown overboard the slave ship Zong in 1781 in Feeding the Ghosts (1997); Kamila Shamsie’s depiction of the massacre of demonstrators protesting against colonial rule in India in Peshawar in 1930 in A God in Every Stone (2014); and Jackie Kay’s homage to the sinking of the SS Mendi, a ship carrying southern African non-combatant personnel to assist in the British effort in World War One in “Lament for the Mendi Men” (2011). It will suggest that even though these texts are not strictly works of autofiction, the techniques afforded by that genre are useful to those writers seeking to draw attention towards a number of neglected historical events. Colonial massacres, enslavement of people and naval disasters during the imperial period have received far less historical or cultural memorialization than other more widely recognized historical events such as VE Day or the Somme. By establishing these events as being culturally and morally important to remember, the article will argue, autofiction provides a number of tools for engaging with the politics of public memory and commemorative events in the present

Besides the fact that sexual relationships have been understood and misunderstood in different ways, the possibility of sexual abuse remains a big issue amongst African South Africans. It has been sexual relationships, amongst other factors, that have been widely used by one gender to dominate the other. Sometimes this happens because women, because of their defencelessness, are perceived to enjoy the kind of sexual abuse they are subjected to. It is from this kind of attitude that some people, particularly men, come to the conclusion that sexual intercourse is another form of hospitality that can be offered to women. This kind of thinking has been fuelled by the traditional rejection of singlehood or widowhood and other related situations that women find themselves in. It is for this reason that polygamy, levirate marriage and cohabitation have crept into the minds of some men. This paper will attempt to unveil how thinking of sexual intercourse as extending a form of hospitality has encouraged the domination and abuse of women in the African context. The study will also unveil how the gift of sex has been misunderstood and misinterpreted in order to subject women to sexual violence and harassment. Afgesien van die feit dat seksuele verhoudinge op verskillende wyses verstaan en misverstaan is, bly die moontlikheid van seksuele misbruik ‘n groot probleem onder Suid-Afrikaanse Afrikane. Dit was nog altyd seksuele verhoudinge, sowel as ander faktore, wat wyd deur een geslag gebruik is om die ander geslag te domineer. Soms gebeur dit omdat gedink word dat vroue, as gevolg van hulle weerloosheid, die soort seksuele misbruik waaraan hulle blootgestel word geniet. Voortvloeiend hieruit ontstaan die houding dat sommige mense, veral mans, tot die gevolgtrekking kom dat seksuele gemeenskap ‘n vorm van gasvryheid is wat vroue behoort te geniet. Hierdie soort denke word aangehelp deur die tradisionele verwerping van enkellopende vroue en weduwees en ander soortgelyke situasies waarin vroue hulleself bevind. Dit is om hierdie rede dat poligamie, swaershuwelike en saambly sommige mans se denke insluip. Hierdie artikel sal poog om aan te toon hoe ‘n denkbeeld van seksuele omgang as ‘n vorm van gasvryheid die dominasie en mishandeling van vroue in die Afrika-konteks versterk is. Die studie sal ook aantoon hoe die “geskenk” van seksuele omgang vroue meer blootstel aan seksuele geweld en mishandeling.

This reflection will analyze the strategies used by two Latin American black writers to present the theme of blackness in the 19th century. On one side, the autobiography written by the cuban Juan Francisco Manzano (1835), the only autobiography text that shows one Latin American semiliterate slave black man that nar-rates your life in exchange for your liberty. On the other side the narrative written by Maria Firmina dos Reis, a free black woman considered the first female novelist in Brazil: Úrsula (1859), an abolitionist text whose main characters are white, surprises by giving voice to the slave people, who narrate their memories in Africa and are aware of their condition. Theoretical references will be used about the novel as a form of projection of an ideal future (Sommer, 2004), abolitionist texts as thesis novel (Jeffers, 2013), mask of speechlessness (Kilomba, 2019) and cimarronagem’s pedagogy (Mendes, 2019) intending to revise the Latin American literary canon in an inclusion proposal the two narratives to mandatory readings in the Litera-ture studies in the Latin American universities.

O A. interpreta o II Fórum Mundial de Teologia e Libertação a partir de dois pontos de vista: no primeiro, em forma de crônica, descreve o evento, sua programação e suporte organizacional, realça momentos transcendentes, sonda perspectivas de futuro e ensaia uma breve avaliação; no segundo, deixando-o ecoar na mente e no coração, detecta e explicita o grito sufocado de uma África em grande medida desconhecida e esquecida – grito à racionalidade ocidental, aos privilegiados de um planeta enfermo, aos pobres e excluídos do mundo, à Igreja, aos teólogos e à teologia.Abstract: The Author interprets the Second World Forum on Theology and Liberation from two points of view: in the first – a chronicle – he describes the event, its programming and organizational support, highlights its transcendent moments, examines future prospects and attempts to write a brief assessment; in the second, he detects, explains – and lets reverberate in his mind and in his heart – the stifled cry of an Africa to a large measure unknown and neglected. This is a cry on behalf of the poor and excluded people of the world directed to Western rationality, to the privileged of a sick planet, to the Church, the theologians and theology.

La importancia de los rituales funerarios en el África subsahariana ha sorprendido a los observadores, quienes, independientemente de la diversidad de los rituales, los han relacionado con el dominio del grupo sobre el individuo y con el proceso del perpetuo retorno de los muertos entre los vivos. La evolución interna de las religiones africanas tradicionales, llamadas religiones del terruño, ha hecho surgir formas culturales más elaboradas en torno a los antepasados de prestigio, intermediarios entre el mundo humano y el universo invisible. Dicha evolución preparó la aceptación de las religiones reveladas, que no han modificado totalmente los rituales mortuorios ni han eclipsado por completo la creencia en los antepasados y en la reencarnación. Lo que transforma los rituales funerarios y la idea de la muerte son los fenómenos vinculados con la modernidad, en particular el éxodo rural y la emigración a lugares lejanos. A partir de ciertas referencias a los principales conocimientos sobre la muerte y los ritos funerarios del África subsahariana y a partir de dos investigaciones de campo, una llevada a cabo en el Senegal y la otra en Francia, el autor de este artículo se esfuerza por analizar el sentido de la transformación de la idea de la muerte y de los ritos funerarios que se puede observar hoy en día al sur del Sáhara.Abstract: The importance of funeral ritual in Black Africa has impressed the observers. They have analysed these rites as reflecting the group’s domination of the individual and as expressing a process of perpetual return of dead among living people. The internal evolution of traditional African religions has produced more sophisticated cults concerning prestigious ancestors, intermediate between human and invisible world. Such an evolution has prepared the arrival of the revealed faiths which have not completely transformed the funeral rites nor destroyed the beliefs in ancestors and in reincarnation. These rituals have been above all transformed by the modern life and processes like migration and rural exodus. This article uses references to the main knowledge concerning death and funeral rites in Africa and the results of two surveys made recently in Senegal and in France to analyse the meaning of the changes of the idea of death one can observe today in the south of Sahara.Résumé : L’importance des rituels funéraires en Afrique subsaharienne a frappé les observateurs qui les ont reliés, au-delà de leur diversité, à la domination du groupe sur l’individu et à un processus de retour perpétuel des morts parmi les vivants. L’évolution interne des religions africaines traditionnelles, appelées religions du terroir, a fait émerger des formes cultuelles plus élaborées autour d’ancêtres prestigieux, intermédiaires entre le monde humain et l’univers invisible. Cette évolution a préparé l’acceptation des religions révélées qui n’ont pas modifié totalement les rituels mortuaires ni tout à fait éclipsé la croyance aux ancêtres et à la réincarnation. Ce sont les phénomènes liés à la modernité, en particulier l’exode rural et les migrations lointaines, qui transforment les rituels funéraires et l’idée de la mort. A partir de références aux principales connaissances sur la mort et les rites funéraires en Afrique subsaharienne et à partir de deux recherches de terrain, l’une menée au Sénégal et l’autre en France, cet article s’efforce d’analyser le sens des transformations de l’idée de la mort et des rites funéraires que l’on peut observer aujourd’hui au sud du Sahara.

This article reports the experiences of people with oculocutaneous albinism in South Africa. Oculocutaneous albinism is an inherited disorder characterised by the defective production of melanin, with little or no pigmentation in the skin, hair and eyes. This condition is found globally, with a high prevalence in sub-Saharan Africa and in clusters in South America. People with this condition are often stigmatised and discriminated against owing to myths and superstitions held by the public about the condition. To date no studies have explored the psychosocial aspects of oculocutaneous albinism. A qualitative study was conducted in Johannesburg, South Africa during 2007 where a purposive sample of 15 members of the black population with oculocutaneous albinism participated in in-depth individual phenomenological interviews. One central question was posed to facilitate the interviews: Could you please share your experience as a person with albinism? Data from the interviews were analysed using Collaizi’s qualitative data analysis method and three main themes emerged: (1) perceptions of the internal environment, for example the self; (2) experiences in the external environment, for example family and community; and (3) the need for selfdevelopment and growth based on their experiences. Recommendations are made to enhance the self-concept of and promote a sense of belonging, self-development and growth in people with oculocutaneous albinism.OpsommingHierdie aanbieding is ‘n verslag oor bevindings van die ervaring van persone met okulokutaneuse albinisme in Suid-Afrika. Okulokutaneuse albinisme is ‘n oorerflike afwyking, gekenmerk deur ‘n gebrekkige melanien produksie. Daar is min of geen pigmentasie in die vel, hare en oë nie. Hierdie toestand word wêreldwyd aangetref met ‘n hoër voorkoms in sub-Sahara Afrika en groepe in Suid Amerika. Mense met hierdie toestand het dikwels ‘n stigma en daar word teen hulle gediskrimineer as gevolg van mites en bygelowe van die publiek oor die toestand. Tot datum het geen studies die psigososiale aspek van hierdie toestand ondersoek nie. ‘n Kwalitatiewe studie is in Johannesburg, Suid-Afrika uitgevoer in 2007. ‘n Doelgerigte steekproef van 15 swart mense met okulokutaneuse albinisme het deel geneem aan in diepte individuele fenomenologiese onderhoude. ‘n Sentrale vraag was gestel om die onderhoude te fasiliteer: Kan u asseblief u ervaring as ‘n persoon met albinisme deel?”’ Data van die onderhoude was geanaliseer deur van Collaizi’s se kwalitatiewe data analise metode gebruik te maak. Drie hooftemas het te voorskyn gekom, naamlik: (1) persepsies van die interne omgewing byvoorbeeld die self; (2) ervarings van die eksterne omgewing, byvoorbeeld die familie en die gemeenskap; en (3) die behoefte vir self ontwikkeling en groei gebaseer op hulle ervarings. Aanbevelings is gemaak deur die navorsers om self konsep uit te lig , en om ‘n gevoel van ‘behoort aan’, self ontwikkeling en groei in mense met okulokutaneuse albinisme te bevorder.

It seems that many people who are seeking meaning and purpose in their lives, are exploring spirituality as a way of providing greater levels of understanding of their life journeys. The focus of this research was to ascertain the meaning and purpose that spirituality gives to peoples’ lives. This study was based on interviews conducted with ten professionals at middle and senior management levels, in a South African Financial Services company. A thematic analysis approach was used within the qualitative research paradigm. Respondents indicated through various themes, that having a spiritual perspective in life, helps them create meaning and purpose in their lives. Opsomming Dit wil voorkom of baie mense wat na sin en betekenis in hulle lewens soek, die moontlikhede van spiritualiteit verken as ’n wyse om hoër vlakke van insig in hul lewensreise te bewerkstellig. Die fokus van hierdie navorsing was om vas te stel watter sin en betekenis spiritualiteit aan mense se lewens gee. Hierdie studie is gebaseer op tien onderhoude wat met professionele persone op middel en senior bestuursvlakke in ’n Suid-Afrikaanse dienstemaatskappy gevoer is. ’n Tematiese ontledingsbenadering binne die kwalitatiewe navorsingsparadigma is gebruik. Respondente het aan die hand van ’n verskeidenheid temas aangedui dat ’n spirituele lewensperspektief tot sin en betekenis in hul lewens bydra.

The escalating rate of AIDS-related deaths in South Africa has led to an increase in social scientific research on the perceptions and Experiences of people suffering from AIDS by focusing on their physical health and emotional well-being. Opsomming Die styging in die getal VIGS-verwante sterftes in Suid-Afrika het gelei tot 'n toename in sosiaalwetenskaplike navorsing oor die persepsies en belewenisse van mense met VIGS, met die fokus op hul fisieke Gesondheid en emosionele welsyn. *Please note: This is a reduced version of the abstract. Please refer to PDF for full text.

Organisational talent is internationally regarded a key success factor in a competitive world and is continuously challenged. In South Africa, the Apartheid heritage further presents major challenges regarding developmental opportunities of talented people. Co-operative education presents, as structured educational strategy that progressively integrates academic study with learning through productive work experiences, itself as a means to grow the talent of the South African people. As result of the inadequate practice of co-operative education and a fair amount of associated resistance, ‘classical’ literature is reviewed. The literature review further identifies the core properties of co-operative education and the study has attempted to distil the core principles of a phenomenological research design. The specific ‘phenomena’ which the research focused on are existing joint ventures between Higher Education institutions and business enterprises aimed at educating people and growing talent. Selections of the voices of the research participants are presented in this article. Although the present study identifies several shortcomings regarding the practice of co-operative education, it pioneers the notion that the growing of talent can be enhanced through a co-operative education strategy. OpsommingOrganisatoriese talent word internasionaal beskou as ’n sleutelfaktor in ’n kompeterende wêreld en word dus voortdurend aan uitdagings onderwerp. In Suid Afrika stel die nagevolge van Apartheid grootskaalse uitdagings ten opsigte van die ontwikkelings moontlikhede van talentvolle mense. Koöperatiewe onderwys bied, as gestruktureerde opvoedkundige strategie wat progressief akademiese leer met produktiewe werkservaring integreer, ’n geleentheid om die talent van Suid-Afrikaners op te bou. ‘Klasieke’ literatuur word weegegee ten einde die ontoereikende beoefening van koöperatiewe onderwys en ’n gepaartgaande redelike mate van weerstand aan te spreek. Die literatuurstudie identifiseer verder die kerneienskappe van koöperatiewe onderwys en probeer om die vernaamste eienskappe van ’n fenomenologiese studie raak te vat. Die spesifieke ‘fenomene’ waarop die studie fokus, is die bestaande samewerking tussen tersiêre instellings en besigheidsondernemings om mense op te lei en hul talent te ontwikkel. Geselekteerde uitsprake van die deelnemers aan die studie word weergegee en alhoewel daar verskeie tekortkominge rakende die beoefening van koöperatiewe onderwys geïdentifiseer is, verteenwoordig die studie baanbrekerswerk op die terrein van die rol van koöperatiewe onderwys in die ontwikkeling van talent.

