Journal articles on the topic 'Mental health|Women's studies|Psychology'

The Wisconsin Maternity Leave and Health Study addresses an important policy issue, parental leave, by investigating the work status, maternity leave, and mental health of 570 women. In the longitudinal design, the women, all of whom were living with a husband or partner, were interviewed during the fifth month of pregnancy, 1 month postpartum, and 4 months postpartum. At 4 months postpartum, full-time workers, part-time workers, and homemakers did not differ in depression or anger, but full-time workers showed elevated anxiety compared with the other two groups. In multiple regression analyses, length of leave interacted significantly with marital concerns when predicting depression; women who took a short leave (6 weeks or less) and were high on marital concerns had the highest depression scores. Short maternity leave can be conceptualized as a risk factor that, when combined with other risk factors such as marital concerns, places women at greater risk for depression.

Feminist Foremothers in Women's Studies, Psychology, and Mental Health, Phyllis Chesler, Esther D. Rothblum, and Ellen Cole (Eds.). Binghamton, NY: Harrington Park Press, 1995. 541 pp., $29.95 (paper), ISBN: 1-56023-078-9. Published simultaneously by The Haworth Press, cloth ($49.95) and as Women & Therapy, 17(1-4).

This research explored gatekeeping transactions of professional women in selected occupational fields. Subjects were asked to keep daily records on strategies they used to gain needed resources from other people in their workplace. Characteristics of gatekeeping transactions were studied as potential stressors that might affect specific indicators of mental health. Results suggest that differences in levels of job satisfaction and substance use can be predicted by specific characteristics of gatekeeping transactions, such as total number of transactions, number of strategies used per transaction, negativity of transactions, and gender and role status of gatekeeper. Patterns of influence strategies used by the subjects are discussed, as are implications for future research on gatekeeping transactions in relation to professional women's mental health and job satisfaction.

This article offers objectification theory as a framework for understanding the experiential consequences of being female in a culture that sexually objectifies the female body. Objectification theory posits that girls and women are typically acculturated to internalize an observer's perspective as a primary view of their physical selves. This perspective on self can lead to habitual body monitoring, which, in turn, can increase women's opportunities for shame and anxiety, reduce opportunities for peak motivational states, and diminish awareness of internal bodily states. Accumulations of such experiences may help account for an array of mental health risks that disproportionately affect women: unipolar depression, sexual dysfunction, and eating disorders. Objectification theory also illuminates why changes in these mental health risks appear to occur in step with life-course changes in the female body.

This study examines the relative contributions of job- and gender-related variables to the mental health of Hispanic women professionals. Hispanic women professionals, managers and business owners ( n = 303) were surveyed using the mailing list of a Hispanic professional women's organization. Results of multiple regression analyses indicate that income and Hispanic group were consistently related to mental health measures. Spouse support and ethnicity of spouse were associated with measures of stress in balancing roles and psychological distress symptoms. Marital status was related to personal life satisfaction (married women reported more satisfaction), and having young children was negatively associated with personal and professional satisfaction. Experience of discrimination, job stress and peer support were also significantly related to mental health measures. Although preliminary, this study underscores the importance of both job- and gender-related factors in research on the effects of employment on Hispanic women's mental health.

Concern has been expressed about underrepresentation of Hispanics in mental health facilities, but little has been done to examine Hispanic gender differences in the use of such facilities. This descriptive study provides a broader and more detailed profile of Hispanic women's use of selected inpatient mental health facilities than is currently available. It presents gender differences in number, percent, and rate per 100,000 population for Hispanic and nonHispanic inpatient admissions with respect to age, marital status, and diagnosis. Results suggest that women use these inpatient facilities less than men, and this gender difference is greater for Hispanics. This greater gender difference in admissions among Hispanics was found across age and marital status categories, but not in all diagnoses. Regardless of ethnicity, men had higher admission rates for schizophrenia and alcohol-related disorders, but not for affective disorders. Marital status was related to diagnosis differently for Hispanics and nonHispanics. The gender difference in favor of higher rates for men with schizophrenia was not found for married nonHispanics. The gender difference in favor of higher rates for women with affective disorders was not found for separated/divorced Hispanic women. These findings point to the importance of and need for psychological research that examines the relationship between gender and sex roles and mental health, the inclusion of the resultant knowledge in mental health education and training, and the application of that knowledge to the design of mental health services.

