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1

Lohmann, Uta. "»Ein Bild von ihm … wird immer belehrend und erquickend bleiben. Sein Leben lehrte.« David Friedländers biographische Fragmente über Moses Mendelssohn." Aschkenas 33, no. 2 (November 28, 2023): 231–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/asch-2023-2010.

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Abstract A few years after Moses Mendelssohn’s death (1786) David Friedländer wrote life-history descriptions in which he took a fragmentary look at Mendelssohn’s personality and emphasized that he had succeeded in approaching moral perfection as a human being and as a merchant to a high degree. With the virtuous perfection pattern Moses Mendelssohn (Vollkommenheitsmuster Moses Mendelssohn) designed by him, Friedländer initially pursued two intentions: on the one hand, he established a modern Jewish educational ideal, and on the other hand, his image of Mendelssohn served him to combat prejudice among non-Jews. Three decades later, Friedländer published further biographical fragments about Mendelssohn, this time appearing in a distinctly educational context, and again presenting Mendelssohn as an educational ideal. The article analyzes Friedländer’s ›Platonic‹ mode of presenting Mendelssohn and questions the significance of his parallelization of Mendelssohn with Socrates. In addition, it examines Friedländer’s choice of the fragment as a descriptive category and form of biographical representation, with which he functionalizes Mendelssohn for his pedagogical aims.
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2

MacNeil, Adam. "Felix Mendelssohn’s Religious Hybridity Revealed Through His Oratorios." Nota Bene: Canadian Undergraduate Journal of Musicology 15, no. 1 (June 18, 2022): 100–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.5206/notabene.v15i1.15034.

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Over the course of the last century, scholars and musicologists have debated the piety of Felix Mendelssohn. It is plausible to argue that Mendelssohn was purely Jewish, and that his musical contributions to the liturgy of the Christian Church are merely a consequence of cultural pressure and widespread Anti-Semitism. However, it is also conceivable that Mendelssohn not only embraced the Christian tradition for himself, but also endeavoured to reform its theology and doctrine. How then, should we understand Mendelssohn’s faith? Given that the oratorio functions as a vehicle for religious expression, I employ three of Mendelssohn’s most widely discussed oratorios as the main subjects of the paper’s investigation. By analyzing the text, musical characteristics, and historical context of Mendelssohn’s St. Matthew Passion, Paulus, and Elias, I explore the ways in which Mendelssohn was deeply and inwardly conflicted with his faith. Moreover, such oratorios illustrate how Mendelssohn’s religious discernment was a non-linear evolutionary process; by the time Mendelssohn composed Elias (1846), his trajectory of religious discernment culminated in the reconciliation of both the Jewish and Christian aspects of his identity. While Mendelssohn’s music narrates the ancient Judeo-Christian story, it also simultaneously exposes his own account of religious polarization and the subsequent desire for harmonization.
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Kryshtop, L. E. "Religious Pluralism Concept of M. Mendelssohn and Its Theoretical Foundation." RUDN Journal of Philosophy 24, no. 3 (December 15, 2020): 328–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2302-2020-24-3-328-341.

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The article consider the concept of religious pluralism by M. Mendelssohn and some aspects of his theory of knowledge and linguistic theory, lying in the foundation of the pluralism concept. The article shows that Mendelssohn expressed views that are far ahead of his time. His theory of knowledge repeats some lines of Hume's philosophy, which he praised highly, what was not characteristic of the German Enlightenment as a whole. By virtue of this, Mendelssohn can be considered as Kant's predecessor in a positive assessment of Hume. Some of Mendelssohns ideas are further developed in phenomenology. The author argues that Mendelssohns views on the interaction of religions, although they have a number of features that make this thinker related to other thinkers of the Enlightenment, also have a fundamental difference with them. As a result, his religious pluralism concept is close to the modern understanding of religious pluralism. The author also attempts to reveal the reasons why Mendelssohn, despite his great significance for both German philosophy and Jewish culture, was almost forgotten for a long time.
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4

Matviyets, Anne Sarah. "Tolerance for the Tolerant “Other”—Moses Mendelssohn’s Claim for Tolerance in the “Vorrede/Preface” (1782)." Religions 15, no. 4 (April 22, 2024): 516. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel15040516.

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In this paper I discuss Moses Mendelssohn’s argumentation on religious tolerance in his “Vorrede” (“preface”) that he added to his translation of Rabbi Manasseh Ben Israel’s letter “Vindiciae judaeorum” in 1782. Instead of solely deducing Mendelssohn’s idea of religious tolerance, I examine Mendelssohn’s argumentation strategies. For this purpose, I firstly determine the political and social conditions in which Mendelssohn wrote the “Vorrede”. Secondly, I examine the normative reasons or resources that Mendelssohn argues for tolerance with. In my observation, he is legitimizing religious tolerance on the normative resources of philosophical reasons (natural law/universal reason) and pragmatic reasons (utility). Further, I will analyse Mendelssohn’s concept of a tolerant Judaism in the “Vorrede”.
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5

Fogel, Jeremy. "A Polynesian, a Jew, and a Hindu Walk into Jerusalem: On Mendelssohn’s Religious Universalism." Journal of Jewish Thought and Philosophy 28, no. 2 (September 16, 2020): 151–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1477285x-12341308.

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Abstract In his Jerusalem, Moses Mendelssohn describes a Polynesian visitor to Dessau before traveling to India by way of ancient Jerusalem. In two pages, Mendelssohn has crossed the world, doing so to argue that in spite of their cultural differences, most human beings ultimately share basic salvific religious truths. This paper explores the religious universalism reflected in this striking passage, analyzes Mendelssohn’s cultural sensitivity and pluralism, and offers a characterization of the particularities of Mendelssohn’s Jewish universalism as well as concluding thoughts on the varieties of universalism more generally.
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6

Hoshino, Hiromi. "neu entdecktes Mendelssohn-Autograph in Japan." Die Musikforschung 57, no. 2 (September 22, 2021): 151–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.52412/mf.2004.h2.666.