‘He who does not care for his own people is worse than a heathen’: A peek behind the scenes of the Orania community Henry van der Burgt The town of Orania stands out in contemporary South Africa as a community with the objective to restore Afrikaner freedom. For this purpose, the town strives towards self-determination: the community has its own land, its own institutions, and does its own labor. Following my ethnographic fieldwork, this article describes one critical event in which Orania allowed me, as an outsider, to take a peek behind the scenes. By analyzing this incident as a social drama we can look past the homogeneity through which Orania presents itself, and see meaningful differences of opinion with regard to how the community responds to outsiders.

According to SADAG (South African Depression and Anxiety Group) there are 23 suicides and 230 serious suicide attempts in South Africa every day. The dynamics of suicide is highly complex and there are no simple explanations or easy answers. The SADAG article shows that suicidal thoughts during times of crisis are much more common than the average person would care to admit. Believers are no exception. Suicide offers an inviting escape from difficult circumstances to a desperate person. As such, suicide confronts the pastoral counsellor with a stressful and terrifying challenge. This article explores pastoral principles that can help a counsellor provide guidance to women on matters related to suicide and offers information on suicide in three parts. The first part of the article investigates the implications of suicidal thoughts or attempts and the effect of an actual suicide on the people who remain behind. The second part examines how the church’s views on suicide have changed over the centuries. The third and final part applies the outcomes of the first two sections to offer guidelines for current-day pastoral guidance to women based on scientific research into the field of practical theology.Pastorale beginsels vir die begeleiding van vroue ten opsigte van selfmoord. Volgens SADAG (South African Depression and Anxiety Group) is daar daagliks 23 selfmoordgevalle en 230 ernstige selfmoordpogings in Suid-Afrika. Die dinamiek rondom selfmoord is hoogs kompleks en daar bestaan geen eenvoudige verduidelikings en maklike antwoorde hieromtrent nie. Die SADAG-artikel toon aan dat selfmoordgedagtes in krisistye baie meer algemeen is as wat die deursnee mens sou wou erken. Dit is ook geen uitsondering by gelowiges nie. Vir die desperate persoon kan dit selfs ’n aanloklike uitkoms in moeilike omstandighede wees. Vir die pastorale berader is hierdie kwessie ’n stresvolle en vreesaanjaende uitdaging. Hierdie artikel stel ondersoek in na pastorale beginsels wat van belang is vir die begeleiding van vroue ten opsigte van selfmoord, en bied inligting rondom die kwessie in drie dele aan. Eerstens is daar ’n ondersoek na die implikasies van selfmoordgedagtes en -pogings sowel as die effek van so ’n daad op die mense wat agterbly. Tweedens word die kerk se verskillende opvattings deur die eeue ten opsigte van selfmoord bespreek; en derdens word die bevindings van eersgenoemde twee dele aan die hand van wetenskaplike navorsing in die pastorale begeleiding aan vroue ondersoek.

This article is a contribution to a project that congratulates from the work of George Lotter, a pastor, pastoral counsellor and academic who wrote much on matters relating to pastoral care and counselling. Elderliness and retirement can be understood as a period in the lives of elderly people that allows them to rest after a long life of activity and service. From another point of view, old age is also a time that offers pastoral caregivers an opportunity to care for people who have contributed to their families and society. Pastoral caregivers have an important role to play in the lives of elderly people. This applies particularly to elderly black South Africans, who often find themselves confronted by poverty and other related problems. This article investigates the challenges and problems affecting retired and elderly black South Africans with particular focus on the economic impact of aging and its influence on family relationships in the lives of elderly people. To conclude: it is the duty of pastoral caregivers to search for and establish guidelines for the roles the church can play in improving elderly people’s quality of life.’n Pastorale ondersoek na enkele van die uitdagings ten opsigte van veroudering en aftredein die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks. Hierdie artikel is ’n bydrae tot ’n projek wat voorspruit uit die werk van George Lotter, ’n pastor, pastorale berader en akademikus wat baie geskryf het oor kwessies wat met pastorale sorg en berading verband hou. Bejaardheid en aftrede kan verstaan word as ’n tyd in in ouer persone se lewe waartydens hulle kan rus ná ’n lang aktiewe en diensbare lewe. Bejaardheid kan ook gesien word as ’n tyd wat aan pastorale versorgers die geleentheid gee om na die mense wat bygedra het tot hulle families en die gemeenskap se versorging, om te sien. Pastorale versorgers speel ’n belangrike rol in die lewens van bejaardes. Dit is spesifiek van toepassing op bejaarde swart Suid-Afrikaners wat dikwels gekonfronteer word met armoede en aanverwante probleme. Hierdie artikel ondersoek die uitdagings en probleme waarmee bejaarde swart Suid-Afrikaanse afgetredenes te kampe het. Dit fokus spesifiek op die ekonomiese uitwerking van veroudering en die invloed wat dit op familieverhoudinge in die lewens van bejaardes het. Die slotsom word gemaak dat dit die plig van pastorale versorgers is om riglyne te soek en te bied vir die rol wat die kerk kan speel ter verbetering van die lewensomstandighede van die bejaardes.

Hierdie artikel fokus op die implikasies van die derde gebod met betrekking tot haatspraak in Suid-Afrika (SA) vandag. Die artikel gaan uit van die standpunt dat die name van God op sy wese dui. Die name van God soos dit in die bybelse openbaringsgeskiedenis ontwikkel word, druk die gemeenskapskarakter van God se verhouding met mense en die skepping uit. Die betekenis van die name kulmineer in die Nuwe-Testamentiese uitdrukkings Vader en God is liefde. Alle verbale gedrag wat hierdie gemeenskaps- en liefdesverhouding inhibeer, oortree die derde gebod. Die misbruik van die Naam van God vind onder andere plaas wanneer mense, wat na die beeld van God geskep is, gedegradeer word deur haatspraak, omdat sodanige degradering die gemeenskap en liefde tussen God en die mens skend. Ten slotte word sekere gevalle van haatspraak soos dit vandag in Suid-Afrika voorkom, teologies-eties belig teen die agtergrond van die betekenis van die derde gebod. Hierdie vorms sluit religieuse, rassistiese, xenofobiese, seksistiese en homofobiese haatspraak in.This article focuses on the implications of the third commandment for hate speech in modern-day South Africa. The article contends that the names of God are expressions of his Being. The names of God as they are developed in the biblical history of revelation express his creation of covenantal community and restored relations with humankind and creation. The meaning of the names of God culminates in the New Testament expressions Father and God is love. Verbal actions that inhibit the new community created by God or violate love transgress the third commandment. Misuse of the name of God occurs among others when people, created in the image of God, are verbally degraded by hate speech because such degradation violates the community of love between God and humankind. In conclusion, the article indicates forms of hate speech in South Africa that should be dealt with in the light of the third commandment. These are acts of racist, xenophobic, sexist, religious and homophobic hate speech.

Farm workers living in and around the Vredefort Dome World Heritage Site are some of the most vulnerable people in South Africa. Research by means of a case study with four participants from this group examined the following question: How do vulnerable people continue preaching the Word in this environment by ministering to other vulnerable people with the sermons that they have heard? The case study considered both the environment and the circumstances in which these participants live. This research aimed to establish what it means to preach to those who are vulnerable and how such preaching can be continued by the hearers. A case study by means of a qualitative empirical investigation called upon a few of the vulnerable hearers to speak.Thefindings included that the participants to this case study do not spread the sermons further on a regular basis, but they would be able to edify and encourage other vulnerable persons with it if needed. If they do talk to each other about the sermon directly after the worship service (like it was done during the interviews), their confidence to proclaim the message to other vulnerable people who do not participate in the worship services will increase. Plaaswerkers wat in die omgewing van die wêrelderfenisgebied, die Vredefortkoepel, woon, is van die mees weerlose wesens in Suid-Afrika. ’n Gevallestudie, waaraan vier van hierdie persone deelgeneem het, is gedoen. Dit het oor die volgende vraag gehandel: Hoe word preke wat aan weerloses bedien word deur hulle aan ander in hulle omgewing wat in dieselfde omstandighede verkeer, voortgedra? Die omgewing waarin die deelnemers woon en hulle lewensomstandighede is nagegaan. Daar is gepoog om vas te stel wat onder prediking aan weerloses verstaan word en hoe sodanige prediking deur die hoorders verder versprei kan word. Die gevallestudie, wat deur middel van ’n kwalitatiewe empiriese ondersoek plaasgevind het, het enkele van die weerlose hoorders self aan die woord laat kom. Die bevinding was dat die deelnemers hieraan nie die preke op ʼngereelde basis verder laat weerklink nie, maar dat hulle wel in staat sou wees om ander weerlose persone daarmee te versterk en te bemoedig. Indien hulle wel onmiddellik na die diens met mekaar oor die preek van die dag sou gesels (soos dit in die onderhoude gedoen is), kan die vrymoedigheid groei om die boodskap ook aan ander weerlose mense wat nie aan die erediens deelgeneem het nie, oor te dra.

How are social boundaries created and how are they maintained? To an extent, the way people look, dress and talk demarcates cultural markers that distinguish them from others − hence, giving them a sense of self-categorisation and self-identity. However, with time such collective identity might need readjustment when people from another culture become insiders and neighbours within the perceived social boundaries. Regarding this, James Dunn noted that a challenge of social cohesion between the Jews and the Gentiles existed during the 1st century, necessitated by the conversion of Gentiles to Christianity. In response, to keep their exclusive collective identity, the Jews demanded that the Gentiles observe Jewish law. This article develops Dunn’s view that the observance of Jewish law provided implicit social exclusion strategies towards the Gentiles. However, Dunn did not elaborate further concerning the strategies upon which Gentiles were excluded. As contribution to fill that void, this article drew on strategies of inclusion and exclusion from the analogy of migration in South Africa and elsewhere.Hoe word sosiale en kulturele grense geskep en onderhou? Tot ’n mate bewerkstellig die manier waarop mense uiterlik voorkom, aantrek en praat kulturele kenmerke wat sekere groepe van ander onderskei, en verleen so aan hulle ’n bepaalde identiteit en klassifisering. So ’n gemeenskaplike identiteit moet mettertyd aangepas word as mense van ander kulture met ander gebruike deel word van die binnekring. In hierdie verband merk James Dunn op dat, in die eerste eeu na Christus, die Jode en heidene aangespoor is tot ’n samehorigheidsgevoel wat deurdie bekering van heidene tot die Christendom genoodsaak is. In reaksie hierop het die Jode aanvanklik verwag dat die heidene die Joodse wet moes nakom. Hierdie artikel bou op Dunn se siening, naamlik dat die onderhouding van die Joodse wet sosiale strategieë ontwikkel het wat die heidene onvoorwaardelik uitgesluit het. Dunn brei egter nie verder oor die sogenaamde strategieë uit nie. In hierdie artikel word gepoog om hierdie leemte aan te vul deur middel van ’n vergelyking met kontemporêre migrasie in Suid-Afrika en die strategieë van insluiting en uitsluiting wat bespeur word in sulke kontekste, te verdiskonteer.

This practical-theological article focuses on the spiritual dimension of forces that are influencing the social fabric of post-apartheid South Africans. Working with Eswine’s assumption, we reflect on the hold of idols on the hearts and minds of people. The spiritual powers at work in society develop into idols and place their own desires above God’s purpose for humanity and creation. Rather than serving the ends of human life, the powers exercise dominion over human beings, restricting and dehumanising them and destroying the fabric of integrated social life by means of the blinding and hardening hold of idolatry. In the post-apartheid South African society this idolatry manifests in the illusion of power flowing from entitling oneself to self-aggrandisement and in the false sense of stability flowing from the efforts of the middle class in establishing a sophisticated first-world enclave aimed at protecting themselves from the third-world masses. The purpose is to develop the contours for a homiletic theory aimed at shattering the obstinate hold of idols by means of the prophetic act of ministering the living presence of the crucified and resurrected Christ in the hearts and minds of preachers and listeners. A theory is envisioned for an iconoclast action that originates from a different power and wisdom base than is the case with the dominating forces and the hold of their idols,namely a field of force with the integrating presence of the risen Christ at its heart; a space where a liberated and reconciled humanity will be able to flourish.Die verbryseling van die afgode: Die konfrontering van die hardnekkige houvas van verontmenslikende kragte op post-apartheid Suid-Afrikaners met die lewende teenwoordigheid van die gekruisigde en opgestane Here. Hierdie prakties-teologiese artikel, fokus op die geestelike dimensie van magte wat in ’n post-apartheid Suid-Afrikaanse samelewing ’n invloed op die sosiale omgewing uitoefen. Die uitgangspunt van Eswine dien as aansporing vir die besinning oor die houvas wat afgode op die harte en gedagtes vangelowiges het. Die funksionering van geestelike magte in die samelewing word ondersoek. Hierdie magte verhef hulself tot afgode en plaas hulle eie begeertes bo God se wil vir die skepping en die mens. In plaas daarvan om God se wil vir die onderhouding van die menslike lewe te eerbiedig oefen hierdie magte heerskappy oor mense uit deur afgodery waardeur die geïntegreerdheid van die samelewing gedisintegreer word. Mense word verblind om die invloed van afgodery in hulle lewens te vestig. In ‘n post-apartheid Suid-Afrikaanse samelewing manifesteer dit deur die illusie van mag voortvloeiend uit selfverheerliking, as ook in die middelklas se koorsagtige poging om hulleself in `n gemaklike eerste-wêreldenklawe te isoleer as beskerming teen die Derdewêreldse massas. Die outeurs wil ‘n homiletiese teorie vir die verydeling van afgodery ontwerp wat in die teenwoordigheid van die gekruisigde enopgestane Christus in die harte en gedagtes van hoorders gegrond is. Hierdie kragveld open ’n lewensruimte waarin gelowiges, bevry van die mag van afgodery, versoend sal kan floreer.