Employment status, maternity leave, and role quality were investigated as predictors of women's mental health one year after delivery. Home-makers and part-time and full-time employees did not differ on measures of depression, anxiety, anger, or self-esteem. There were no main effects of leave length. Distress was associated with job overload, role restriction, and infant distress. Leave length interacted with the relative salience of work and family, and employment status interacted with employment preference to predict distress. Depression was greatest among women relatively high in work salience when leaves were long. Anxiety and anger were greatest among women whose employment status was not congruent with their preferences. These interactions underscore the importance of individual differences in responses to leave and work.

This article reviews policy issues involved in maternity leave or parental leave. Findings from the Wisconsin Maternity Leave and Health Project, a longitudinal interview study of 570 women and 550 of their husbands/ partners, are discussed, focusing especially on the issues of maternity leave and women's mental health, and fathers’ patterns of taking parental leave. I stress the importance of empirical research if feminist psychologists are to have an impact on public policy.

Male violence is an enduring feature of women's lives from childhood through old age. The review covers child sexual abuse, rape, and partner violence with emphasis on the prevalence of violence, its mental health consequences, the course of recovery, and mediators and moderators of traumatic impact. The primary focus is depression and posttraumatic stress disorder, the two major diagnostic entities through which postassault emotions and behaviors have been conceptualized and measured. The effects of psychiatric conceptualizations of victimization and patterns of individual recovery are critically reviewed. The PTSD paradigm as the sole foundation for most victimization research is also debated. Following the review, mental health services for victimized women are examined. The article concludes with public policy recommendations to improve the availability and accessibility of mental health services with emphasis on reaching those survivors who are less likely to consult the formal system.

Poverty, inequality, and discrimination endanger women's well-being. Poverty is one of the most consistent predictors of depression in women, probably because it imposes considerable stress while attacking many potential sources of social support. Economic inequalities within societies are associated with reduced life expectancy and a variety of negative physical health outcomes. Parallel research on economic inequalities and depression has just begun. Discrimination maintains inequalities, condemns women to lives of lessened economic security, and exposes them to unmerited contempt. Although the mental health impact of poverty is documented and largely understood, the implications of inequality and discrimination are less well known. Much important work remains to be done, particularly research that connects individuals' mental health to ecological characteristics of the communities and societies in which they live.

Perhaps in reaction to criticisms of “woman as problem” formulations, psychological literature has nearly ignored women with serious mental illnesses (SMI), although epidemiological research indicates that women are overrepresented in these diagnoses. Data are presented on characteristics, functioning, and services received for a sample of nearly 2,500 SMI clients. Statistical clustering of clients with similar profiles produced four out of six clusters with significant differences in proportions of female versus male clients represented. The results indicate that the extent to which SMI clients display gender-related symptoms and behaviors is a significant factor in clinician perceptions and in service utilization. However, results also show substantial overlap in gender composition of the clusters. Discussion centers on the quality of care and appropriateness of services for female clients. Future research is suggested, utilizing a feminist understanding of women's diversity and of sociopolitical factors related to mental health.

Women's educational and occupational achievements are crucial to the economic productivity and prosperity of the nation, as well as to the mental health of women and their families. In this article we review psychological research on motivation and on educational achievement, focusing on gender and the contributions that have been made by feminist researchers. Feminist psychologists noted the sex bias and methodological flaws in traditional research on achievement motivation and proposed vastly improved models, such as Eccles's expectancy x value model of achievement behavior. Contrary to stereotypes, gender similarities are typically found in areas such as mathematics performance. Policymakers should be concerned about gender bias in the SAT and about the Female Underprediction Effect. Additional threats to girls' and women's achievements include stereotype threat and peer sexual harassment in the schools.

National health data are presented to demonstrate that important issues of women's health are linked to inequality and to the generalized oppression of women. Health issues of violence, reproductive health, coronary health, and mental health are reviewed as they relate to women of color and diverse ethnicity as well as to women in general. Feminist principles are applied to these issues, pointing out inequalities in assessment, treatment and access to care, bias in research and lack of research on topics particularly relevant to women and minorities, and limitations in the education and training of health care providers. It is imperative that these problems, which are not solely biological, be addressed in light of systems-level analysis that includes a feminist lens. Guided by feminist principles and sensibilities, the relevance of behavioral and social science is outlined for research, training, assessment, intervention, evaluation, and overall social change.