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Felix Mendelssohn Bartholdys autographer Klavierauszug "Die erste Walpurgisnacht" op. 60 wurde 1990 in Japan entdeckt. Das Verlagshaus Kistner hatte 1891 das Autograph zur Auktion nach Berlin gegeben, wodurch es in Privatbesitz gelangte: über Robert von Mendelssohn, seine Frau Giulietta Gordigiani von Mendelssohn, den von ihr protegierten Cellisten Gaspar Cassadó zu dessen Frau Chieko Hara, eine japanische Pianistin. Aus ihrem Besitz erhielte es 1990 die Tamagawa-Universität in Tokyo durch eine Schenkung. Das Autograph ist nicht datiert. Die Markierungen für die Seitenaufteilung beweisen, daß es als Stichvorlage für die Erstausgabe bei Kistner (1844) diente. Daher muss es im Sommer (spätestens am 17. August) 1843 angefertigt worden sein. Von besonderem Interesse sind die verschiedenen Änderungen von Mendelssohns Hand. Es zeigt die letzten Gestaltungsschritte: Mendelssohn revidierte das Werk sowohl bei der Anfertigung des Klavierauszugs als auch während der Korrekturen zur Erstausgabe. Diskutiert werden die relevanten Änderungen im Schlusschor (Nr. 9).
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7

Lehmann, Karen. "Mendelssohn und die Bach-Ausgabe bei C. F. Peters." Bach-Jahrbuch 83 (March 13, 2018): 87–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.13141/bjb.v19971838.

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Die von Felix Mendelssohn Bartholdy aufgestellten Editionsrichtlinien und die Richtlinien der sogenannten praktischen oder Interpretationsausgaben werfen eine Reihe von Fragen auf. An Hand unveröffentlichter Dokumente aus den Briefkopierbüchern des Verlages C.F. Peters aus der Zeit von 1836-44 wird deutlich, daß eine mögliche Zusammenarbeit Mendelssohns mit dem Leipziger Verlag bezüglich der Gesamtausgabe der Werke Johann Sebastian Bachs von vornherein zum Scheitern verurteilt war. Mendelssohn war der Verfechter einer Kritischen Werkausgabe. (Autor, Quelle: Bibliographie des Musikschrifttums online)
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8

Kimura, Sachiko. "Mendelssohns Wiederaufführung der Matthäus-Passion (BWV 244)." Bach-Jahrbuch 84 (March 8, 2018): 93–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.13141/bjb.v19981657.

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Felix Mendelssohn Bartholdys Aufführung der 'Matthäus-Passion' von Johann Sebastian Bach 1829 wurde bisher vor allem unter Aspekten der Musikgeschichte betrachtet: Nach dieser Aufführung wurde das Œuvre Bachs wieder ein wichtiger Faktor im europäischen Musikleben. Die Frage, wie das Stück unter Mendelssohn tatsächlich erklang, wurde hingegen vernachlässigt. Eintragungen Mendelssohns in Aufführungspartitur und -stimmen zeigen, dass damals erhebliche Streichungen vorgenommen wurden sowie Bearbeitungen und Umbesetzungen erfolgten. Auch Vortrags- und Tempoangaben finden sich. (Oliver Schöner, Quelle: Bibliographie des Musikschrifttums online)
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9

Goldenbaum, Ursula. "Did Moses Mendelssohn Lack Historical Thinking?" Deutsche Zeitschrift für Philosophie 68, no. 4 (November 3, 2020): 564–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/dzph-2020-0038.

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AbstractThere is widespread agreement in scholarship that Moses Mendelssohn lacked historical thinking, an opinion accepted even among Mendelssohn experts. This misjudgment is based on a remark in his Jerusalem against Lessing’s Education of Humankind and surely ignores Mendelssohn’s historical work. I will question the misjudgment by a detour: first, I will ask for whom Lessing wrote his Education of Humankind. Then I will turn to the usually celebrated origin of historical thinking in Semler and Herder and question the historicity of their views. It is only in the 3rd section that I will focus directly on Mendelssohn’s historical work and his truly historical understanding of religion, in agreement with Lessing.
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10

Mendelssohn, Anna, and Sara Crangle. "What a Performance." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 133, no. 3 (May 2018): 610–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2018.133.3.610.

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From the late seventies until her death, british-born writer and artist anna mendelssohn (1948–2009) authored fifteen poetry collections and at least two dozen short fictions and dramas, often publishing under the name Grace Lake. A consummate autodidact, Mendelssohn's passion was international vanguardism, a truth exemplified by the writers she translated: in Turkey in 1969, the poetry of political exile Nâzim Hikmet; from the late nineties, the work of Gisèle Prassinos, the surrealist child prodigy celebrated by André Breton. Mendelssohn's devotion to a modernist legacy situates her within the British Poetry Revival, a label applied to a wave of avant-garde poets that surfaced in the sixties and seventies. Given that she spent her last three decades in Cambridge, Mendelssohn can be further located on the margins of “that most underground of poetic brotherhoods, the Cambridge Poets” (Leslie 28). Mendelssohn's poems appeared in journals receptive to experimentalism, among them Parataxis, Jacket, Critical Quarterly, and Comparative Criticism. In the 1990s, Mendelssohn was anthologized in collections released by Virago, Macmillan, and Reality Street. Iain Sinclair included her in his influential Conductors of Chaos (Picador, 1996); in 2004, she featured in Rod Mengham and John Kinsella's Vanishing Points (Salt Publishing, 2004) alongside John Ashbery and Susan Howe. Her most readily available text remains Implacable Art (Salt Publishing, 2000). Increasingly recognized in her later years, Mendelssohn gave poetry readings at the University of Cambridge, London's Southbank Centre, and the Centre Georges Pompidou in Paris, among many other venues.
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11

Kimber, Marian Wilson. "Mendelssohn's Second Piano Concerto, Op. 40, and the Origins of his Serenade and Allegro Giojoso, Op. 43." Journal of Musicology 20, no. 3 (2003): 358–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jm.2003.20.3.358.