The goals of the Abstinence and Be Faithful Among Youth (ABY) project were to enhance local responses among the youth in South Africa to prevent HIV infection through encouraging abstinence,faithfulness and avoidance of unhealthy sexual behaviour among youths over a five-year period. A quantitative baseline evaluation of the ABY project was conducted in five cities in South Africa. Data were collected from learners and youths just before the ABY intervention started at nine randomly selected sites in Johannesburg, Cape Town, Durban, Port Elizabeth and Mthatha using a three-stage cluster sampling design. In total, nine sites were randomly selected from a possible eighteen. At each of the data-collection points, data were collected from 60 participants. In total there were 27 data-collection points and 1620 respondents. Young people have strong views on abstaining from sexual intercourse, as 83% said that it was possible not to have sex for as long as you can. There was also strong support for abstinence, as 78.5% said that not having sex was the best way of preventing infection with HIV. In total, 68.1% of the youths said that the media had a positive influence on encouraging abstinence and 72.1% said role models could help them not to have sex, while 84.3% said that leadership and life skills workshops were helpful in encouraging them to abstain from sex. In total, 68.7% of young people said that the media encouraged faithfulness in relationships and 84.6% said that life skills workshops were helpful in encouraging them to remain faithful to one partner. Young people have strong views on and support for abstinence. They also have strong views on and perceptions of remaining faithful to one partner. These findings are a valuable guide to the views and perceptions of young people with respect to abstinence and faithfulness before interventions are implemented. Opsomming Die doel van die Abstinence and Be Faithful for Youth (ABY) projek was om die plaaslike reaksie onder jong mense te versterk ten einde MIV-infeksies te voorkom deur onthouding, getrouheid en vermyding van ongesonde seksuele gedrag onder die jeug oor ’n vyfjaar-tydperk aan te moedig.’n Kwantitatiewe basislyn-evaluering van die ABY-projek is in vyf stede in Suid Afrika uitgevoer.Data is van leerders en jongmense by nege lukraak gekose plekke in Johannesburg, Kaapstad,Durban, Port Elizabeth en Mthatha met behulp van ’n klustermonsternemingsontwerp in drie fases ingesamel kort voor die ABY-intervensie begin het. In totaal is nege plekke lukraak gekies uit ’n moontlike agtien. By elke data-insamelingspunt is data van 60 deelnemers verkry. In totaal was daar 27 data-insamelingspunte en 1620 respondente. Jongmense het sterk menings oor seksuele onthouding, aangesien 83% gesê het dat dit moontlik is om seksuele omgang vir so lank moontlik te vermy. Daar was ook sterk ondersteuning vir onthouding, aangesien 78% gesê het dat onthouding die beste voorkomingsmaatreël vir MIV-infeksie is. Wat die media betref, het 68.1% van die jongmense aangedui dat dit ’n positiewe invloed het om onthouding aan te moedig en 71.1% het aangedui dat rolmodelle hulle kan help om nie seks te beoefen nie, terwyl 84.1% aangedui het dat leierskaps- en lewensvaardigheidswerkswinkels hulle gehelp het om hulle van seks te onthou. In totaal het 68.7% van die jongmense aangedui dat dit getrouheid in vaste verhoudings aanmoedig en 84.6% het aangedui dat lewensvaardigheidswerkswinkels hulle aangemoedig het om getrou aan een persoon te wees. Jongmense het sterk menings oor onthouding en ondersteun dit ten sterkste.Hulle het ook sterk menings oor en persepsies van getrouheid aan een metgesel. Hierdie bevindinge is ’n waardevolle riglyn oor jongmense se menings en persepsies rakende onthouding en getrouheid voordat intervensies geïmplementeer word.

Change management theory is extensive, and organisations constantly adapt to and embrace change. In post-apartheid South Africa we are building a racially integrated business environment and society, and leverage its competitive re-entry into the world business arena. Research to date has found that the majority of change initiatives fail due to resistance caused by poor conceptualisation and planning, and the lack of proper integration of the people and business dimensions of change. The model to implement a successful change program will be designed using a combination of readily available skills and techniques. Its development and testing will take place within the context of three case studies. OpsommingDie teorie van veranderingsbestuur is omvattend. Organisasies moet op konstante wyse daarby aanpas en dit integreer. In Post-Apartheid Suid-Afrika bou ons tans ’n ras geïntegreerde besigheidsomgewing en gemeenskap, en benut dit maksimaal in ons toetrede tot die mededingende wêreld besigheidsarena. Huidige navorsing het bevind dat die meeste veranderingsinitiatiewe faal weens weerstand teen verandering wat deur swak konseptualisering en beplanning, en ’n gebrek aan behoorlike integrering van mense en die besigheidsdimensies van verandering veroorsaak is. Die model om ’n suksesvolle veranderingsprogram te implementeer, sal ontwerp word met geredelik beskikbare vaardighede en tegnieke. Die ontwikkeling en toetsing sal binne die konteks van drie gevallestudies plaasvind.

Migration has been a fact of Judaeo-Christian life since the days when Abram left Ur of the Chaldeans to find God’s promised land. It has become a far greater reality since the late 20th century, mainly as a result of wars, intranational conflicts, and natural disasters. As a result we have to deal with a larger number of internally or externally displaced persons (migrants) in Africa at the beginning of the 21st century than ever before. At the same time Africa reports on record numbers in terms of church growth. It is therefore clear that migration and Christian mission to migrants are serious items on the agenda of Christian mission in Africa. The article argues that migration is largely a result of a growing phenomenon of dehumanisation in Africa and worldwide: people tend to regard other people no longer as fellow human beings, created in the image of God. For this reason a very important missionary responsibility is topromote humanisation according to the gospel proclaimed by the new human being, Jesus of Nazareth. This calls for human development of migrants as well as indigenous Christians. It is my contention that the Christian community in Africa has not yet grasped this missionary vocation as it should have. Therefore, the article argues that Christian mission in Africa faces the task of humanising relationships between indigenous Christians and other migrants, and that this can be done through a well-developed programme of human development in which both migrants and indigenous Christians should participate. Sending, migrasie en menslike ontwikkeling: ’n Nuwe benadering. Migrasie is ’n realiteit van die Judese-Christelike lewe sedert Abram Ur van die Galdeërs verlaat het om God se beloofde land te vind. Dit het egter ’n groter realiteit geword sedert die laat twintigste eeu hoofsaaklik as gevolg van oorloë, intranasionale konflik en natuurrampe. As gevolg hiervan moes daar na ’n groter getal migrante in Afrika omgesien word aan die begin van die een-en-twintigste eeu as ooit tevore. In dieselfde periode het die kerk in Afrika met rekordgetalle gegroei. Dit behoort duidelik te wees dat migrasie en Christensending aan migrante hoog op die agenda van Christensending in Afrika behoort te wees. Hierdie artikel spruit voort uit die veronderstelling dat migrasie hoofsaaklik die gevolg van die groeiende verskynsel van verontmensliking (dehumanisering) in Afrika en wêreldwyd is, naamlik om ander mense nie as die beeld van God te erken nie. Om hierdie rede is dit die verantwoordelikheid van sending om menslike ontwikkeling aan die hand van die evangelie, soos dit deur die nuwe mens, Jesus van Nasaret verkondig is, te bevorder. Dit is ’n roeping wat geldend is ten opsigte van migrante sowel as plaaslike Christene. Hierdie artikel veronderstel dat die Christelike gemeenskap nog nie hierdie sendingroeping na behore verstaan nie en sien die taak van sending in Afrika daarom as die vermensliking (humanisering) van die verhouding tussen plaaslike Christene en ander migrante. Hierdie doel kan verwesenlik word deur ’n behoorlik ontwikkelde program van menslike ontwikkeling waarin sowel migrante as Christene moet deel hê.