Incarcerated women's perceptions of the prison environment were explored with respect to relative level of safety from interpersonal abuse in prison as compared to before incarceration. Perceived levels of safety were analyzed based on reported past experiences of interpersonal violence. Participants were 65 women incarcerated in a medium security prison for women with mental and physical health problems. Women's perceptions of safety were evaluated using close-ended quantitative and open-ended qualitative self-report questions. The results suggest that, for some women, prison may be a relatively safe environment and that perceived level of safety may vary with the extent of previous experience of interpersonal violence inchildhood and adulthood. Given that the structure of correctional institutions often incorporates abusive dynamics, the directionality of the findings is theoretically and socially important. The patterns apparent in these data are also consistent with other research and theory on the experiences of incarcerated women.

Fredrickson and Roberts (1997) proposed objectification theory as an integrative framework for understanding how women's socialization and experiences of sexual objectification are translated into mental health problems. This article reviews the past decade of research grounded in objectification theory and highlights needed directions for future scholarship in this area. Specifically, this article reviews research organized according to the following themes: (a) self-objectification and its proposed consequences, (b) sexual objectification experiences as a proposed precursor, and (c) disconnections from bodily functions. An overview of emerging objectification theory research with men is also provided. The review concludes with needed directions for future theoretical and research efforts aimed to advance the psychology of women.

A Task Force of the American Psychological Association Division 35, Psychology of Women, has been collecting resources that address issues of human rights and mental health among Latin American women living in situations of war and/or state-sponsored violence. This work is being conducted primarily by women's groups, progressive organizations, and individual women in these contexts of institutionalized political violence. This paper describes our reflections on themes that emerged from our reading of this work. We discuss the false dichotomy between public and private violence, the silencing of women as an inevitable consequence of state-imposed violence, and the collective efforts of women to resist violence and heal its effects. These themes suggest that extreme violence against women can be most adequately understood and responded to within a psychosocial and cultural framework. We examined three issues that emerge from the material gathered by the Task Force that suggest how some Latin American psychologists and activists have begun to articulate such a framework: (a) exile within and outside of one's country of origin; (b) torture, the most extreme form of state-sponsored violence; and (c) nontraditional, culturally appropriate interventions that are alternatives to Anglo-Saxon theory and practice. The work of Latin American individuals is described here as a resource for all who are engaged in the struggle to achieve justice for women.

The aim of this systematic integrative review was to examine the early impacts of a breast cancer diagnosis (up to 2 years after diagnosis) in relation to quality of life and personal resilience. The bibliographic databases of Medline, CINAHL, Cochrane, and Psychology and Behavioral Science Collection were searched using predetermined search criteria. Research studies published up to February 2019 were considered and following appraisal 36 articles were included in the review. Younger age, disease progression at first presentation, personality factors such as optimism, and moderators such as social support, clinical interventions and development of self-management abilities predicted better quality of life and personal resilience. Not recovering from the physical and psychological impacts of a new diagnosis has implications for future mental and physical health. This systematic, integrative review highlighted that building resilience and working with women's strengths should be the focus for contemporary clinical interventions for women in the early period after diagnosis of breast cancer.

The diverse life experiences of contemporary lesbians are shaped by women's differing ties to two social worlds, the majority heterosexual society and the minority subculture of the lesbian or sexual-minority world. This article presents a detailed conceptual analysis of a dual-identity framework that emphasizes lesbians' simultaneous affiliations with both lesbian and mainstream/heterosexual communities. The usefulness of this approach is discussed, with emphasis on implications for understanding individual differences in exposure to gay-related stress and mental health. Results from a survey of 116 lesbians showed that scores on measures of Lesbian Identity and Mainstream Identity were not significantly correlated with each other. Both lesbian and mainstream identities were significantly related to lesbians' reported experiences of discrimination, feelings of internalized homophobia, and life satisfaction. Limitations of the dual-identity framework and suggestions for future research are considered.

In this paper, we estimate the association between marital-role quality and psychological distress in a sample of 300 full-time employed women and men in dual-earner couples. We control for such individual-level variables as age, education, occupational prestige, and job-role quality, and for such couple-level variables as length of marriage, parental status, and household income. We then compare the magnitude of this effect for men and for women and for parents and nonparents. Results indicate that in dual-earner couples marital-role quality is significantly negatively associated with psychological distress for women as well as men and that the magnitude of the effect depends little, if at all, on gender or on parental status. These findings challenge the view that marital experiences more significantly influence women's mental health states than men's. The results are discussed in the context of identity theory.