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Felix Mendelssohn's Serenade and Allegro giojoso, op. 43, was composed rapidly for his performance in a concert in Leipzig on 2 April 1838. Originally entitled Adagio and Rondo, the concert piece underwent substantial revision before its publication in late February the following year. The autograph sources reveal that Mendelssohn's Piano Concerto No. 2 in D minor, op. 40, composed less than a year before in 1837, influenced the Serenade and Allegro giojoso's musical content. Not only do the two works for piano and orchestra share a key and thematic material, but an extended sketch found in the Mendelssohn Nachlaßß 19 (Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin, Preußßischer Kulturbesitz) was part of the compositional history of the concerto, yet served as the basis for a transition, later rejected, between the Serenade and Allegro giojoso's two movements. Revisions to the Mendelssohn Nachlaßß 30 draft of op. 43 show Mendelssohn working to make his new work more like the D minor concerto. Not only were parts of the early stages of op. 43 derived from op. 40 sketches, but the finished work suggests that Mendelssohn, facing the proof sheets for op. 40 while working on the Serenade and Allegro giojoso, had not yet worked the concerto's musical material out of his artistic consciousness.
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12

Atlas, Dustin Noah. "What God Does Not Possess: Moses Mendelssohn’s Philosophy of Imperfection." Journal of Jewish Thought and Philosophy 27, no. 1 (March 29, 2019): 26–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1477285x-12341237a.

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Abstract This paper proposes that Moses Mendelssohn’s Morning Hours be viewed as the final chapter in a philosophy of imperfection that Mendelssohn had been developing over the course of his life. It is further argued that this philosophy of imperfection is still of philosophical interest. After demonstrating that the concept of imperfection animates Mendelssohn’s early work, this paper turns towards the specific arguments about imperfection Mendelssohn made in the midst of the pantheism controversy—in particular, the claim that human imperfection attests to an independent existence. Simply put: God knows human imperfection, but does not possess it. Therefore, there is a sense in which humans, because of our imperfections, are distinct from God. It is shown that, at least in part, Mendelssohn’s entry into the pantheism controversy, and his willingness to engage even his recently departed friend Lessing in argument, is part of his strategy to preserve his philosophy of imperfection.
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13

Panwitz, Sebastian. "Die Finanzbeziehungen zwischen Alexander von Humboldt und den Mendelssohns." Zeitschrift für Religions- und Geistesgeschichte 62, no. 3 (2010): 248–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007310792513450.

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AbstractThe continuous substantial and flexible material support of the bankers Joseph and Alexander Mendelssohn were of essential importance for Alexander von Humboldt's outstanding scientific expeditions and his work as a publicist, coordinator and supporter of fellow scientist and scientific projects in Berlin for decades. New sources present this support of Humboldt by the Mendelssohns in all its depth and variety. At the same time, the enduring funding of one of Prussia's most important Bildungsbürger clearly illustrates that the business policy of the Mendelssohn bankers was based on a canon of values in which the acceptance of responsibility in different fields of society were of equal importance as pure economic success.
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14

Kaufman, Igor. "The Reception of Spinoza and Mendelssohn in the Russian Enlightenment and the Russian-Jewish Haskalah." Dialogue and Universalism 32, no. 1 (2022): 81–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/du20223216.

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My general objective in this paper is to provide (1) the outlines of the reception of Baruch Spinoza and Moses Mendelssohn in the Russian Enlightenment of the late 18th century as well as (2) in the Russian-Jewish Haskalah. In part (1) of the paper I consider Gavrila (Gavriil) Derzhavin’s mention of Mendelssohn in his “Opinion,” the translation of Mendelssohn’s Phaedon in Nikolay Novikov’s Masonic-inspired journal Utrennyi Svet, and the readings of Spinoza’s view on God and then-shared interpretation of his views as an “atheism” in Feofan Propovich, Vasily Trediakovskiy, and Alexander Sumarokov. In the part on the late Russian-Jewish Haskalah of 1860s I examine two intellectual biographies appeared in the period—Saveliy (Saul) Kovner on Spinoza and Yakov Gurliand on Mendelssohn, which aim to interpret positions of Spinoza and Mendelssohn as exemplary strategies of the Jewish emancipation within the framework of claims and prospects of the modern European culture. I also rediscover and reinterpret Spinoza’s approach to religion as the late Russian Haskalah’s authors strongly object to label Spinoza’s philosophy of religion as “atheistic” and consider it as close to the “pure, or true Judaism.”
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15

Sackson, Adrian. "From Moses to Moses: Anthropomorphism and Divine Incorporeality in Maimonides’s Guide and Mendelssohn’s Bi’ur." Harvard Theological Review 112, no. 02 (April 2019): 209–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816019000063.

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AbstractMoses Mendelssohn, arguably the founding figure of modern Jewish philosophy, famously quipped that it was the hours of his youth spent studying the philosophical work of another Moses—Moses Maimonides—that left him with his famously crooked posture. This study investigates one important aspect of the relationship between Mendelssohn and Maimonides: their respective attitudes toward anthropomorphic language in the Bible. Much of the first part of Maimonides’s Guide of the Perplexed is devoted to reinterpretation of scriptural language in light of Maimonides’s non-anthropomorphic, incorporeal conception of God. These chapters constitute a central plank of Maimonides’s religious agenda. Like Maimonides, Mendelssohn was both a philosopher and a religious Jew. His most extensive project intended for a Jewish audience was his German translation of the Pentateuch, accompanied by a Hebrew commentary, known as the Bi’ur. This study examines the manner in which Mendelssohn saw fit to interpret precisely the same set of biblical terms selected by Maimonides for philosophical reinterpretation. Through an investigation of Mendelssohn’s approach to anthropomorphism, divine incorporeality, and philosophical reinterpretation in the biblical commentary, I hope to shed light on an important dimension of the nature of his engagement with Maimonides.
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16

Fogel, Jeremy. "Berlin’s Savoyard Vicar: Religious Skepticism and Toleration in Mendelssohn and Rousseau." Religions 14, no. 6 (June 8, 2023): 761. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14060761.