This paper explores South African hip-hop activist Emile YX?'s work to suggest that he presents an alternative take on mainstream US and South African hip-hop. While it is arguable that a great deal of mainstream hip-hop is commercially co-opted, it is clear that a significant amount of US hip-hop (by Angel Haze or Talib Kweli, for example) and hip-hop beyond the US (by Positive Black Soul, Godessa, Black Noise or Prophets of da City, for example) present alternatives to its co-option. Emile YX? pushes for an alternative to mainstream hip-hop's aesthetics and politics. Foregoing what Prophets of da City call “mindless topics” (Prophets of da City “Cape Crusader”), he employs hip-hop to engage audiences critically about social and political issues, including language and racial identity politics. Significantly, he embraces AfriKaaps, which is a challenge to the hegemonic speech variety of Afrikaans. From Emile's perspective, AfriKaaps preceded Afrikaans because it was spoken by slaves during the Cape colonial era and was later culturally appropriated by Afrikaner Nationalists in the apartheid era to construct white, Afrikaner identity as pure and bounded. AfriKaaps in hip-hop therefore presents an alternative to mainstream US-centric hip-hop in South Africa (via AKA or Cassper Nyovest, for example) as well as Afrikaner Nationalist representations of Afrikaans and race by promoting multilingual hip-hop aesthetics, which was initially advanced by Prophets of da City in the early '90s.Pursuing Alternative TrajectoriesEmile YX?, a former school teacher, started out with the Black Consciousness-aligned hip-hop crew, Black Noise, as a b-boy in the late 1980s before becoming an MC. Black Noise went through a number of iterations, eventually being led by YX? (aka Emile Jansen) after he persuaded the crew not to pursue a mainstream record deal in favour of plotting a career path as independent artists. The crew’s strategy has been to fund the production and distribution of their albums independently and to combine their work as recording and performing artists with their activism. They therefore arranged community workshops at schools and, initially, their local library in the township, Grassy Park, before touring nationally and internationally. By the late 1990s, Jansen established an NGO, Heal the Hood, in order to facilitate collaborative projects with European and South African partners. These partnerships, not only allowed Black Noise crew members to continue working as hip-hip activists, but also created a network through which they could distribute their music and secure further bookings for performances locally and internationally.Jansen’s solo work continued along this trajectory and he has gone on to work on collaborative projects, such as the hip-hop theatre show Afrikaaps, which looks critically at the history of Afrikaans and identity politics, and Mixed Mense, a b-boy show that celebrates African dance traditions and performed at One Mic Festival at the Kennedy Center in Washington DC in 2014 (48 Hours). This artist’s decision not to pursue a mainstream record deal in the early 1990s probably saved Black Noise from being a short-lived pop sensation in favour of pursuing a route that ensured that Cape hip-hop retained its alternative, Black Consciousness-inspired subcultural edge.The activism of Black Noise and Heal the Hood is an example of activists’ efforts to employ hip-hop as a means of engaging youth critically about social and political issues (Haupt, Stealing Empire 158-165). Hence, despite arguments that the seeds for subcultures’ commercial co-option lie in the fact that they speak through commodities (Hebdige 95; Haupt, Stealing Empire 144–45), there is evidence of agency despite the global reach of US cultural imperialism. H. Samy Alim’s concept of translocal style communities is useful in this regard. The concept focuses on the “transportability of mobile matrices – sets of styles, aesthetics, knowledges, and ideologies that travel across localities and cross-cut modalities” (Alim 104-105). Alim makes the case for agency when he contends, “Although global style communities may indeed grow out of particular sociohistoric originating moments, or moments in which cultural agents take on the project of creating ‘an origin’ (in this case, Afrodiasporic youth in the United States in the 1970s), it is important to note that a global style community is far from a threatening, homogenizing force” (Alim 107).Drawing on Arjun Appadurai’s concepts of ethnoscapes, financescapes, ideoscapes and mediascapes, Alim argues that the “persistent dialectical interplay between the local and the global gives rise to the creative linguistic styles that are central to the formation of translocal style communities, and leads into theorizing about glocal stylizations and style as glocal distinctiveness” (Appadurai; Alim 107). His view of globalisation thus accommodates considerations of the extent to which subjects on both the local and global levels are able to exercise agency to produce new or alternative meanings and stylistic practices.Hip-Hop's Translanguaging Challenge to HegemonyJansen’s “Mix en Meng It Op” [“Mix and Blend It / Mix It Up”] offers an example of translocal style by employing translanguaging, code mixing and codeswitching practices. The song’s first verse speaks to the politics of race and language by challenging apartheid-era thinking about purity and mixing:In South Africa is ek coloured and African means black raceFace it, all mense kom van Africa in the first placeErase all trace of race and our tribal divisionEk’s siek en sat van all our land’s racist decisionsMy mission’s om te expose onse behoort aan een rasHou vas, ras is las, watch hoe ons die bubble barsPlus the mixture that mixed here is not fixed, sirStir daai potjie want ons wietie wattie mixtures wereThis illusion of race and tribe is rotten to the coreWhat’s more the lie of purity shouldn’t exist anymoreLook at Shaka Zulu, who mixed all those tribes togetherMixed conquered tribes now Amazulu foreverHave you ever considered all this mixture before?Xhosa comes from Khoe khoe, do you wanna know more?Xhosa means angry looking man in Khoe KhoeSoe hulle moet gemix het om daai clicks to employ(Emile YX? “Mix en Meng It Op”; my emphasis)[In South Africa I am coloured and African means black raceFace it, all people come from Africa in the first placeErase all trace of race and our tribal divisionI’m sick and tired of all our land’s racist decisionsMy mission’s to expose the fact that we belong top one raceHold on, race is a burden, watch as we burst the bubble Plus the mixture that mixed here is not fixed, sirStir that pot because we don’t know what the mixtures wereThis illusion of race and tribe is rotten to the coreWhat’s more the lie of purity shouldn’t exist anymoreLook at Shaka Zulu, who mixed all those tribes togetherMixed conquered tribes now Amazulu foreverHave you ever considered all this mixture before?Xhosa comes from Khoe khoe, do you wanna know more?Xhosa means angry looking man in Khoe KhoeSo they must have mixed to employ those clicks]The MC does more than codeswitch or code mix in this verse. The syntax switches from that of English to Afrikaans interchangeably and he is doing more than merely borrowing words and phrases from one language and incorporating it into the other language. In certain instances, he opts to pronounce certain English words and phrases as if they were Afrikaans (for example, “My” and “land’s”). Suresh Canagarajah explains that codeswitching was traditionally “distinguished from code mixing” because it was assumed that codeswitching required “bilingual competence” in order to “switch between [the languages] in fairly contextually appropriate ways with rhetorical and social significance”, while code mixing merely involved “borrowings which are appropriated into one’s language so that using them doesn't require bilingual competence” (Canagarajah, Translingual Practice 10). However, he argues that both of these translingual practices do not require “full or perfect competence” in the languages being mixed and that “these models of hybridity can be socially and rhetorically significant” (Canagarajah, Translingual Practice 10). However, the artist is clearly competent in both English and Afrikaans; in fact, he is also departing from the hegemonic speech varieties of English and Afrikaans in attempts to affirm black modes of speech, which have been negated during apartheid (cf. Haupt “Black Thing”).What the artist seems to be doing is closer to translanguaging, which Canagarajah defines as “the ability of multilingual speakers to shuttle between languages, treating the diverse languages that form their repertoire as an integrated system” (Canagarajah, “Codemeshing in Academic Writing” 401). The mix or blend of English and Afrikaans syntax become integrated, thereby performing the very point that Jansen makes about what he calls “the lie of purity” by asserting that the “mixture that mixed here is not fixed, sir” (Emile XY? “Mix en Meng It Op”). This approach is significant because Canagarajah points out that while research shows that translanguaging is “a naturally occurring phenomenon”, it “occurs surreptitiously behind the backs of the teachers in classes that proscribe language mixing” (Canagarajah, “Codemeshing in Academic Writing” 401). Jansen’s performance of translanguaging and challenge to notions of linguistic and racial purity should be read in relation to South Africa’s history of racial segregation during apartheid. Remixing Race/ism and Notions of PurityLegislated apartheid relied on biologically essentialist understandings of race as bounded and fixed and, hence, the categories black and white were treated as polar opposites with those classified as coloured being seen as racially mixed and, therefore, defiled – marked with the shame of miscegenation (Erasmus 16; Haupt, “Black Thing” 176-178). Apart from the negative political and economic consequences of being classified as either black or coloured by the apartheid state (Salo 363; McDonald 11), the internalisation of processes of racial interpellation was arguably damaging to the psyche of black subjects (in the broad inclusive sense) (cf. Fanon; Du Bois). The work of early hip-hop artists like Black Noise and Prophets of da City (POC) was therefore crucial to pointing to alternative modes of speech and self-conception for young people of colour – regardless of whether they self-identified as black or coloured. In the early 1990s, POC lead the way by embracing black modes of speech that employed codeswitching, code mixing and translanguaging as a precursor to the emergence of music genres, such as kwaito, which mixed urban black speech varieties with elements of house music and hip-hop. POC called their performances of Cape Flats speech varieties of English and Afrikaans gamtaal [gam language], which is an appropriation of the term gam, a reference to the curse of Ham and justifications for slavery (Adhikari 95; Haupt Stealing Empire 237). POC’s appropriation of the term gam in celebration of Cape Flats speech varieties challenge the shame attached to coloured identity and the linguistic practices of subjects classified as coloured. On a track called “Gamtaal” off Phunk Phlow, the crew samples an assortment of recordings from Cape Flats speech communities and capture ordinary people speaking in public and domestic spaces (Prophets of da City “Gamtaal”). In one audio snippet we hear an older woman saying apologetically, “Onse praatie suiwer Afrikaan nie. Onse praat kombius Afrikaans” (Prophets of da City “Gamtaal”).It is this shame for black modes of speech that POC challenges on this celebratory track and Jansen takes this further by both making an argument against notions of racial and linguistic purity and performing an example of translanguaging. This is important in light of research that suggests that dominant research on the creole history of Afrikaans – specifically, the Cape Muslim contribution to Afrikaans – has been overlooked (Davids 15). This oversight effectively amounted to cultural appropriation as the construction of Afrikaans as a ‘pure’ language with Dutch origins served the Afrikaner Nationalist project when the National Party came into power in 1948 and began to justify its plans to implement legislated apartheid. POC’s act of appropriating the denigrated term gamtaal in service of a Black Consciousness-inspired affirmation of colouredness, which they position as part of the black experience, thus points to alternative ways in which people of colour cand both express and define themselves in defiance of apartheid.Jansen’s work with the hip-hop theater project Afrikaaps reconceptualised gamtaal as Afrikaaps, a combination of the term Afrikaans and Kaaps. Kaaps means from the Cape – as in Cape Town (the city) or the Cape Flats, which is where many people classified as coloured were forcibly relocated under the Group Areas Act under apartheid (cf. McDonald; Salo; Alim and Haupt). Taking its cue from POC and Brasse vannie Kaap’s Mr FAT, who asserted that “gamtaal is legal” (Haupt, “Black Thing” 176), the Afrikaaps cast sang, “Afrikaaps is legal” (Afrikaaps). Conclusion: Agency and the Transportability of Mobile MatricesJansen pursues this line of thought by contending that the construction of Shaka Zulu’s kingdom involved mixing many tribes (Emile YX? “Mix en Meng It Op”), thereby alluding to arguments that narratives about Shaka Zulu were developed in service of Zulu nationalism to construct Zulu identity as bounded and fixed (Harries 105). Such constructions were essential to the apartheid state's justifications for establishing Bantustans, separate homelands established along the lines of clearly defined and differentiated ethnic identities (Harries 105). Writing about the use of myths and symbols during apartheid, Patrick Harries argues that in Kwazulu, “the governing Inkatha Freedom Party ... created a vivid and sophisticated vision of the Zulu past” (Harries 105). Likewise, Emile YX? contends that isiXhosa’s clicks come from the Khoi (Emile YX? “Mix en Meng It Op”; Afrikaaps). Hence, the idea of the Khoi San’s lineage and history as being separate from that of other African communities in Southern Africa is challenged. He thus challenges the idea of pure Zulu or Xhosa identities and drives the point home by sampling traditional Zulu music, as opposed to conventional hip-hop beats.Effectively, colonial strategies of tribalisation as a divide and rule strategy through the reification of linguistic and cultural practices are challenged, thereby reminding us of the “transportability of mobile matrices” and “fluidity of identities” (Alim 104, 105). In short, identities as well as cultural and linguistic practices were never bounded and static, but always-already hybrid, being constantly made and remade in a series of negotiations. This perspective is in line with research that demonstrates that race is socially and politically constructed and discredits biologically essentialist understandings of race (Yudell 13-14; Tattersall and De Salle 3). This is not to ignore the asymmetrical relations of power that enable cultural appropriation and racism (Hart 138), be it in the context of legislated apartheid, colonialism or in the age of corporate globalisation or Empire (cf. Haupt, Static; Hardt & Negri). But, even here, as Alim suggests, one should not underestimate the agency of subjects on the local level to produce alternative forms of expression and self-representation.ReferencesAdhikari, Mohamed. "The Sons of Ham: Slavery and the Making of Coloured Identity." South African Historical Journal 27.1 (1992): 95-112.Alim, H. Samy “Translocal Style Communities: Hip Hop Youth as Cultural Theorists of Style, Language and Globalization”. Pragmatics 19.1 (2009):103-127. Alim, H. Samy, and Adam Haupt. “Reviving Soul(s): Hip Hop as Culturally Sustaining Pedagogy in the U.S. & South Africa”. Culturally Sustaining Pedagogies: Teaching and Learning for Educational Justice. Ed. Django Paris and H. Samy Alim. New York: Teachers College Press, Columbia University, 2017 (forthcoming). Appadurai, Arjun. Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Modernity. London: University of Minnesota Press, 1996.Canagarajah, Suresh. Translingual Practice: Global Englishes and Cosmopolitan Relations. London & New York: Routledge, 2013.Canagarajah, Suresh. “Codemeshing in Academic Writing: Identifying Teachable Strategies of Translanguaging”. The Modern Language Journal 95.3 (2011): 401-417.Creese, Angela, and Adrian Blackledge. “Translanguaging in the Bilingual Classroom: A Pedagogy for Learning and Teaching?” The Modern Language Journal 94.1 (2010): 103-115. Davids, Achmat. The Afrikaans of the Cape Muslims. Pretoria: Protea Book House, 2011.Du Bois, W.E.B. The Souls of Black Folk. Journal of Pan African Studies, 1963, 2009 (eBook).Erasmus, Zimitri. “Introduction.” Coloured by History, Shaped by Place. Ed. Zimitri Erasmus. Cape Town: Kwela Books & SA History Online, 2001.Fanon, Frantz. “The Fact of Blackness”. Black Skins, White Masks. London: Pluto Press: London, 1986. 48 Hours. “Black Noise to Perform at Kennedy Center in the USA”. 11 Mar. 2014. <http://48hours.co.za/2014/03/11/black-noise-to-perform-at-kennedy-center-in-the-usa/>. Haupt, Adam. Static: Race & Representation in Post-Apartheid Music, Media & Film. Cape Town: HSRC Press, 2012.———. Stealing Empire: P2P, Intellectual Property and Hip-Hop Subversion. Cape Town: HSRC Press, 2008. ———. “Black Thing: Hip-Hop Nationalism, ‘Race’ and Gender in Prophets of da City and Brasse vannie Kaap.” Coloured by History, Shaped by Place. Ed. Zimitri Erasmus. Cape Town: Kwela Books & SA History Online, 2001.Hardt, Michael and Antonio Negri. Empire. London & Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 2000.Hart, J. “Translating and Resisting Empire: Cultural Appropriation and Postcolonial Studies”. Borrowed Power: Essays on Cultural Appropriation. Eds. B. Ziff and P.V. Roa. New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1997.Harries, Patrick. “Imagery, Symbolism and Tradition in a South African Bantustan: Mangosuthu Buthelezi, Inkatha, and Zulu History”. History and Theory 32.4, Beiheft 32: History Making in Africa (1993): 105-125. Hebdige, Dick. Subculture: The Meaning of Style. London: Routledge, 1979.MacDonald, Michael. Why Race Matters in South Africa. University of Kwazulu-Natal Press: Scottsville, 2006.Salo, Elaine. “Negotiating Gender and Personhood in the New South Africa: Adolescent Women and Gangsters in Manenberg Township on the Cape Flats.” Journal of European Cultural Studies 6.3 (2003): 345–65.Tattersall, Ian, and Rob De Salle. Race? Debunking a Scientific Myth. College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 2011.TheatreAfrikaaps. Afrikaaps. The Glasshouse, 2011.FilmsValley, Dylan, dir. Afrikaaps. Plexus Films, 2010. MusicProphets of da City. “Gamtaal.” Phunk Phlow. South Africa: Ku Shu Shu, 1995.Prophets of da City. “Cape Crusader.” Ghetto Code. South Africa: Ku Shu Shu & Ghetto Ruff, 1997.YX?, Emile. “Mix En Meng It Op.” Take Our Power Back. Cape Town: Cape Flats Uprising Records, 2015.

Background: South Africa is experiencing one of the worst HIV epidemics, which varies by province and by districts within each province.Objective: To explore and compare HIV trends and patterns between two provinces in South Africa. Method: ‘Know your epidemic’ synthesis suggests that HIV prevalence is rising in older age groups and falling in younger people. Using secondary data analyses of population-based and antenatal care surveillance (ANC) surveys, we explored trends and patterns in HIV prevalence in KwaZulu-Natal and Western Cape.Results: Even though KwaZulu-Natal has the highest HIV prevalence in the country (15.5% compared with 3.8% in the Western Cape), there is considerable recent decline (6%) in HIV prevalence in KwaZulu-Natal, compared with a 2% increase in the Western Cape, based on ANC data, in youth aged 15 to 24 years. These results are consistent with those from a population-based survey where a decline of 0.3% in HIV prevalence in KwaZulu-Natal was observed as compared with an increase of 0.7% in Western Cape youth. Both ANC results and population-based surveys conducted in different years show a decline in HIV prevalence amongst youth in KwaZulu-Natal compared with an increase in the same age group in the Western Cape. HIV infection in this age group is associated with recent infection, thus indicating an increasing epidemic in the Western Cape compared with KwaZulu-Natal.Conclusion: Interventions aimed at curbing infections such as sexual abstinence and condom promotion in this age group need to be implemented extensively in the Western Cape. These should include HIV counseling and testing campaigns. Agtergrond: Suid-Afrika ondervind een van die ergste MIV-epedemies, wat verskil ten opsigte van elke provinsie en distrik en binne elke provinise. Doelstelling: Om MIV-voorkoms en -patrone tussen twee provinises in Suid-Afrika te ondersoek en vergelyk.Metode: ‘Ken jou epidemie’ sintese dui daarop dat die voorkomssyfer van MIV in ouer ouderdomsgroepe styg en daal by jonger mense. Ons het sekondêre data analieses van bevolkingsgebaseerde en swangerskapsorg waarnemingsopnames (ANC) gebruik om neigings en patrone in MIV-voorkoms in Kwa-Zulu Natal en die Wes-Kaap, vas te stel.Resultate: Ofskoon Kwa-Zulu Natal die hoogste voorkoms in Suid-Afrika (15.5% vergelyk met 3.8% in die Wes-Kaap) het, is daar ‘n aansienlike onlangse afname (6%) in die voorkoms van MIV in Kwa-Zulu Natal waargeneem, vergelyk met die 2% verhoging in die Wes-Kaap, gebasseer op ANC data, in jongmense in die ouderdomsgroep 15–24 jaar. Hierdie resultate is konsekwent met dié van die bevolkingsgebaseerde opname, waar ‘n afname van 0.3% in MIV-voorkoms in Kwa-Zulu Natal waargeneem is, vergelyk met ‘n toename van 0.7% in die jeug van die Wes-Kaap. Altwee die ANC-resultate en die bevolkings-gebaseerde opnames wat in verskillende jare uitgevoer is, wys ’n afname in MIV-voorkoms onder die jeug in Kwa-Zuly Natal vergelyk met ’n toename onder dieselfde ouderdomsgroep in die Wes-Kaap. MIV-infeksie onder hierdie ouderdomsgroep word verbind met ’n onlangse infeksie, wat ’n toename van die epidemie in die Wes-Kaap, vergelyk met Kwa-Zulu Natal aandui.Gevolgtrekkings: Ingryping, wat daarop gemik is om infeksies soos seksuele onthouding en die reklame van kondome vir hierdie ouderdomsgroep, behoort wyd in die Wes-Kaap geimplementeer te word. Hierdie behoort voorligtings- en toetsveldtogte in te sluit.