Objectification theory proposes that the objectification of women's bodies causes women to self-objectify, adopting an outsider's view of themselves. Engaging in a high amount of self-objectification is thought to place women at increased risk for mental health problems such as body dissatisfaction and depression. It was hypothesized that self-objectification would contribute to negative body regard and depression, which would increase participation in risk-taking and self-harmful behaviors. Structural equation modeling was used to test a model of risk for self-harm based upon objectification theory in a sample of 391 college women. Results indicate that the model provided a good fit to the data, but only the paths from self-objectification to negative body regard, negative body regard to depression, and depression to self-harm were significant. Implications of these findings for objectification theory and our understanding of self-harm in women are discussed.

Mental health practitioners have a responsibility to provide effective interventions to all their clients, accounting for each client's cultural context and values relevant to their well-being. In this study, eight therapists who have worked with Iranian-immigrant intimate partner violence (IPV) clients were interviewed to answer two questions: (a) What have therapists who work in the United States learned about challenges of working with Iranian IPV clients living in the United States? and (b) What suggestions do these thera-pists have for improving services to Iranian IPV clients living in the United States? In response to this question, six main themes were found: (a) Clients' lack of knowledge, (b) cultural acceptance that men are not accountable for their behaviors/gender norms in patriarchal culture, (c) women's sense of disempowerment (victim's role), (d) clients do not disclose IPV due to a sense of obligation, (e) clients' fear of consequences of disclosing, and (f) clients' difficulty trusting therapists and the mental health field. In response to the second question, that is, what suggestions do these therapists have for improving the services to Iranian IPV clients living in the United States? three main themes emerged: (a) clients need for knowledge and psychoeducation, (b) the services for Iranian-immigrant clients are not culturally appropriate, (c) therapists need to have a broad perspective of clients. Results add to the understanding of IPV grounded in the Iranian immigrant culture and ultimately contribute to a culturally based conceptualization of IPV among Iranian immigrants to sensitize therapists regarding culturally appropriate interventions that reflect the concerns of the Iranian living in the United States.

SynopsisThis paper compares the findings of three studies carried out at intervals over the years 1975–1990. The three studies were concerned with different issues, but each study examined psychiatric morbidity among women undergoing hysterectomy for menorrhagia of benign origin.In all three studies levels of psychiatric morbidity were measured before the operation and 6 months after the operation. Psychiatric morbidity was measured with the Present State Examination (PSE) (Wing et al. 1974), and with established self-report questionnaires. Levels of psychiatric morbidity fell significantly across the three studies. In Study 1, the proportions of psychiatric cases were 58% before hysterectomy and 26% after; in Study 2, 28% before and 7% after; and in Study 3, 9% before and 4% after.The decline in psychiatric morbidity was not associated with demographic and social characteristics, previous psychiatric history, family psychiatric history, the nature of the women's menstrual complaints, or the women's understanding and expectations of the operation.In Study 3 anti-menorrhagic drugs were prescribed twice as frequently as in the two previous studies; while the prescribing of psychotropic medication was significantly higher in Study 1 than in Study 2 or Study 3. The implications of these findings are discussed.

SYNOPSISMany studies have been published which have examined the relationship between paid employment and women's health. As employment outside the home is likely to have differential effects for women with different family commitments, further analysis taking account of the association between paid employment and household circumstances is necessary.Using data from a large, representative British sample, this paper examines the effects of interactions between paid employment, social class, and parental status on women's health. The results show differential effects of these variables on physical and mental health. The most important influence on women's mental health (as measured by the 30-item General Health Questionnaire) is the age of their youngest child; women with children under five are most likely to show signs of psychological disturbance. With respect to physical health, age of the youngest child has no significant effect, but there is an interaction between employment status and social class. Paid employment, particularly full-time work, is associated with good physical health for middle-class women but not for working-class women.

The Abuse Disability Questionnaire was administered to 435 female inmates at a state prison in Ohio. Analysis indicated that 69% of the women reported some type of past physical, sexual, or psychological abuse, which is consistent with other reports for state prisons. Both the amount of abuse reported as well as the extent of associated psychological impairment was less in comparison to scores for women in domestic violence shelters. While all women in the prison were screened, those who met criteria for psychiatric diagnoses had significantly higher Abuse Disability Questionnaire scores than those who were not so diagnosed by a mental health professional. As in prior studies with the questionnaire, a significant relation between reported exposure to prior abuse and perceived impairment was found.

Three studies examined whether personality-based hardiness would be associated with mental health benefits in contexts of gender discrimination. Hardy women encountering both a laboratory simulation and a hypothetical scenario of discrimination showed greater self-esteem and less negative affect than low hardy women. However, these benefits were mediated by the use of specific attributions, suggesting that well-being in hardy women may have been achieved through minimizing the pervasiveness of discrimination. The third study showed this mediation pattern occurred only for participants exposed to higher threat scenarios versus lower threat scenarios of discrimination. Thus, minimizing the pervasiveness of discrimination may have been a threat-reducing tool for high hardy women. Bandura's (1997) self-efficacy theory was used as a possible explanation for this finding.