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While both Mendelssohn and Rousseau were deeply spiritual thinkers whose writings continually reflect a profound belief in a benevolent God, they both still used religious skepticism in order to undermine the logic of religious intolerance. In doing so, these religious thinkers reflect a critical assumption they share with the far less religiously inclined David Hume, namely, that skepticism is a critical tool for the promotion of tolerance. This paper analyses the skeptical and tolerant similarities in Mendelssohn’s and Rousseau’s religious thought. It explores Mendelssohn’s reception of Rousseau, before focusing on Rousseau’s arguments for religious tolerance and showing both how they reflect a skeptical undercurrent and how Mendelssohn uses many similar skeptical arguments for the same purpose. Finally, this analysis will lead to concluding thoughts on the dialectic between skepticism, faith and tolerance in the Enlightenment, and more generally, for skeptical believers ever since.
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17

Feiner, S. "Mendelssohn and "Mendelssohn's Disciples": A Re-examination." Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook 40, no. 1 (January 1, 1995): 133–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/leobaeck/40.1.133.

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18

Wind, Burkhard. "Zur Frage der Tempi in den Orgelwerken Felix Mendelssohn Bartholdys." Die Musikforschung 64, no. 2 (September 22, 2021): 144–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.52412/mf.2011.h2.194.

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Mendelssohn versah seine sechs Orgelsonaten op. 65 mit Metronomangaben und lieferte damit aufschlussreiches Informationsmaterial bezüglich seiner auf die Orgel bezogenen Tempoauffassung. Alle anderen Orgelwerke sind dagegen vom Komponisten nicht metronomisiert worden. Bei der Wahl eines angemessenen Tempos für die Orgelwerke Mendelssohns ohne Metronomangaben folgt aus der vorhandenen Instrumentenspezifik des Tempos die besondere Autorität der Angaben aus den Sonaten op. 65 - sie sind am ehesten geeignet, Anhaltspunkte zu liefern. Ein Vergleich der Auffassungen von Friedrich Wilhelm Schütze und Johann Nepomuk Hummel sowie Adolf Bernhard Marx auf der einen Seite und Mendelssohns Angaben in op. 65 auf der anderen zeigt, dass sich Mendelssohns Metronomangaben in einem durchaus zeittypischen Rahmen bewegen. bms online (Cornelia Schöntube)
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19

Freudenthal, Gad. "Rabbi David Fränckel, Moses Mendelssohn, and the Beginning of the Berlin Haskalah: Reattributing a Patriotic Sermon (1757)." European Journal of Jewish Studies 1, no. 1 (2007): 3–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187247107780557173.

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AbstractOn December 10, 1757 R. David Fränckel (1707–1762), Chief Rabbi of Berlin Jewry, delivered in German a sermon on the occasion of Frederick the Great's victory at Leuthen. Scholarly consensus has ascribed this sermon to Moses Mendelssohn (1729–1796), and it is included in the authoritative edition of Mendelssohn's Complete Works (Jubiläumsausgabe). Drawing on an earlier sermon by Fränckel that has only recently come to light, this paper argues that the "Leuthen Sermon" was in truth authored by Fränckel himself, in Hebrew, and that Mendelssohn only translated it into German. This re-attribution affords a better appreciation of Fränckel's important role in the emergence of the Berlin Haskalah. It is also suggested that Fränckel's thought was closer to Mendelssohn's than hitherto realized, and that Fränckel played a greater role in Mendelssohn's intellectual development than previously thought. The Appendix points out that Fränckel's sermon enjoyed a world-wide success: the German version was reprinted a considerable number of times in Germany; and an English translation was published in London and was reprinted in the New World by both Jews and Christians.
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Gehring, Alain. "Händels Solomon in der Bearbeitung von Felix Mendelssohn Bartholdy (1835)." Die Musikforschung 65, no. 4 (September 22, 2021): 313–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.52412/mf.2012.h4.168.

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Von Mendelssohns aufführungspraktischer Einrichtung des Händelschen Oratoriums "Solomon" war bislang lediglich eine in der Musikabteilung der Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin verwahrte, autographe Orgelstimme zugänglich. Für das Musikfest am 7. Juni 1835 in Köln, bei dem es erstmals aufgeführt wurde, erschien auch ein Programmheft mit einer deutschen Übersetzung des Oratorientextes im Druck. In der Bibliothek der Hochschule für Musik und Tanz Köln konnte der Autor sowohl eine Orgelstimme zu Händels "Solomon" mit zahlreichen Eintragungen von Mendelssohns Hand als auch eine zweibändige, von Verkenius angefertigte Partiturabschrift der aufführungspraktischen Einrichtung Mendelssohn mit deutschem Text auffinden.
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21

Kiss, Endre. "Different Perspectives on Hegel-Mendelssohn-Relationship." Kaleidoscope history 13, no. 27 (2023): 291–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.17107/kh.2023.27.19.

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In paragraph 157, Hegel describes in the Encyclopaedia the volume of the necessity, which represents a still inner and hidden identity which is "of those" that are considered as "real", the "self-sufficiency" of which should just be the necessity. While later Hegel describes the mutually independent realities (to repel something from themselves), he is (consciously or unconsciously) placed in a similar situation, in which Moses Mendelssohn comes in his essay written in 1763 for the Royal Academy of Sciences, while he is striving to build a rational metaphysics, a fully realized rational systematics. It is noteworthy, that in Mendelssohn's argumentation, the mathematical (geometrical and arithmetic) necessity (including the theological) can be on the way to cross over to the real. Mendelssohn's argument differs from Hegel's conception in important elements (amongst others, the language, linguistic usage, and the differences of conceptualities produced in the individual spheres, not to mention the relevance of the mathematical sphere). Still, the anti-empirical baseline can easily be brought in parallel with the same of Hegel. In his alleged strategical anti-Kantianism, Hegel might have found relevant help in many places in Mendelssohn.
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22

SNYDER, BETH. "Once Misjudged and Banned: Promoting the Musical Heritage in the GDR and Discourse Surrounding the 1959 Felix Mendelssohn Festwoche." Twentieth-Century Music 16, no. 2 (April 30, 2019): 319–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s147857221900001x.