South African communities are still greatly affected by the high rate of infection with HIV or who are living with AIDS, mirrored in the 2008 overall national HIV prevalence of 29.3%(UNAIDS 2010:10). In addressing the challenge, the health system is dependent on community care level workers such as caregivers to render health promotion and education in the homes and communities. The caregivers based in the communities are the ones with first-hand information on what is needed for the success of health promotion programmes. This study, aimed at exploring the challenges faced by the health promoters, described their perceptions regarding a health promotion programme for families with adolescents orphaned as a result of AIDS. Data were collected on the purposively selected participants at the rural Hammanskraal region in South Africa and the research question: ‘What is your perception regarding health promotion programmes for families with adolescents orphaned as a result of AIDS’ was asked and discussed by participants in a focus group interview. Data were analysed using the adapted Tesch method to organize and isolate the main categories, sub-categories and themes. The following main categories were isolated: attitudes of adolescents, effectiveness of home visits, need for health education and limited resources. Based on the findings, it was therefore recommended that health care planners assist in the improvement of health promotion and education by using the community and national media, providing information material and providing access to the internet in order to allow more people, including young people, to access the information.Suid-Afrikaanse gemeenskappe word steeds grootliks beïnvloed deur die hoë vlak van MIV en vigs, soos weerspieël in die algehele nasionale MIV-syfer in 2008 van 29.3% (UNAIDS 2010:10). In die aanspreek van hierdie uitdaging is die gesondheidstelsel afhanklik van gemeenskapsorgwerkers om gesondheidsbevordering en -opleiding aan huise en gemeenskappe te voorsien. Die versorgers wat in die gemeenskap werk, het eerstehandse inligting oor wat nodig is om die sukses van programme vir gesondheidsbevordering te verseker. Hierdie studie, wat ten doel het om die uitdagings van gesondheidspromotors te verken, beskryf hul persepsie ten opsigte van ’ngesondheidsbevorderingsprogram vir families met adolessente wat wees gelaat is as gevolg van vigs. Data is op die doelbewus geselekteerde deelnemers in die landelike Hammanskraal-streek in Suid-Afrika ingesamel en die volgende navorsingvraag is in ’nfokusgroep-onderhoud gevra en bespreek: ‘Wat is jou persepsie oor die gesondheidsbevorderingsprogram vir families met adolessente wat ouerloos gelaat is as gevolg van MIV en vigs?’ Die data is met behulp van die aangepaste Tesch-metode geanaliseer om die hoof- en sub-kategorieë, asook die temas te organiseer en isoleer. Die volgende hoof-kategorieë is uitgesonder: die houdings van adolessente, die doeltreffendheid van huisbesoeke, die behoefte aan gesondheidsopvoeding en beperkte hulpbronne. Gebaseer op hierdie bevindinge is die aanbeveling dat die gesondheidsorgbeplanners bydra tot die verbetering van gesondheidsbevordering en -opvoeding deur die gebruik van gemeenskaps- en nasionale media, die beskikbaarstelling van inligtingsmateriaal en die voorsiening van internet om meer mense, insluitende jongmense, die geleentheid te bied om toegang tot die inligting te verkry.

Despite the large number of people currently living in poverty in sub-Saharan Africa, the debate about the definition and meaning of poverty continues. Two distinct problems exist regarding the measurement of poverty, namely the difficulty of identifying the poor in a population and the difficulty in developing an index for the measurement of poverty. The main objective of the survey was to apply a poverty model for determining the depth of poverty in an informal settlement in the Vaal Region, as well as the impact of possible income-generating activities on the community. A questionnaire, which had been devised for measuring poverty indicators, was administered to 429 randomly selected households in the informal settlement, with the poverty model being applied to measure the degree of poverty. The results of the survey showed that 286 households lived in poverty at the time. The impact of extra income on the poverty levels of these 286 households was then determined. The results of the survey also showed that the unemployment level was 91% and that the mean monthly income was R612.50. The average poverty gap was R1017.21, with the poverty gap ratio being 56%. The poverty model showed that an increase of R500 in monthly household income resulted in a poverty gap ratio of 35%. The results indicated that the community was a poverty-stricken community, suffering from chronic food insecurity. The results of the study will be used to facilitate the planning and implementation of sustainable, income-generating, community-based interventions aimed at promoting urban food security and alleviating poverty in the community in question. OpsommingTen spyte van die groot hoeveelheid mense wat steeds wêrelwyd in armoede leef, duur die debat oor die definisie en betekenis van armoede nog altyd voort. Daar word twee definitiewe probleme met die meting van armoede ervaar, naamlik die identifisering van die armes in 'n gemeenskap, en die ontwikkeling van 'n indeks vir die meet van armoede. Die hoofdoel van hierdie studie was om 'n armoedemodel vir die dieptemeting van armoede in 'n informele nedersetting in die Vaal-area toe te pas, en om die impak van moontlike aktiwiteite wat inkomste genereer in dieselfde gemeenskap te bepaal. 'n Vraelys wat ontwerp is om armoede aan te dui en te meet is ewekansig aan 429 huishoudings in die informele nedersetting uitgedeel om te voltooi en die armoedemodel is toegepas om die diepte van armoede te meet. Die resultate het getoon dat 286 huishoudings in armoede leef. Die impak van ekstra inkomste op armoedevlakke is in die 286 huishoudings bepaal. Die resultate het verder getoon dat die werkloosheidsvlak 91% was en dat die gemiddelde maandelikse huishoudelike inkomste R612.50 was. Die gemiddelde armoedegaping was R1017.21, met 'n armoedegapingverhouding van 56%. Die armoedemodel het getoon dat 'n verhoging van R500 in maandelikse huishoudelike inkomste die armoedegapingverhouding na 35% verlaag het. Die resultate het bewys dat hierdie 'n armoedige gemeenskap met kroniese voedselonsekerheid was. Die uitkoms van die studie sal gebruik word vir die beplanning en implementering van gemeenskapgebaseerde ingrypings om volhoubare inkomste te genereer om stedelike voedselsekerheid te bevorder en die armoede in hierdie gemeenskap te verlig.

Although most of the causes of visual impairment and blindness in the developing world are treatable, many people do not receive eye care attention. The appropriate use of eye care services is a key factor to reducing visual impairment and blindness in any community. However, eye care services are not always provided, accessible or utilized and do not always meet the needs of specific groups; one such group is older adults. The purpose of this study was to evaluate the use of eye care services in adults aged 60 years and older living in the eThekwini district of KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. Information regarding the use of eye care services was collected from 1008 participants through a questionnaire interview using items derived from the World Health Organization multi-country World Health Survey administered by trained field workers. The participants included 77.3% females and 22.7% males. Their mean age was 68.9 ± 7.4 years (range = 60 to 103 years). Less than half (38.7%) of the participants thought that they should have their eyes tested every year. Although many (57.4%) knew where to go to get treatment for eye problems or to have their eyes tested, a significant proportion (42.5%) did not know. Almost a third (32.8%) felt that they need to get treatment for an eye problem or to have their eyes tested. Less than one third(25.2%) indicated that they last visited a health facility for an eye test 2-5 years ago. Above one third (38.3%) reported that they were told they could not see at distance, 22% reported that theywere told that they had reduced capacity to see at near, while 23.4% and 9.2% respectively were told they had had eye infections or cataracts. Of these, 59.7% stated that new glasses were recom-mended to them as treatment, 22.7% were recommended eye drops and 7.8% had cataract surgery recommended. Most (80.5%) reported that they received the recommended treatment while 19.5% reported that they did not. Of those who reported not receiving the treatment, 36.4% stated that it was due to inability to afford the treatment recommended while 29.1% stated that they were unable to get the treatment due to long waiting times.The majority of participants (86.9%) agreed that the treatment they received solved their eye problems. Knowledge about regular eye examinations and available eye care services was poor amongparticipants in this study. This suggests the need for awareness campaigns and early intervention programmes. Furthermore, cost of services had a significant influence on the affordability of eye care services among participants. (S Afr Optom 2011

Die fokus van hierdie artikel is om aan te toon dat pedoseksualiteit en pedofilie ’n uitdaging aan die pastoraat en die kerk stel. Nie net in Suid-Afrika nie, maar ook internasionaal is pedoseksuele gedrag ’n wydverspreide probleem. Navorsing op hierdie gebied is ’n pastorale uitdaging. Volgens baie mense is seksueel-afwykende gedrag nie iets wat in die Christengemeenskap voorkom nie. Dit is egter ver van die waarheid af. Pedoseksualiteit en pedofilie kom voor in alle beroepe, op alle sosio-ekonomiese vlakke, in alle ouderdomme, kulture en seksuele oriëntasies en in alle gelowe. Pedofilie word in twee hoofgroepe verdeel, naamlik die situasionele kindermolesteerder en die voorkeur-kindermolesteerder. Die wortels van pedofilie lê normaalweg in die kinderjare terwyl die seksuele wanorde gedurende adolessensie ontwikkel. Drie tipes lewenservaring op ’n vroeë ouderdom word aangedui as aanleidend tot pedoseksualiteit, naamlik seksuele kontak vóór die ouderdom van 16 jaar met ’n aansienlik ouer persoon; seksuele kontak voor die ouderdom van 13 jaar met lede van die eie portuurgroep; en nie-seksuele geweld wat hoofsaaklik deur ouers teenoor kinders gepleeg is. Aangesien daar geen rehabiliteringsprogramme in Suid-Afrika bestaan vir persone met seksueel-afwykende gedrag nie en seksuele waardes vinnig in die breë samelewing afgeneem het, behoort die kerk op die voorgrond te tree op hierdie gebied.The focus of this article is to show that paedosexuality and paedophilia poses a challenge to both the pastorate and the church. Not only in South Africa, but also internationally, has paedosexual behaviour become a widespread problem. Research in this field poses a pastoral challenge. According to the opinion of most people sexually deviant behaviour is not something that occurs in the Christian community. This assumption, however, is not the truth. Paedosexuality and paedophilia are present in all occupations, on every socio-economic level, in all age groups, all cultures, in all sexual orientations and religions. Paedophilia can be divided into two main groupings, namely the situational and the preference child molester. The roots of paedophilia can usually be traced back to childhood and the dishevelment developed during adolescence. Three types of life experiences are indicated as causal factors in paedosexuality, namely sexual contact before the age of 16 with someone much older; sexual contact before the age of 13 with members of their peer group; and non-sexual violence committed against them – usually by a parent. The church must take the lead on this matter, as there are no existing rehabilitation programs in South Africa for persons with sexual deviant behaviour while sexual values are waning among the general population.