ABSTRACTEvidence suggests that people with strong social support have lower mortality and morbidity and better self-rated health in later life, but few studies have used longitudinal data to examine the factors that inhibit or enhance social support. This study used both quantitative data and qualitative texts to explore older women's social networks. The mixed-methods design drew participants from the 1921–26 cohort of the Australian Longitudinal Study on Women's Health (ALSWH). Regression modelling for repeated measures was used to analyse the longitudinal data. The qualitative data was content analysed by the themes identified from the quantitative analyses. The quantitative analyses revealed that larger social networks associated with better mental health, widowhood, illness or death of a family member, and no mobility problems. Women who were not Australian-born, had sight problems or who had moved house were more likely to have smaller social networks. The qualitative data provided insight into the lived experiences of this group of women. The use of a mixed methodology enabled the longitudinal quantitative results to be enriched by the women's own words. The findings highlight the importance to older women of being able to access their social network members to gain the psychological and emotional benefits.

The Center for Epidemiologic Studies Depression Scale (CES-D) is frequently used in epidemiological surveys to screen for depression, especially among older adults. This article addresses the problem of non-completion of a short form of the CES-D (CESD-10) in a mailed survey of 73- to 78-year-old women enrolled in the Australian Longitudinal Study on Women's Health. Completers of the CESD-10 had more education, found it easier to manage on available income and reported better physical and mental health. The Medical Outcomes Study Short Form Health Survey (SF-36) scores for non-completers were intermediate between those for women classified as depressed and not depressed using the CESD-10. Indicators of depression had an inverted U-shaped relationship with the number of missing CESD-10 items and were most frequent for women with two to seven items missing. Future research should pay particular attention to the level of missing data in depression scales and report its potential impact on estimates of depression.

AbstractThis study focuses on examining the efficacy of dialectic behaviour therapy (DBT) on female clients who meet the criteria of borderline personality disorder (BPD) within a community setting. A clinical sample of 11 women with BPD was provided with a 6-month DBT program that was collaboratively developed and delivered by Logan Women's Health service and Logan Central Adult Mental Health. Results indicate that DBT is an effective treatment for parasuicidal behaviour and decreased the frequency of medically severe suicide attempts. In addition, the duration of telephone contact, face-to-face contact and number and duration of hospital admissions decreased during the DBT program. The participants' psychological, social and occupational functioning improved. Of significance, depression levels also decreased on completion of the program. Future studies would benefit from a larger sample and a control group. This study demonstrates that DBT is an effective treatment for BPD clients within an Australian community setting and has many clinical benefits.

The developmental origins of health and disease hypothesis applied to neurodevelopmental outcomes asserts that the fetal origins of future development are relevant to mental health. There is a third pathway for the familial inheritance of risk for psychiatric illness beyond shared genes and the quality of parental care: the impact of pregnant women's distress—defined broadly to include perceived stress, life events, depression, and anxiety—on fetal and infant brain–behavior development. We discuss epidemiological and observational clinical data demonstrating that maternal distress is associated with children's increased risk for psychopathology: For example, high maternal anxiety is associated with a twofold increase in the risk of probable mental disorder in children. We review several biological systems hypothesized to be mechanisms by which maternal distress affects fetal and child brain and behavior development, as well as the clinical implications of studies of the developmental origins of health and disease that focus on maternal distress. Development and parenting begin before birth.

AbstractAlthough animal models and correlational studies support a model of fetal programming as a mechanism in the transmission of risk for psychopathology from parents to children, the experimental studies that are required to empirically test the model with the human prenatal dyad are scarce. With a systematic review and meta-analysis of the literature, we critically examined the evidence regarding the neurobiological and behavioral changes in infants as a function of randomized clinical trials to prevent or reduce maternal depression during pregnancy, treating randomized clinical trials as experiments testing the fetal programming model. Based on 25 articles that met inclusion criteria, we found support for interventions designed to change maternal prenatal mood being associated with changes in offspring functioning, but with a very small effect size. Effect sizes ranged broadly, and were higher for younger children. The findings enhance understanding of putative mechanisms in the transmission of risk from women's prenatal depression to infants’ vulnerabilities to, and early signs of, the development of psychopathology. We note limitations of the literature and suggest solutions to advance understanding of how preventing or treating depression in pregnant women might disrupt the transmission of risk to the infants.