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AbstractIn February 1959 East Germany fêted the legacy of Felix Mendelssohn with a week-long celebration. Like earlier festivals honouring composers such as Handel, these festivities provided a site for working out in practical terms abstract theories of the ethico-political value of the Germanic cultural heritage to a socialist German state. Yet, discourse surrounding the Festwoche indicates a unique approach to such negotiations. Debates surrounding the festival are analysed, including publications in journals and newspapers as well as speeches, in order to demonstrate that the circumstances surrounding the Mendelssohn festivities fomented remarkably diverse responses to issues pertaining to the value of the musical heritage and to Mendelssohn's place within that heritage. Further, the problems Mendelssohn's life and work presented led one of the most important musicologists in the GDR – Georg Knepler – to embrace a radically Marxian (rather than Marxist–Leninist) account of the significance of the composer's music to East German audiences.
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23

Guyer, Paul. "Mendelssohn, Kant, and Religious Pluralism." Deutsche Zeitschrift für Philosophie 68, no. 4 (November 3, 2020): 590–610. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/dzph-2020-0039.

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AbstractTwo foremost spokesmen for the German Enlightenment, Moses Mendelssohn and Immanuel Kant, continued the defence of the separation of church and state that was at the heart of the Enlightenment in general and advocated by such great predecessors as Roger Williams and John Locke and contemporaries such as James Madison. The difference between Mendelssohn and Kant on which I focus here is that while Mendelssohn argues against his critics that Judaism is the appropriate religion for a specific people without being appropriate for all, thus implying more generally that different religions are appropriate for groups with different histories, Kant argues first that Judaism is not a genuine religion at all, second that Christianity provides the most suitable symbols or aesthetic representations of the core truths of the religion of reason, and finally that in any case all historical religion will ultimately fade away in favour of the pure religion of reason. Kant’s assumptions are tendentious and his conclusion implausible; Mendelssohn’s view that religion and differences of religion are here to stay provides a far stronger basis for genuine toleration and a strict separation of church and state.
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Santos Rutschman, Kirsten. "Midsummer Dreams: Felix Mendelssohn’s Swedish Connections." Nineteenth-Century Music Review 17, no. 1 (February 21, 2019): 3–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479409818000460.

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Two years after completing his overture to A Midsummer Night’s Dream (1826), Felix Mendelssohn-Bartholdy began to write of another vision: visiting his friend, the composer Adolf Fredrik Lindblad, in Sweden. Over the coming years, as Mendelssohn continually returned to this idea, additional reasons to make such a journey presented themselves: performances of his works in that city, including the Shakespearean overture, were well received; he became personally acquainted with Crown Prince Oscar, to whom he dedicated the op. 44 string quartets; he was elected to the Royal Swedish Academy of Music; his first cousin, Josephine (‘Peppi’) Benedicks, lived in Stockholm; and his friendship with Jenny Lind in the last years of his life only strengthened his interest in the north.While Mendelssohn’s letters to Lindblad have long been known to scholars, the Gegenbriefe from Lindblad remain unpublished. For the first time, his voice is now fully restored to the conversation in an extensive correspondence that contributes to knowledge of Mendelssohn’s interpretations of his own music and his early reverence for the late Beethoven string quartets. In addition, this article also uncovers epistolary evidence of a cluster of related compositions by Mendelssohn and Lindblad spawned by Mendelssohn’s interest in the quartet in F Major (op. 135), including a little-known song that Lindblad dedicated to Felix on the occasion of his marriage.Mendelssohn’s journeys to Scotland and Italy inspired his musical imagination in ways that have richly benefitted the concert repertoire. How might he have translated his impressions of Nordic history, culture and geography into new aural atmospheres, had he followed his dream to travel northwards?
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Sposato, Jeffrey S. "Saint Elsewhere: German and English Reactions to Mendelssohn's Paulus." 19th-Century Music 32, no. 1 (2008): 26–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ncm.2008.32.1.026.

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Abstract This article examines German and English reactions to Felix Mendelssohn's 1836 oratorio, Paulus. German Protestant audiences recognized Paulus's devotional, or spiritual, quality, which derived from its incorporation of well-known Lutheran chorales. In using chorales and reflective arias and choruses, Mendelssohn followed the model established by Johann Sebastian Bach in his St. Matthew Passion, a work that Mendelssohn had reintroduced to German audiences in 1829. When Paulus was premiered for English audiences in a translation called St. Paul, it was enthusiastically received. But these audiences misunderstood St. Paul's devotional elements, for several reasons. Not only were English audiences unfamiliar with both Bach's music and the Lutheran chorale, they also expected oratorios to follow the model established by Handel. As such, English audiences were confused by those places in St. Paul where the present-day audience is called to reflect and attempted to attribute these numbers to characters in the drama. Mendelssohn responded to this confusion when writing his next oratorio, Elias (or Elijah), in which he hewed more closely to the Handelian model.
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Whittle, Kristen. "A Requiem for Fanny: The Final Creative Efforts of Felix Mendelssohn." Nota Bene: Canadian Undergraduate Journal of Musicology 16, no. 1 (June 20, 2023): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.5206/notabene.v16i1.16608.

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Felix Mendelssohn entered a state of intense depression and mourning upon hearing that his sister, Fanny Mendelssohn-Hensel passed away in her Leipzig home on May 14, 1847, after suffering a stroke. Composition, a key element of the personal and collegial relationship between Hensel and her brother, served as a necessary outlet for his grief, from the time of Hensel’s death until his own passing only six months later. Communication of grief through music developed substantially throughout the nineteenth century, and this notion of suffering within art collocated with the modern labels for the grieving process created by Elizabeth Kübler-Ross, show how Mendelssohn experienced the four initial stages of grief (denial, anger, bargaining, depression), but died before ever reaching the final (acceptance) stage. While acknowledging ambiguity around Mendelssohn’s intentions for the works, I argue that his final compositions– the String Quartet no 6. In F Minor, and the last two songs from his Sechs Lieder (no. 5, “Auf der Wanderschaft”, and no. 6, “Nachtlied”)–are “requiems for Fanny” that parallel these initial stages of grief.
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Kohler, George Y. "Moses Mendelssohn as an Influence on Hermann Cohen’s “Idiosyncratic” Reading of Maimonides’ Ethics." Religions 14, no. 1 (January 3, 2023): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14010065.