The world is increasingly becoming more multilingual. South Africa has a long history of multilingualism. In the post-1994 South Africa, integrated organisations like churches where individual and organisational multilingualism are prevalent are growing. Previous and current studies of language use in integrated congregations indicate that multilingualism is a challenge to church leaders. In post-1994 integrated churches in South Africa where multilingualism is prevalent, congregations can foster innovative functional multilingual arrangements to benefit their ministry. However, evidence from research indicates that church leaders struggle to make functional multilingual arrangements and often monolingual English services are offered instead. The multilingual abilities and willingness of church leaders to foster functional multilingual arrangements for their churches is a core factor in this matter. The ability of church leaders to foster effective communication in a linguistically complex setting is important in the general interest of successful evangelisation. In this article, a case study approach is used to explore the latent potential present in the multilingual repertoire of a church leader to foster a functionally multilingual context in his congregation. The multilingual repertoire of a church leader is described and related to his perceptions of its usefulness to ministry as a profession. Descriptions of this nature are important in a context where the abilities and willingness of ministers to foster multilingual congregations have been acknowledged as core factors that determine the success of implementation. Improving the understanding of the nature of the multilingual repertoires of ministers would enable educators of ministers to as certain how these resources could be activated to enhance ministry in the post-1994 South Africa. The main findings from this case study are that the multilingual repertoire of this church leader is unique because of its scope and the exceptional abilities of this church leader in Southern Sotho; and the church leader displays enhanced levels of metalinguistic awareness. Based on the perceptions of the participant, the multilingual abilities of this church leader is related to his ministry in specific ways, viz. it is part of his general calling to become a church leader; it is part of his additional calling to be a bridge-builder between white and black people in his community; it enables him to craft a specific personal communication strategy where he uses his Southern Sotho abilities to start conversations with all people, that provide an entrance point for him to begin relationships, so that he could invite them into his ministry; and it is a valuable resource that enables him to minister effectively. From the description of this exceptional case study, it is possible to begin to consider the implications of the multilingual needs of a multilingual world for ministry in integrated churches in South Africa. The findings are useful because they provide a starting point for there consideration and exploration of implications for theological education and language policy matters in the domain of the church today.'n Meertalige kerkleier vir ’n meertalige wêreld: ’n Gevallestudie. Die wêreld word toenemend meertalig. Suid-Afrika het ’n lang geskiedenis van meertaligheid. Geïntegreerde organisasies soos kerke waar individuele en institusionele meertaligheid die botoon voer, word al hoe meer in die post-1994 Suid-Afrika. Bevindings in vorige en onlangse studies wat op taalgebruik in die geïntegreerde gemeentes fokus, dui aan dat meertaligheid ’n uitdaging vir kerkleiers is. In die geïntegreerde kerke in die post-1994 Suid-Afrika waar meertaligheid prominent is, is daar die moontlikheid om innoverende funksioneel-meertalige oplossings te vind wat die sukses van evangelisasie kan ondersteun. Ongelukkig dui bevindings wat uit navorsing vloei aan dat kerkleiers sukkel om funksioneel-meertalige reëlings te implementeer en dat daar dikwels eentalige Engelse dienste aangebied word. Die meertalige vermoëns en die bereidwilligheid van kerkleiers om funksioneel-meertalige reëlings in gemeentes te vestig, is as ’n kernfaktor in hierdie stryd bewys. Die vermoëns van kerkleiers om effektiewe kommunikasie te vestig in kontekste wat taalgewys kompleks is, is in die algemene belang van suksesvolle evangelisasie belangrik. In hierdie aritkel word die benadering van ’n gevallestudie gebruik om die sluimerende potensiaal in die meertalige repertoire van een kerkleier te ondersoek, naamlik om funksioneel-meertalige reëlings in ’n gemeente te implementeer. Die meertalige repertoire van die kerkleier word beskryf en in verband met sy persepsies van die bruikbaarheid van meertaligheid vir sy professie as kerkleier gebring. Beskrywings van hierdie aard is belangrik in ’n konteks waar die vermoëns en bereidwilligheid van kerkleiers as deurslaggewende faktore vir die sukses van die implementering van meertaligheid in gemeentes aangedui is. Die verdieping van insig in die verstaan van die aard van meertalige repertoires van kerkleiers kan ’n bydrae tot die opleiding van kerkleiers maak deurdat dit kan help bepaal hoe hierdie bronne in die post-1994 Suid-Afrika geaktiveer kan word. Die hoofbevindings van hierdie gevallestudie is dat die meertalige repertoire van hierdie kerkleier uniek is vanweë die omvang en die uitsonderlike vermoëns van hierdie kerkleier om Suid-Sotho te gebruik; en die kerkleier demonstreer verhoogde vlakke van metalinguistiese bewustheid. Die persepsies van die deelnemer in hierdie studie dui aan dat hy sy meertalige vermoëns op baie spesifieke maniere tot sy roeping as kerkleier verbind, naamlik dat dit deel van sy algemeneroeping is om ’n kerkleier te word; dit is deel van sy bykomende roeping om brûe tussen wit en swartmense in sy gemeenskap te bou; dit stel hom in staat om ’n baie spesifieke kommunikasiestrategie te skep waar hy sy vermoëns in Suid-Sotho gebruik om gesprekke met alle mense te begin. Dit gee hom ’n aanknopingspunt om verhoudings te begin wat daartoe kan lei dat hy mense na sy gemeente nooi; en na sy mening is dit is ’n waardevolle bron wat sy evangelisasie meer effektief maak. Die beskrywing van die meertalige repertoire in hierdie uitsonderlike gevallestudie lei tot meer insig in die meertalige vereistes wat ’n meertalige wêreld aan kerkleiers van geïntegreerde kerke in Suid-Afrika stel. Die bevindings is bruikbaar, omdat dit ’n basis is waarvandaan die implikasies vir teologiese opleiding en taalbeleidsake in die kerk as domein heroorweeg en verder ondersoek kan word

In the 19th century, women missionaries found acceptance in the public domain and opportunities for achievement that they were denied at home. Whilst they spearheaded movements for Christianising and modernising Asian (the focus of this article) and African societies through the evangelisation, education and physical care of women, many questions were raised about their motives and the way they executed their work. We need to rediscover the sacrificial dedication women had that made the 19th century the greatest century of Christian expansion. These were remarkable women who left everything behind − many of them leaving a permanent impression upon the people in whose cities they eventually resided − and who stand as examples to the present generation. Having lost most of the things the world prizes, they gained one thing they esteemed so highly. For them, the relative value of things temporal might go, provided that they could forever settle the eternal values. They lived out the words of Paul: ‘I press on toward the goal for the prize of the upward call of God in Christ Jesus’ (Phlp 3:14).Vroue-sendelinge het in die negentiende eeu geleenthede vir prestasie en aanvaarding in die publieke domein gevind wat hulle andersins misgun is. Hoewel hulle die voortou geneem het met bewegings vir die kerstening en modernisering van gemeenskappe in Asië en Afrika deur middel van die evangelisasie, opvoeding en fisiese versorging van vrouens, is hulle motiewe en die manier waarop hulle te werk gegaan het, bevraagteken. Dit is dus nodig om die opoffering en toewyding van hierdie vroue, wat die negentiende e eeu uitgesonder het as die belangrikste eeu vir Christelike uitbreiding, te herontdek. Hierdie merkwaardige vroue het alles opgeoffer en vele van hulle het ’n onuitwisbare indruk gemaak het op die mense in wie se stede hulle uiteindelik tuisgegaan het. Hulle staan uit as voorbeelde vir die huidige generasie. Al het hulle soveel dinge verloor wat deur die wêreld as belangrik geag is, het hulle veel gekry uit dit wat hulle persoonlik hoog geag het. Vir hulle het die relatiewe waarde van tydelike dinge min beteken, solank hulle die ewige waardes kon vestig. Hulle het voorwaar Paulus se woorde uitgeleef: ‘Ek span my in om by die wenstreep te kom, sodat ek die hemelse prys kan behaal waartoe God my geroep het in Christus Jesus’ (Fil 3:14).

In hierdie artikel word ’n perspektief gebied op die tendens wat min of meer sedert die aanvang van die millennium ook in Suid Afrika posgevat het, naamlik om die kerk as diemissionale kerk te tipeer. Hierdie ontwikkeling in die nadenke oor die kerk is oënskynlik ’n reaksie op ’n vroeëre, statiese siening van die kerk, waar meer op die kerk as instelling gefokus is en wat funksioneer deur mense nader te trek en deel te maak van die instelling. In teenstelling hiermee wil die missionale kerk in haar benadering by God self begin, as die sendende God en van daar ’n meer dinamies-kommunikatiewe siening van kerkwees ontwikkel. Laasgenoemde beteken dat die kerk veel meer binne die kultuur van die wêreld aanwesig is om daar op ’n nuwe werklikheid te wys. Die navorsingsvraag wat in hierdie artikel gevra word, het te make met die filosofies-teologiese vertrekpunte van die missionale kerkweesbenadering. Watter siening van die verhouding tussen God en die skepping, oftewel die transendente en die immanente, lê ten grondslag van hierdie benadering? Watter invloed het die inagneming van filosofies-teologiese oorwegings op die beoordeling van die missionale kerkgedagte? Hierdie vrae word beantwoord deur die opvatting van missionale kerkwees, asook die institusioneel-kontraktuele opvatting van kerkwees waarteenoor dit reageer, teen die agtergrond van die sakramentele verstaan van die kerk te plaas. Die sakramentele verstaan van die kerk was deel van die deelnemende wêreldbeeld wat vir die eerste millennium van die kerk se lewe as vanselfsprekend aanvaar is.This article presents a perspective on the growing tendency – also in South Africa – to characterise the church as missional. Thinking of the church in missional terms is apparently in reaction against an earlier, static view that focused on the church as an institution, and more specifically, an institution that functions by drawing people to itself. In contrast, the missional approach to church wants to start with God, as the One that sends, and from that perspective develops a more dynamic and communicative conception of the church. An important implication of this would be to have the church much more present in and to the culture of the world, in order to effectively point to a new reality. The research question informing this article has to do with the philosophical and theological underpinnings of the missional church approach. What assumptions about the relation between God and creation, or transcendence and immanence, underlie this approach? What implications would the consideration of the philosophical and theological assumptions underlying the missional church movement have for its evaluation? These questions are answered by placing the missional notion of the church, as well as the institutional-contractual notion against which it reacts, against the background of a sacramental understanding of the church. The latter was the notion of the church that was almost universally taken for granted in the first millennium of the church’s existence.

South Africa bears the greatest burden of HIV infection globally with the most infected people living in KwaZulu-Natal (KZN). Decentralised medical care for HIV positive patients and antiretroviral therapy (ART) delivery to primary health care facilities were proposed nationally to achieve adequate ART coverage for patients in need of treatment. This study described the HIV positive patients who accessed medical care and were initiated on ART at two existing government Primary Health Care (PHC) clinics with no added donor support, in Ilembe, KZN. This was an observational descriptive study of ART initiation from 01 April 2008 to 30 April 2009. Data were collected from clinical records kept on site. HIV Testing and the pre-ART programmes which consisted of medical care prior to ART initiation are briefly described. Socio-economic, demographic and clinical characteristics of patients who were initiated on ART were sampled and described. A minority (2.95%) of the study population tested for HIV of which 36.0% tested positive. Majority (60.0%) of patients who joined the pre-ART programme care did not return. The ART sample consisted of 375 patients of whom 65.0% were women, 85.9% were unmarried, 61.6% were unemployed and 50.4% had a secondary level of education. Tuberculosis (TB) prevalence and incidence at ART initiation were 22.1% and 14.7% respectively. The prevalence of Syphilis and Hepatitis B co-infections were 13.1% and 8.6 % respectively. Two thirds of female patients (66.4%) received a Pap smear result of which the majority (62.3%) were abnormal. Uptake for HIV testing followed by relevant CD4 testing was poor. High TB, Hepatitis B and Syphilis co-infection was noted amongst patients initiated on ART. Cervical cancer screening must be intensified. Although ART initiation with no added external resources was successful, record keeping was suboptimal.Suid-Afrika dra die grootste las van MIV-infeksie ter wêreld met die meeste besmette mense in KwaZulu-Natal (KZN). Gedesentraliseerde mediese sorg vir MIV-positiewe pasiënte en dienslewering van antiretrovirale terapie (ART) aan primêre gesondheidsorg- fasiliteite is nasionaal voorgestel om optimale ART-behandeling aan behoeftige te verskaf. Hierdie studie beskryf MIV-positiewe pasiënte wat ART-behandeling ontvang by twee bestaande Primêre Gesondheidsorgklinieke (PGS) in Ilembe, KZN sonder enige bykomende skenkerondersteuning. Waarnemingstegnieke is in die studie gebruik om ART-bekendstelling van 01 April 2008 tot 30 April 2009 te bestudeer. Data van kliniese rekords wat op die perseel gehou is, is ingesamel. MIV-toetsing en mediese behandelingsprogramme voor die bekendstelling van ART word kortliks beskryf. Sosio-ekonomiese, demografiese en kliniese eienskappe van pasiënte wat aan ART bekendgestel is, is versamel en beskryf. Minimum (2.95%) respondente aan die studie is vir MIV getoets, waarvan 36.0% positief getoets het. Die Meerderheid (60.0%) van pasiënte wat by die voorafgaande ART-sorgprogram aangesluit het, het nie terugkeer nie. Die ART-steekproef het bestaan ​​uit 375 pasiënte waarvan 65.0% vroue was, 85.9% was ongetroud, 61.6% was werkloos en 50.4% het ’n sekondêre vlak van onderwys gehad. Die bestaan (reeds onder behandeling) en voorkoms (diagnose tydens bekendstelling van die ART-program) van Tuberkulose (TB) tydens ART-bekendstelling was 22.1% en 14.7% onderskeidelik. Die voorkoms van sifilis- en hepatitis B-infeksies was 13.1% en 8.6% onderskeidelik. Twee derdes van die vroulike pasiënte (66.4%) het ’n Papsmeer ondergaan, waarvan die meerderheid (62.3%) se uitslae abnormaal was. Die begrip vir MIV-toetsing gevolg deur toepaslike CD4-toetsing was swak. Hoë TB-, Hepatitis B- en sifilisinfeksies was by pasiënte aangeteken wat met ART-behandeling begin het. Ondersoeke vir servikale kanker moet verhoog word. Hoewel die ART-bekendstelling met geen toegevoegde eksterne hulpbronne suksesvol was, was rekordhouding nie optimaal nie.

Background: The incidence rate of tuberculosis (TB) in South Africa remains high, with the country ranked as having the 14th-highest incidence rate internationally; 646 per 100 000 people are infected with TB nationally, whilst KwaZulu-Natal has a provincial incidence of 1466 per 100 000. The Directly-Observed Treatment Strategy (DOTS) programme is intended to ensure both treatment completion and cure of TB, as well as its evaluation. Despite improved DOTS coverage – the focus of most DOTS studies – the incidence of drug-resistant TB suggests that issues of non-compliance are centrally responsible for ongoing concerns about the implementation and practices related to DOTS.Objectives: The aim of the study was to explore and describe DOTS implementation practices. The objectives of the study were to explore and describe the DOTS implementation practices of professional nurses and to describe modifiable barriers to DOTS.Method: A qualitative, descriptive, explorative study was conducted through individual interviews until saturation was reached.Results: The study revealed that DOTS implementation was not in accordance with World Health Organization prescripts. Participants reported barriers such as limited human and material resources, ineffective communication of policy and procedural guidelines, ineffective communication between service delivery institutions and lack of continuity of care, as well as a lack of recording and reporting.Conclusion: The study recommended a comprehensive recruitment process to facilitate greater training and employment of more permanent health professionals to combat TB in the community; and to re-launch the DOTS programme in underperforming facilities. This would give much needed momentum to efforts targeted at preventing treatment defaults amongst patients. Agtergrond: Die voorkomskoers van tuberkulose (TB) in Suid-Afrika bly steeds hoog, waar die land internasionaal beskou word as met die 14de hoogste voorkomskoers; 646 per 100 000 mense is nasionaal met TB besmet, terwyl KwaZulu-Natal ’n provinsiale voorkoms van 1466 per 100 000toon. Die punte program (DOTS) is bedoel om beide die voltooiing van behandeling en genesing van TB en die evaluering daarvan te verseker. Ten spyte van verbeterde DOTS-dekking, wat die fokus van die meeste DOTS studies is, dui die voorkoms van dwelm-weerstandige TB daarop dat die kwessie van nie-nakoming sentraal verantwoordelik is vir voortgesette kommer oor die implementering en praktyke wat verband hou met DOTS. Doelwitte: Die doel van die studie was om die implementering van DOTS–praktyke te ondersoek en te beskryf. Die doelwitte van die studie was om die DOTS- implementeringspraktyke van professionele verpleegkundiges te ondersoek en te beskryf asook om veranderbare hindernisse ten opsigte van DOTS te beskryf.Metode: ’n Kwalitatiewe, beskrywende, ondersoekende studie is uitgevoer deur middel van individuele onderhoude tot die versadigspunt bereik was.Resultate: Die studie het getoon dat DOTS-implementering nie in ooreenstemming is met die WHO voorskrifte nie. Deelnemers berig struikelblokke soos beperkte menslike en materiële hulpbronne, oneffektiewe kommunikasie van beleid- en prosedureriglyne, oneffektiewe kommunikasie tussen dienslewerings-instellings en die gebrek aan kontinuïteit van sorg, sowel as ‚n gebrek aan optekening en verslaggewing.Gevolgtrekking: Die studie beveel ’n omvattende werwingsproses aan wat groter opleiding en indiensneming van meer permanente gesondheidswerkers om TB te bekamp in die gemeenskap sal fasiliteer, asook om die DOTS-program in gemeenskappe met onderpresterende geriewe herbekend te stel. Dit sal broodnodige momentum gee aan pogings wat gerig is op die voorkoming van onderbreekte behandeling onder pasiënte.