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Surprisingly, there are at least three major theological subjects where Hermann Cohen seems to agree with Mendelssohn—against standard Jewish Reform theology. Even more interesting: All three points stand in connection with the religious thought of Moses Maimonides (1137–1204), the medieval halakhist and philosopher, whose radical theological ideas Mendelssohn mostly rejected and Cohen generally adopted. Should this observation be true, however, we might assume that Cohen took at least a few hints from his own reading of Maimonides from Mendelssohn. This conclusion would then in itself be surprising, because Cohen, contrary to the Jewish Reform theologians of the 19th century, and in fact contrary to everyone else, read Maimonides in what was generally called an “idiosyncratic” way: For Cohen, Maimonides was a proto-idealist, who often followed Plato much more than Aristotle, and who sometimes even anticipated Immanuel Kant. Even more exceptionally, Cohen Maimonides’ philosophy in the Guide of the Perplexed was focused on a theology of ethics rather than on a metaphysics of knowledge of the divine. I will attempt to provide proof-texts showing that on these three points Mendelssohn and Cohen are essentially in harmony. Still, my proofs for a probable Mendelssohnian influence on Cohen depend on a very close reading of both Mendelssohn’s relevant passages, as well as of the corresponding texts in Maimonides.
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28

Eisen, Arnold. "Divine Legislation as “Ceremonial Script”: Mendelssohn on the Commandments." AJS Review 15, no. 2 (1990): 239–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009400002968.

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My aim in this essay is to analyze a section of Moses Mendelssohn's Jerusalem largely ignored by previous readers. The treatise has generally been recognized as epochal in the history of modern Judaism, and Altmann, Guttmann, Rawidowicz, and Rotenstreich have therefore focused quite understandably on that which made it so: the novel political theory set forth in part 1, or the controversial assertion near the start of part 2 that Judaism “knows of no revealed religion” in the common sense of that term, its uniqueness consisting only in the “divine legislation” revealed to the Jews at Sinai. Only Heinemann has made a serious attempt to unravel Mendels sohn's tortuous explanation of the “divine legislation” as “a kind of living script,” and his often excellent account is marred by explicit Orthodox apologetic and utter reverence for Mendelssohn, both of which prevent him from seeing just how radical a theory of the commandments Jerusalem sets forth.3 Mendelssohn coyly terms most of the section devoted to this theory a “digression.“ Altmann notes charitably that it contains not only “some flights of speculation” but “the least substantiated of all [the] theories Mendelssohn ever advanced.”
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Mikusi, Balázs. "Mendelssohn." Nineteenth-Century Music Review 4, no. 2 (November 2007): 180–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479409800001026.

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30

Todd, R. Larry. "Mendelssohn." Nineteenth-Century Music Review 5, no. 1 (June 2008): 147–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479409800002718.

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31

Купіна, Д. Д., and Г. О. Гребенюк. "Genre of variations for piano in the context of stylish plurality of F. Mendelssohn-Bartholdy's creativity." Музикознавча думка Дніпропетровщини, no. 16 (December 19, 2019): 73–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.33287/221924.

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The purpose of the article is to determine the genre and stylefeatures of the piano cycle „Serious Variations” by F. Mendelssohn-Bartholdy. The round of specific methods is due to the use of empiricalscientific approaches of observation and generalization. The methodsidentified form a pronounced practical component of the proposedscientific intelligence. The structural and analytical approach allows you toform a sequence of presentation of scientific material, and draw theappropriate conclusions on the features of „Serious Variations”. Using thehistorical-typological approach, the sequence of the development processof the variation genre as a whole is revealed. The novelty of the proposedtopic is determined by the fact that the first analysis of the piano cycle„Serious Variations” by F. Mendelssohn was carried out in the context ofthe historical development of the genre of variations and its stylisticdetermination. Conclusions. Variations for piano occupy a rather modestplace in Mendelssohn’s music compared to the work of other composers.The piano series „Serious Variations” was created by Mendelssohn inaccordance with romantic trends in contemporary composer in a dialoguewith the stylistic features of the Baroque and classical era. The styleguidelines for creating the cycle was the work of L. Beethoven andI.S. Bach. The texture of the work is very “pianistic”, although itinfluences both the orchestral writing and Mendelssohn’s organ music.The dramaturgy of „Serious Variations” is organized in such a way that itclearly senses the movement from Baroque to classical stylistics,manifesting the essence of style modulation within the cycle. The mainfeature of „Serious Variations” on the implementation of which thepianist’s efforts should be aimed at working on this cycle is the stylemultiplicity, which is the main characteristic of musical material and theways of its presentation.
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Kremnitzer, Yuval. "“To Love the Rest of His Thoughts as Myself” – Translating Mendelssohn’s Singular Bildung." Naharaim 15, no. 2 (November 16, 2021): 201–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/naha-2021-0014.

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Abstract The conceptual history of Bildung, the German term for self-formation, encapsulates the ethical revolution of modern German thought, associated with the Kantian moment and its aftermath. Reshaped in modernity to respond to a post-Kantian, critical sensibility, the modern term emphasizes the reflexive, active process of self-formation, in contrast with the medieval theological sensibility which emphasized the receptive imprint of the image of God. In this article, I unpack Moses Mendelsohn’s idiosyncratic notion of Bildung. I show that what is unique, indeed, singular in Mendelssohn’s notion of Bildung is the way it merges the traditional, theological notion with the modern one. For Mendelssohn, to imitate God is to come to value one’s contingent being. The imitation of the ideal, the most perfect, is tantamount to embracing the perfectible, and the process of perfection or self-actualization. Jacobi, Mendelssohn, Bildung, Contingency, Pantheism affair, Moral Perfectionism
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Loos, Helmut. "Liszt, Mendelssohn und die Künste im Spiegel der Briefe Mendelssohns." Studia Musicologica 54, no. 2 (June 1, 2013): 147–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/smus.54.2013.2.3.

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Paris war Anfang der 1830er Jahre Treffpunkt junger Komponisten; Mendelssohn befreundete sich eng mit Frédéric Chopin und Ferdinand Hiller, die ein fröhliches Trio bildeten. Auch zu anderen Musikerkollegen bestand sehr freundschaftlicher Kontakt, insbesondere zu Franz Liszt. Im gemeinsamen Musizieren und Feiern tauschten sich die jungen Leute aus und schärften ihre Individualität. Die Briefe Mendelssohns sind von einer hellsichtigen Beobachtungsgabe geprägt, die ungewöhnliche Perspektiven und Charakterisierungen bietet. Das Verhältnis trübte sich später ein, die gegenseitige Hochachtung aber blieb erhalten. Die Briefe erlauben eine abgrenzende Charakteristik beider Persönlichkeiten und ihrer Musik.
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Glöckner, Andreas. "Zelter und Mendelssohn - Zur "Wiederentdeckung" der Matthäus-Passion im Jahre 1829." Bach-Jahrbuch 90 (March 28, 2018): 133–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.13141/bjb.v20042125.

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Die genaueren historischen Umstände der Wiederentdeckung der Matthäuspassion BWV 244 sind Gegenstand des Artikels. Dabei wird besonders die Beteiligung Carl Friedrich Zelters an den Vorgängen berücksichtigt. Gleichzeitig werden von ihm vorgenommene Modifikationen der ihm zur Verfügung stehenden Abschrift des Werks dargestellt. Zudem wird quellenkritisch ermittelt, aus welchen Fassungen und Überlieferungslinien Zelters Partitur hervorging und wie die so entstandene Mischfassung über Felix Mendelssohn Bartholdy weitere Verbreitung erfuhr. Über diesen Ansatz wird abschließend zur Bedeutung Zelters wie Mendelssohns im Rahmen der Wiederentdeckung des Werks zu beurteilen versucht.
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35

Pollok, Anne. "Beautiful Perception and its Object. Mendelssohn’s theory of mixed sentiments reconsidered." Kant-Studien 109, no. 2 (June 7, 2018): 270–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/kant-2018-2007.

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Abstract: Complex aesthetic perception, according to Mendelssohn’s writings between 1755 and 1771, is most alluring if it showcases a breach in the order of perfection. With this, Mendelssohn introduces a shift in our understanding of the artistic act of imitation: Artistic semblance is always lacking, and a painting that does not point to this fact is, in fact, displeasing. This is also the main reason why we enjoy non-beautiful art: in the artistic rendering of an unpleasant ‘object’ we focus on the artistic act itself, on its formal features, and its effects on us as the perceiver. Thus, a representation that evokes the mixed feelings of pleasure, appreciation, and rejection is superior to ‘pure’ beauty, in that it better refers us to higher forms of perfection: the perfection of the perceiving and creative subject (hence, including both artist and audience). It is the nagging, near-painful impression of mixed sentiments that, according to Mendelssohn, guides our self-perfection, the highest aim of all human endeavors.
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36

Steinbeck, Wolfram. "Mendelssohn und die Ironie." Archiv für Musikwissenschaft 75, no. 4 (2018): 278–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/afmw-2018-0014.

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37

Sposato, Jeffrey S., Francoise Tillard, and Camille Naish. "Fanny Mendelssohn." Notes 53, no. 3 (March 1997): 800. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/899736.

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38

Fuchs, Konrad. "Mendelssohn Studies." Philosophy and History 21, no. 1 (1988): 99–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philhist198821160.

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39

Riethmüller, Albrecht. "Korngolds Mendelssohn." Archiv für Musikwissenschaft 67, no. 3 (2010): 187–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/afmw-2010-0011.

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40

Stadlen, Peter, and R. Larry Todd. "Mendelssohn Studies." Musical Times 134, no. 1804 (June 1993): 334. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1003059.

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41

Zwiep, Irene. "Mendelssohn perspectives." Jewish Culture and History 16, no. 3 (February 19, 2015): 322–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1462169x.2014.1003448.

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42

Rovira, Rogelio. "Nochmals zu Mendelssohn, Kant und dem ontologischen Gottesbeweis." Deutsche Zeitschrift für Philosophie 71, no. 2 (April 1, 2023): 194–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/dzph-2023-0018.

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Abstract Stefan Lang recently published a valuable contribution in the Deutsche Zeitschrift für Philosophie on the discussion between Mendelssohn and Kant on the validity of the ontological proof for the existence of God. The conclusion of his article contrasts with that defended by the author of these pages in an essay published in Kant-Studien a few years ago. Our discrepancy is based on two closely related key issues: firstly, on how to interpret Mendelssohn’s thesis that the absolutely necessary being is both thought and thing; secondly, on the significance and scope to be attributed to Kant’s thesis of the impossibility of an ontological proof of God’s existence.
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43

Garibay-Petersen, Cristóbal. "Kant and Mendelssohn on the limits of the Enlightenment." SHS Web of Conferences 161 (2023): 02005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/202316102005.

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Kant’s conception of the Enlightenment, contrary to Mendelssohn’s, cannot be limited or constrained by designating a special sphere where ‘enlightened’ claims are applicable and another special sphere where ‘enlightened’ claims are not applicable. In contrast to some of the literature, I show that no single domain concerning human affairs is beyond Kant’s conception of the Enlightenment to the extent that no single domain is outside of reason. I show this to be the case by looking, first, at Mendelssohn’s conception of Enlightenment and its links to his understanding of moral progress and conscience. Because ‘Enlightenment’ designates the correct use of one’s own theoretical faculties, it is the task of formation (Bildung) to prevent the Enlightenment from extending beyond its legitimate domain. Thus, for Mendelssohn, the sphere of formation stands in stark opposition to the sphere of Enlightenment. I then look at Kant’s response to the question of what Enlightenment is and show that his deceptively simple answer is in fact underpinned, on the one hand, by a rather complex account of reason’s universality, public nature and communicability and, on the other hand, by a complex account of reason’s historical development. Kant’s conception of Enlightenment, unlike Mendelssohn’s, does not stand in opposition to a practical sphere insofar as Enlightenment designates the process of breaking away from immaturity (Unmündigkeit), a process the scope of which is necessarily unlimited.
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44

Biddlecombe, George. "Secret Letters and a Missing Memorandum: New Light on the Personal Relationship between Felix Mendelssohn and Jenny Lind." Journal of the Royal Musical Association 138, no. 1 (2013): 47–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02690403.2013.771961.