South Africa has both a shortage and an urgent need for qualified people with technical and mechanical skills. In order to meet this need, the teaching of technical subjects at public schools should be promoted and improved. A key aspect of teaching technical subjects in schools is to ensure the safety of all learners in technical workshops. The theory of Geborgenheit (safety, wellness, wellbeing) in education entails the notion that effective teaching and learning is enhanced if the places of learning are safe and secure. School workshops should be secure and safe spaces for learners in order for effective teaching and learning to occur. Although the state may be held liable if harm is caused in a negligent or culpable manner to a person in a school workshop, such incidents have negative effects on learners and educators alikeas well. This study reports on the findings of mixed method research, which involved quantitative data collection among 220 technical schools as well as qualitative research about safety and the frequency and nature of injuries in Mechanical Technology school workshops. The findings indicate that educators (teachers, instructors) have insufficient knowledge of the law, including ignorance of the de minimis non curat lex-principle, state liability based on section 60 of the Schools Act and the applicability of the Occupational Health and Safety Act to school workshops. Some learners, especially black school girls, are afraid of machines and refuse to work with them. More importantly, the study confirms that some educators are unqualified to teach Mechanical Technology as a subject. Factors like the lack of security, non-compliance with statutory requirements and ignorance of the law contribute to reduce Geborgenheit in workshops. This, in turn, affects the effectiveness of the teaching and learning process in schools. Keywords: Geborgenheid, Mechanical Technology teacher, learner safety, school workshops, injuries, caring supervision, ignorance of the law, Occupational Health and Safety Act, effective teaching and learning. Abstrak In Suid-Afrika is daar ʼn dringende behoefte aan gekwalifiseerde mense met tegniese en meganiese vaardighede. Om aan hierdie behoefte te voldoen behoort die onderrig van tegniese vakke in openbare skole bevorder te word. ʼn Sleutelaspek by openbare skole is die veiligheid van leerders in tegniese werkswinkels. Die teorie van Geborgenheid in die onderwys behels dat effektiewe onderrig-leer plaasvind indien die plekke van leer veilig en geborge is. Alhoewel die staat aanspreeklik is indien persone weens nalatige of skuldige optrede by skoolwerkswinkels beseer word, kan sulke insidente ʼn negatiewe uitwerking op opvoeders (onderwysers, instrukteurs) en leerders hê. Werkswinkels moet ʼn geborgenheidsruimte vir leerders skep sodat effektiewe onderrig en leer bevorder kan word. ’n Gebrek aan geborgenheid mag die onderrig- en leerproses ernstig benadeel. Die studie rapporteer bevindings van gemengde metodes navorsing, wat kwantitatiewe data-insameling by 220 tegniese skole asook kwalitatiewe navorsing oor veiligheid, die frekwensie en aard van beserings by Meganiese tegnologie werkswinkels behels het. Die bevindings dui daarop dat opvoeders onvoldoende kennis het aangaande die reg het, insluitend onkunde oor die de minimis-beginsel, staatsaanspreeklikheid ingevolge artikel 60 van die Skolewet en die toepaslikheid van die Wet op Beroepsgesondheid en -Veiligheid op skole. Sommige leerders, veral swart skooldogters in sekere skole, is bang vir werkswinkelmasjinerie en weier om daarmee te werk. Die studie bevestig ook dat sommige opvoerders nie behoorlik gekwalifiseer is om Meganiese Tegnologie aan te bied nie. Faktore soos die gebrek aan sekuriteit, nie-nakoming van wetlike vereistes en onkunde van die reg kniehalter geborgenheid in die werkswinkels.Dit benadeel die effektiwiteit van die onderrig-leerproses. Sleutelwoorde: geborgenheid, werkswinkel-onderwyser, leerder- en werkswinkelveiligheid, beserings, deliktuele aanspreeklikheid, versorgingsplig/sorgplig, sekuriteit.