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AbstractThe Committee of the Mendelssohn Scholarship Foundation possesses material indicating that Mendelssohn wrote passionate love letters to Jenny Lind entreating her to join him in an adulterous relationship and threatening suicide as a means of exerting pressure upon her, and that these letters were destroyed on being discovered after her death. The notion that Mendelssohn would have written such letters conflicts strikingly with the received view of his character. Nevertheless, the veracity of the material is beyond doubt, and, while it does not include specific evidence that Mendelssohn and Lind began an affair, it points more clearly than has hitherto been possible towards an answer to this question. Thus it necessitates a radical revision of perceptions of these two major musicians. For Otto Goldschmidt, Lind's husband, destroying the letters was crucial in protecting the reputations not only of his wife and Mendelssohn but also of himself and his family.
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45

Klemme, Heiner F. "Der Grund der Verbindlichkeit. Mendelssohn und Kant über Evidenz in der Moralphilosophie (1762/64)." Kant-Studien 109, no. 2 (June 7, 2018): 286–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/kant-2018-2006.

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Abstract: The paper discusses the concepts of obligation and moral evidence in Mendelssohn’s and Kant’s prize essays. I argue that Mendelssohn departs in significant ways from Christian Wolff’s position, and that Kant intends to overcome Wolffian philosophy with Newtonian methodology while still owing a lot to Wolff and to the project of an ethics within the limits of metaphysics. Although quite akin to Francis Hutcheson’s philosophy, it becomes clear that Kant intended to lay the foundation of an innovative concept of obligation, which shares some similarities with Christian August Crusius’s interpretation of it.
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46

Platte, Nathan. "Dream Analysis: Korngold, Mendelssohn, and Musical Adaptations in Warner Bros.' A Midsummer Night's Dream (1935)." 19th-Century Music 34, no. 3 (2011): 211–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ncm.2011.34.3.211.

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Abstract In his first film score, Erich Wolfgang Korngold adapted the works of Felix Mendelssohn so that the music seemed to interact and respond with the visual editing of the film, A Midsummer Night's Dream (Warner Bros., 1935). By detailing the facets of this unusual production, which range from Korngold's presence on the set to the publicity department's efforts to spotlight Mendelssohn's music and Korngold's arrangements, I argue that the score for Dream played an important role in elevating film music and film composers within the hierarchy of Hollywood production and publicity. Not only was the Mendelssohn-Korngold score given greater consideration during the film's making, but also audiences were reminded to listen to the film's music, a facet rarely acknowledged in other contemporaneous publicity drives. Importantly, these changes were effected and rationalized through the self-conscious foregrounding of the music, principles, and rhetoric of nineteenth-century Romanticism. Documents at the Warner Bros. Archive reveal how the confluence of these factors not only established the unusual tenor of Korngold's career within the Hollywood studio system but also helped construct the film composer's public image as an incongruously independent artist working within an otherwise collaborative medium.
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47

Stinson, Russell. "Mendelssohns große Reise. Ein Beitrag zur Rezeption von Bachs Orgelwerken." Bach-Jahrbuch 88 (March 9, 2018): 119–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.13141/bjb.v20021743.

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Bei der Verbreitung der Orgelmusik Johann Sebastian Bachs im frühen 19. Jahrhundert spielte Felix Mendelssohn Bartholdy die zentrale Rolle. Mendelssohn komponierte über 30 Orgelwerke, und in vielen Fällen dienten ihm Orgelkompositionen Bachs als Modelle. Obgleich er niemals ein Organistenamt innehatte, galt er als einer der berühmtesten Organisten seiner Zeit. Die Editionen der von Mendelssohn herausgegebenen Choralvorspiele Bachs gehören zu den ersten Veröffentlichungen dieser Werkgattung überhaupt. (Oliver Schöner, Quelle: Bibliographie des Musikschrifttums online)
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48

Breuer, Edward. "Politics, Tradition, History: Rabbinic Judaism and the Eighteenth-Century Struggle for Civil Equality." Harvard Theological Review 85, no. 3 (July 1992): 357–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816000003357.

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Sometime in the early summer of 1782, Moses Mendelssohn received word that a pamphlet, entitled Das Forschen nach Licht und Recht (The Searching for Light and Right) and signed only as “S***,” was being prepared for publication. Enunciating the concerns of an Enlightenment-minded Christian writer, this pamphlet explicitly challenged Mendelssohn to clarify two issues of public interest: his increasingly outspoken advocacy for the civil admission of Jews into Prussian society, and the future shape of Judaism within a modern tolerant state. For Mendelssohn, the impending publication of the pamphlet was disconcerting because it insisted on linking his personal religious integrity to the broader political debate over civil integration. Given that his political campaign on behalf of his coreligionists was predicated upon the removal of confessional considerations from the public realm, this particular linkage became a source of no small irritation. Mendelssohn, however, quickly determined that the challenge could not be left unanswered. Indeed, it was in response to this tract and its appended postscript that Mendelssohn penned Jerusalem, his most articulate and enduring statement on religious tolerance and political equality.
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49

Stevens, Denis. "Mendelssohn in Switzerland." Musical Times 132, no. 1782 (August 1991): 413. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/965916.

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50

Riethmuller, Albrecht. "Das "Problem Mendelssohn"." Archiv für Musikwissenschaft 59, no. 3 (2002): 210. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/931133.

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