Literature—at least serious literature—is something that we work at. This is especially true within the academy. Literature departments are places where workers labour over texts carefully extracting and sharing meanings, for which they receive monetary reward. Specialised languages are developed to describe professional concerns. Over the last thirty years, the productions of mass culture, once regarded as too slight to warrant laborious explication, have been admitted to the academic workroom. Gothic studies—the specialist area that treats fearful and horrifying texts —has embraced the growing acceptability of devoting academic effort to texts that would once have fallen outside of the remit of “serious” study. In the seventies, when Gothic studies was just beginning to establish itself, there was a perception that the Gothic was “merely a literature of surfaces and sensations”, and that any Gothic of substantial literary worth had transcended the genre (Thompson 1). Early specialists in the field noted this prejudice; David Punter wrote of the genre’s “difficulty in establishing respectable credentials” (403), while Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick hoped her work would “make it easier for the reader of ‘respectable’ nineteenth-century novels to write ‘Gothic’ in the margin” (4). Gothic studies has gathered a modicum of this longed-for respectability for the texts it treats by deploying the methodologies used within literature departments. This has yielded readings that are largely congruous with readings of other sorts of literature; the Gothic text tells us things about ourselves and the world we inhabit, about power, culture and history. Yet the Gothic remains a production of popular culture as much as it is of the valorised literary field. I do not wish to argue for a reintroduction of the great divide described by Andreas Huyssen, but instead to suggest that we have missed something important about the ways in which popular Gothics—and perhaps other sorts of popular text—function. What if the popular Gothic were not a type of work, but a kind of play? How might this change the way we read these texts? Johan Huizinga noted that “play is not ‘ordinary’ or ‘real’ life. It is rather a stepping out of ‘real’ life into a temporary sphere of activity with a disposition all of its own. Every child knows perfectly well he is ‘only pretending’, or that it was ‘only for fun’” (8). If the Gothic sometimes offers playful texts, then those texts might direct readers not primarily towards the real, but away from it, at least for a limited time. This might help to account for the wicked spectacle offered by Dennis Wheatley’s The Devil Rides Out, and in particular, its presentation of the black mass. The black mass is the parody of the Christian mass thought to be performed by witches and diabolists. Although it has doubtless been performed on rare occasions since the Middle Ages, the first black mass for which we have substantial documentary evidence was celebrated in Hampstead on Boxing Day 1918, by Montague Summers; it is a satisfying coincidence that Summers was one of the Gothic’s earliest scholars. We have record of Summer’s mass because it was watched by a non-participant, Anatole James, who was “bored to tears” as Summers recited tracts of Latin and practiced homosexual acts with a youth named Sullivan while James looked on (Medway 382-3). Summers claimed to be a Catholic priest, although there is some doubt as to the legitimacy of his ordination. The black mass ought to be officiated by a Catholic clergyman so the host may be transubstantiated before it is blasphemed. In doing so, the mass de-emphasises interpretive meaning and is an assault on the body of Christ rather than a mutilation of the symbol of Christ’s love and sacrifice. Thus, it is not conceived of primarily as a representational act but as actual violence. Nevertheless, Summers’ black mass seems like an elaborate form of sexual play more than spiritual warfare; by asking an acquaintance to observe the mass, Summers formulated the ritual as an erotic performance. The black mass was a favourite trope of the English Gothic of the nineteen-sixties and seventies. Dennis Wheatley’s The Devil Rides Out features an extended presentation of the mass; it was first published in 1934, but had achieved a kind of genre-specific canonicity by the nineteen-sixties, so that many Gothics produced and consumed in the sixties and seventies featured depictions of the black mass that drew from Wheatley’s original. Like Summers, Wheatley’s mass emphasised licentious sexual practice and, significantly, featured a voyeur or voyeurs watching the performance. Where James only wished Summers’ mass would end, Wheatley and his followers presented the mass as requiring interruption before it reaches a climax. This version of the mass recurs in most of Wheatley’s black magic novels, but it also appears in paperback romances, such as Susan Howatch’s 1973 The Devil on Lammas Night; it is reimagined in the literate and genuinely eerie short stories of Robert Aickman, which are just now thankfully coming back into print; it appears twice in Mervyn Peake’s Gormenghast books. Nor was the black mass confined to the written Gothic, appearing in films of the period too; The Kiss of the Vampire (1963), The Witches (1966), Satan’s Skin, aka Blood on Satan’s Claw (1970), The Wicker Man (1973), and The Satanic Rites of Dracula (1974) all feature celebrations of the Sabbat, as, of course do the filmed adaptations of Wheatley’s novels, The Devil Rides Out (1967) and To the Devil a Daughter (1975). More than just a key trope, the black mass was a procedure characteristic of the English Gothic of the sixties; narratives were structured so as to lead towards its performance. All of the texts mentioned above repeat narrative and trope, but more importantly, they loosely repeat experience, both for readers and the characters depicted. While Summers’ black mass apparently made for tiresome viewing, textual representations of the black mass typically embrace the pageant and sensuality of the Catholic mass it perverts, involving music, incense and spectacle. Often animalistic sex, bestiality, infanticide or human sacrifice are staged, and are intended to fascinate rather than bore. Although far from canonical in a literary sense, by 1969 Wheatley was an institution. He had sold 27 million books worldwide and around 70 percent of those had been within the British market. All of his 55 books were in print. A new Wheatley in hardcover would typically sell 30,000 copies, and paperback sales of his back catalogue stood at more than a million books a year. While Wheatley wrote thrillers in a range of different subgenres, at the end of the sixties it was his ‘black magic’ stories that were far and away the most popular. While moderately successful when first published, they developed their most substantial audience in the sixties. When The Satanist was published in paperback in 1966, it sold more than 100,000 copies in the first ten days. By 1973, five of these eight black magic titles had sold more than a million copies. The first of these was The Devil Rides Out which, although originally published in 1934, by 1973, helped by the Hammer film of 1967, had sold more than one and a half million copies, making it the most successful of the group (“Pooter”; Hedman and Alexandersson 20, 73). Wheatley’s black magic stories provide a good example of the way that texts persist and accumulate influence in a genre field, gaining genre-specific canonicity. Wheatley’s apparent influence on Gothic texts and films that followed, coupled with the sheer number of his books sold, indicate that he occupied a central position in the field, and that his approach to the genre became, for a time, a defining one. Wheatley’s black magic stories apparently developed a new readership in the sixties. The black mass perhaps became legible as a salacious, nightmarish version of some imaginary hippy gathering. While Wheatley’s Satanists are villainous, there is a vaguely progressive air about them; they listen to unconventional music, dance in the nude, participate in unconventional sexual practice, and glut themselves on various intoxicants. This, after all, was the age of Hair, Oh! Calcutta! and Oz magazine, “an era of personal liberation, in the view of some critics, one of moral anarchy” (Morgan 149). Without suggesting that the Satanists represent hippies there is a contextual relevancy available to later readers that would have been missing in the thirties. The sexual zeitgeist would have allowed later readers to pornographically and pleasurably imagine the liberated sexuality of the era without having to approve of it. Wheatley’s work has since become deeply, embarrassingly unfashionable. The books are racist, sexist, homophobic and committed to a basically fascistic vision of an imperial England, all of which will repel most casual readers. Nor do his works provide an especially good venue for academic criticism; all surface, they do not reward the labour of careful, deep reading. The Devil Rides Out narrates the story of a group of friends locked in a battle with the wicked Satanist Mocata, “a pot-bellied, bald headed person of about sixty, with large, protuberant, fishy eyes, limp hands, and a most unattractive lisp” (11), based, apparently, on the notorious occultist Aleister Crowley (Ellis 145-6). Mocata hopes to start a conflict on the scale of the Great War by performing the appropriate devilish rituals. Led by the aged yet spry Duke de Richleau and garrulous American Rex van Ryn, the friends combat Mocata in three substantial set pieces, including their attempt to disrupt the black mass as it is performed in a secluded field in Wiltshire. The Devil Rides Out is a ripping story. Wheatley’s narrative is urgent, and his simple prose suggests that the book is meant to be read quickly. Likewise, Wheatley’s protagonists do not experience in any real way the crises and collapses that so frequently trouble characters who struggle against the forces of darkness in Gothic narratives. Even when de Richlieu’s courage fails as he observes the Wiltshire Sabbat, this failure is temporary; Rex simply treats him as if he has been physically wounded, and the Duke soon rallies. The Devil Rides Out is remarkably free of trauma and its sequelæ. The morbid psychological states which often interest the twentieth century Gothic are excluded here in favour of the kind of emotional fortitude found in adventure stories. The effect is remarkable. Wheatley retains a cheerful tone even as he depicts the appalling, and potentially repellent representations become entertainments. Wheatley describes in remarkable detail the actions that his protagonists witness from their hidden vantage point. If the Gothic reader looks forward to gleeful blasphemy, then this is amply provided, in the sort of sardonic style that Lewis’ The Monk manages so well. A cross is half stomped into matchwood and inverted in the ground, the Christian host is profaned in a way too dreadful to be narrated, and the Duke informs us that the satanic priests are eating “a stillborn baby or perhaps some unfortunate child that they have stolen and murdered”. Rex is chilled by the sound of a human skull rattling around in their cauldron (117-20). The mass offers a special quality of experience, distinct from the everyday texture of life represented in the text. Ostensibly waiting for their chance to liberate their friend Simon from the action, the Duke and Rex are voyeurs, and readers participate in this voyeurism too. The narrative focus shifts from Rex and de Richlieu’s observation of the mass, to the wayward medium Tanith’s independent, bespelled arrival at the ritual site, before returning to the two men. This arrangement allows Wheatley to extend his description of the gathering, reiterating the same events from different characters’ perspectives. This would be unusual if the text were simply a thriller, and relied on the ongoing release of new information to maintain narrative interest. Instead, readers have the opportunity to “view” the salacious activity of the Satanists a second time. This repetition delays the climactic action of the scene, where the Duke and Rex rescue Simon by driving a car into the midst of the ritual. Moreover, the repetition suggests that the “thrill” on offer is not necessarily related to plot —it offers us nothing new —but instead to simply seeing the rite performed. Tanith, although conveyed to the mass by some dark power, is delayed and she too becomes a part of the mass’ audience. She saw the Satanists… tumbling upon each other in the disgusting nudity of their ritual dance. Old Madame D’Urfé, huge-buttocked and swollen, prancing by some satanic power with all the vigour of a young girl who had only just reached maturity; the Babu, dark-skinned, fleshy, hideous; the American woman, scraggy, lean-flanked and hag-like with empty, hanging breasts; the Eurasian, waving the severed stump of his arm in the air as he gavotted beside the unwieldy figure of the Irish bard, whose paunch stood out like the grotesque belly of a Chinese god. (132) The reader will remember that Madame D’Urfé is French, and that the cultists are dancing before the Goat of Mendes, who masquerades as Malagasy, earlier described by de Richlieu as “a ‘bad black’ if ever I saw one” (11). The human body is obsessively and grotesquely racialized; Wheatley is simultaneously at his most politically vile and aesthetically Goya-like. The physically grotesque meshes with the crudely sexual and racist. The Irishman is typed as a “bard” and somehow acquires a second racial classification, the Indian is horrible seemingly because of his race, and Madame D’Urfé is repulsive because her sexuality is framed as inappropriate to her age. The dancing crone is defined in terms of a younger, presumably sexually appealing, woman; even as she is denigrated, the reader is presented with a contrary image. As the sexuality of the Satanists is excoriated, titillation is offered. Readers may take whatever pleasure they like from the representations while simultaneously condemning them, or even affecting revulsion. A binary opposition is set up between de Richlieu’s company, who are cultured and moneyed, and the Satanists, who might masquerade as civilised, but reveal their savagery at the Sabbat. Their race becomes a further symptom of their lack of civilised qualities. The Duke complains to Rex that “there is little difference between this modern Satanism and Voodoo… We might almost be witnessing some heathen ceremony in an African jungle!” (115). The Satanists become “a trampling mass of bestial animal figures” dancing to music where, “Instead of melody, it was a harsh, discordant jumble of notes and broken chords which beat into the head with a horrible nerve-racking intensity and set the teeth continually on edge” (121). Music and melody are cultural constructions as much as they are mathematical ones. The breakdown of music suggests a breakdown of culture, more specifically, of Western cultural norms. The Satanists feast, with no “knives, forks, spoons or glasses”, but instead drink straight from bottles and eat using their hands (118). This is hardly transgression on the scale of devouring an infant, but emphasises that Satanism is understood to represent the antithesis of civilization, specifically, of a conservative Englishness. Bad table manners are always a sign of wickedness. This sort of reading is useful in that it describes the prejudices and politics of the text. It allows us to see the black mass as meaningful and places it within a wider discursive tradition making sense of a grotesque dance that combines a variety of almost arbitrary transgressive actions, staged in a Wiltshire field. This style of reading seems to confirm the approach to genre text that Fredric Jameson has espoused (117-9), which understands the text as reinforcing a hegemonic worldview within its readership. This is the kind of reading the academy often works to produce; it recognises the mass as standing for something more than the simple fact of its performance, and develops a coherent account of what the mass represents. The labour of reading discerns the work the text does out in the world. Yet despite the good sense and political necessity of this approach, my suggestion is that these observations are secondary to the primary function of the text because they cannot account for the reading experience offered by the Sabbat and the rest of the text. Regardless of text’s prejudices, The Devil Rides Out is not a book about race. It is a book about Satanists. As Jo Walton has observed, competent genre readers effortlessly grasp this kind of distinction, prioritising certain readings and elements of the text over others (33-5). Failing to account for the reading strategy presumed by author and audience risks overemphasising what is less significant in a text while missing more important elements. Crucially, a reading that emphasises the political implications of the Sabbat attributes meaning to the ritual; yet the ritual’s ability to hold meaning is not what is most important about it. By attributing meaning to the Sabbat, we miss the fact of the Sabbat itself; it has become a metaphor rather than a thing unto itself, a demonstration of racist politics rather than one of the central necessities of a black magic story. Seligman, Weller, Puett and Simon claim that ritual is usually read as having a social purpose or a cultural meaning, but that these readings presume that ritual is interested in presenting the world truthfully, as it is. Seligman and his co-authors take exception to this, arguing that ritual does not represent society or culture as they are and that ritual is “a subjunctive—the creation of an order as if it were truly the case” (20). Rather than simply reflecting history, society and culture, ritual responds to the disappointment of the real; the farmer performs a rite to “ensure” the bounty of the harvest not because the rite symbolises the true order of things, but as a consolation because sometimes the harvest fails. Interestingly, the Duke’s analysis of the Satanists’ motivations closely accords with Seligman et al.’s understanding of the need for ritual to console our anxieties and disappointments. For the cultists, the mass is “a release of all their pent-up emotions, and suppressed complexes, engendered by brooding over imagined injustice, lust for power, bitter hatred of rivals in love or some other type of success or good fortune” (121). The Satanists perform the mass as a response to the disappointment of the participant’s lives; they are ugly, uncivil outsiders and according to the Duke, “probably epileptics… nearly all… abnormal” (121). The mass allows them to feel, at least for a limited time, as if they are genuinely powerful, people who ought to be feared rather than despised, able to command the interest and favour of their infernal lord, to receive sexual attention despite their uncomeliness. Seligman et al. go on to argue ritual “must be understood as inherently nondiscursive—semantic content is far secondary to subjunctive creation.” Ritual “cannot be analysed as a coherent system of beliefs” (26). If this is so, we cannot expect the black mass to necessarily say anything coherent about Satanism, let alone racism. In fact, The Devil Rides Out tends not to focus on the meaning of the black mass, but on its performance. The perceivable facts of the mass are given, often in instructional detail, but any sense of what they might stand for remains unexplicated in the text. Indeed, taken individually, it is hard to make sense or meaning out of each of the Sabbat’s components. Why must a skull rattle around a cauldron? Why must a child be killed and eaten? If communion forms the most significant part of the Christian mass, we could presume that the desecration of the host might be the most meaningful part of the rite, but given the extensive description accorded the mass as a whole, the parody of communion is dealt with surprisingly quickly, receiving only three sentences. The Duke describes the act as “the most appalling sacrilege”, but it is left at that as the celebrants stomp the host into the ground (120). The action itself is emphasised over anything it might mean. Most of Wheatley’s readers will, I think, be untroubled by this. As Pierre Bourdieu noted, “the regularities inherent in an arbitrary condition… tend to appear as necessary, even natural, since they are the basis of the schemes of perception and appreciation through which they are apprehended” (53-4). Rather than stretching towards an interpretation of the Sabbat, readers simply accept it a necessary condition of a “black magic story”. While the genre and its tropes are constructed, they tend to appear as “natural” to readers. The Satanists perform the black mass because that is what Satanists do. The representation does not even have to be compelling in literary terms; it simply has to be a “proper” black mass. Richard Schechner argues that, when we are concerned with ritual, “Propriety”, that is, seeing the ritual properly executed, “is more important than artistry in the Euro-American sense” (178). Rather than describing the meaning of the ritual, Wheatley prefers to linger over the Satanist’s actions, their gluttonous feasting and dancing, their nudity. Again, these are actions that hold sensual qualities for their performers that exceed the simply discursive. Through their ritual behaviour they enter into atavistic and ecstatic states beyond everyday human consciousness. They are “hardly human… Their brains are diseased and their mentality is that of the hags and the warlocks of the middle ages…” and are “governed apparently by a desire to throw themselves back into a state of bestiality…” (117-8). They finally reach a state of “maniacal exaltation” and participate in an “intoxicated nightmare” (135). While the mass is being celebrated, the Satanists become an undifferentiated mass, their everyday identities and individuality subsumed into the subjunctive world created by the ritual. Simon, a willing participant, becomes lost amongst them, his individual identity given over to the collective, subjunctive state created by the group. Rex and the Duke are outside of this subjunctive world, expressing revulsion, but voyeuristically looking on; they retain their individual identities. Tanith is caught between the role played by Simon, and the one played by the Duke and Rex, as she risks shifting from observer to participant, her journey to the Sabbat being driven on by “evil powers” (135). These three relationships to the Sabbat suggest some of the strategies available to its readers. Like Rex and the Duke, we seem to observe the black mass as voyeurs, and still have the option of disapproving of it, but like Simon, the act of continuing to read means that we are participating in the representation of this perversity. Having committed to reading a “black magic story”, the reader’s procession towards the black mass is inevitable, as with Tanith’s procession towards it. Yet, just as Tanith is compelled towards it, readers are allowed to experience the Sabbat without necessarily having to see themselves as wanting to experience it. This facilitates a ludic, undiscursive reading experience; readers are not encouraged to seriously reflect on what the Sabbat means or why it might be a source of vicarious pleasure. They do not have to take responsibility for it. As much as the Satanists create a subjunctive world for their own ends, readers are creating a similar world for themselves to participate in. The mass—an incoherent jumble of sex and violence—becomes an imaginative refuge from the everyday world which is too regulated, chaste and well-behaved. Despite having substantial precedent in folklore and Gothic literature (see Medway), the black mass as it is represented in The Devil Rides Out is largely an invention. The rituals performed by occultists like Crowley were never understood by their participants as being black masses, and it was not until the foundation of the Church of Satan in San Francisco in the later nineteen-sixties that it seems the black mass was performed with the regularity or uniformity characteristic of ritual. Instead, its celebration was limited to eccentrics and dabblers like Summers. Thus, as an imaginary ritual, the black mass can be whatever its writers and readers need it to be, providing the opportunity to stage those actions and experiences required by the kind of text in which it appears. Because it is the product of the requirements of the text, it becomes a venue in which those things crucial to the text are staged; forbidden sexual congress, macabre ceremony, violence, the appearance of intoxicating and noisome scents, weird violet lights, blue candle flames and the goat itself. As we observe the Sabbat, the subjunctive of the ritual aligns with the subjunctive of the text itself; the same ‘as if’ is experienced by both the represented worshippers and the readers. The black mass offers an analogue for the black magic story, providing, almost in digest form, the images and experiences associated with the genre at the time. Seligman et al. distinguish between modes that they term the sincere and the ritualistic. Sincerity describes an approach to reading the world that emphasises the individual subject, authenticity, and the need to get at “real” thought and feeling. Ritual, on the other hand, prefers community, convention and performance. The “sincere mode of behavior seeks to replace the ‘mere convention’ of ritual with a genuine and thoughtful state of internal conviction” (103). Where the sincere is meaningful, the ritualistic is practically oriented. In The Devil Rides Out, the black mass, a largely unreal practice, must be regarded as insincere. More important than any “meaning” we might extract from the rite is the simple fact of participation. The individuality and agency of the participants is apparently diminished in the mass, and their regular sense of themselves is recovered only as the Duke and Rex desperately drive the Duke’s Hispano into the ritual so as to halt it. The car’s lights dispel the subjunctive darkness and reduce the unified group to a gathering of confused individuals, breaking the spell of naughtily enabling darkness. Just as the meaningful aspect of the mass is de-emphasised for ritual participants, for readers, self and discursive ability are de-emphasised in favour of an immersive, involving reading experience; we keep reading the mass without pausing to really consider the mass itself. It would reduce our pleasure in and engagement with the text to do so; the mass would be revealed as obnoxious, unpleasant and nonsensical. When we read the black mass we tend to put our day-to-day values, both moral and aesthetic, to one side, bracketing our sincere individuality in favour of participation in the text. If there is little point in trying to interpret Wheatley’s black mass due to its weakly discursive nature, then this raises questions of how to approach the text. Simply, the “work” of interpretation seems unnecessary; Wheatley’s black mass asks to be regarded as a form of play. Simply, The Devil Rides Out is a venue for a particular kind of readerly play, apart from the more substantial, sincere concerns that occupy most literary criticism. As Huizinga argued that, “Play is distinct from ‘ordinary’ life both as to locality and duration… [A significant] characteristic of play [is] its secludedness, its limitedness” (9). Likewise, by seeing the mass as a kind of play, we can understand why, despite the provocative and transgressive acts it represents, it is not especially harrowing as a reading experience. Play “lies outside the antithesis of wisdom and folly, and equally outside those of truth and falsehood, good and evil…. The valuations of vice and virtue do not apply...” (Huizinga 6). The mass might well offer barbarism and infanticide, but it does not offer these to its readers “seriously”. The subjunctive created by the black mass for its participants on the page is approximately equivalent to the subjunctive Wheatley’s text proposes to his readers. The Sabbat offers a tawdry, intoxicated vision, full of strange performances, weird lights, queer music and druggy incenses, a darkened carnival apart from the real that is, despite its apparent transgressive qualities and wretchedness, “only playing”. References Bourdieu, Pierre. The Logic of Practice. Trans. Richard Nice. Stanford: Stanford UP, 1990. Ellis, Bill. Raising the Devil: Satanism, New Religions, and the Media. Lexington: The UP of Kentucky, 2000. Hedman, Iwan, and Jan Alexandersson. Four Decades with Dennis Wheatley. 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Oxford: Oxford UP, 2008. Thompson, G.R. Introduction. “Romanticism and the Gothic Imagination.” The Gothic Imagination: Essays in Dark Romanticism. Ed. G.R. Thompson. Pullman: Washington State UP, 1974. 1-10. Wheatley, Dennis. The Devil Rides Out. 1934. London: Mandarin, 1996.