The results of in vitro and animal studies provide a strong rationale for the use of hormone replacement therapy (HRT) to prevent dementia and Alzheimer's disease (AD). In humans, the results of 16 observational studies are consistent with the hypothesis that estrogen use reduces the risk of AD by 10 to 60%. However, women who are prescribed HRT are less likely to have hypertension, diabetes and history of stroke than nonusers. As all of these factors have been associated with increased risk of dementia (including AD), this “prescription bias” may have a significant impact on the results of observational studies. Randomized trials are designed with the aim of avoiding many of the potential biases and confounding (measured or unmeasured) of observational studies. The results of the Women's Health Initiative Memory Study (WHIMS) indicate that HRT (estrogen plus progestin or estrogen alone) increases the risk of dementia (hazard ratio, HR=1.8, 95% CI=1.2–2.6). Taking into account the results of the WHIMS and the adverse health events associated with the use of estrogen plus progestin or estrogen alone, we conclude that HRT cannot be recommended as a safe and effective strategy to prevent dementia.

AbstractBackgroundPolycystic ovary syndrome (PCOS) is associated with increased psychological distress in clinical populations. We aimed to assess depression, anxiety and perceived stress in women with and without PCOS in a large community-based sample and investigate the role of stress in contributing to and mediating the relationship between PCOS, depression and anxiety.MethodsA cross-sectional analysis was performed from the Australian Longitudinal Study of Women's Health (ALWSH) comparing women with (n = 478) or without (n = 8134) a self-reported diagnosis of PCOS. Main outcome measures were depression, anxiety and perceived stress measured using validated scales. The χ2 and t tests were used to assess differences between groups. Univariable and multivariable regression were performed to determine factors contributing to each outcome.ResultsWomen reporting PCOS, compared with women not reporting PCOS, reported higher prevalence of depression (27.3% v. 18.8%), anxiety symptoms (50% v. 39.2%) and greater score for perceived stress (1.01 ± 0.03 v. 0.88 ± 0.01). After adjusting for body mass index, infertility and socio-demographic factors, women with PCOS were still more likely to be depressed, anxious and to have a higher level of perceived stress. There was a high-level mediation effect of stress between PCOS and both depression and anxiety.ConclusionCompared with women not reporting PCOS, women reporting PCOS have increased depression, anxiety and perceived stress. Stress may play a role in the association between PCOS, depression and anxiety. Further studies should consider assessment and management of stress in PCOS as it may be relevant for understanding the aetiology and treatment of psychological distress.

AbstractWhether men's and women's reciprocation of their intimate partners’ negative and positive affect during conflictual topic discussions accounted for the association between their trait hostility and perpetration of physical intimate partner violence (IPV) was examined within a dyadic model, using concurrent measurement. The work builds on that of Dr. Tom Dishion regarding hostile and coercive interactions in key relationships on risk outcomes and the importance of moment-by-moment influences in social interactions. Using dynamic development systems theory and a community sample of at-risk men (N = 156) and their female partners, the hypothesis that quicker negative and slower positive affect reactivity would account for physical IPV perpetration beyond trait hostility was tested. Results suggest that, for women, quicker negative affect reactivity partially explains the hostility IPV association, whereas for men, trait hostility of both partners best explained their perpetration of physical IPV. No support was found for positive affect reactivity as a protective relationship process for IPV involvement. Findings are in line with other studies indicating men were less likely to engage in negative reciprocity relative to women. Furthermore, findings highlight how both partners’ individual characteristics, communication patterns, and emotion regulation processes germane to the romantic relationship impact the likelihood of experiencing physical IPV.

ABSTRACTThis study assesses the relationship of social desirability response bias with self-reported physical, mental and cognitive health, successful ageing, and socio-demographic attributes among 1,860 older women at the University of California, San Diego's Clinical Center for the Women's Health Initiative and the Sam and Rose Stein Institute for Research on Aging. The women were aged between 57 and 91 years and lived in the San Diego community. Measures included a ten-item Marlowe–Crowne Social Desirability Scale, and self-report scales of physical, mental and cognitive health, successful ageing and wellbeing, as well as standard socio-demographic attributes. Bivariate correlation and multiple regression models indicated that social desirability scores negatively associated with self-reported levels of hostility, anxiety, perceived stress and self-reported cognitive failures, and that they predicted additional variance in multiple regression analyses above models containing socio-demographic predictors alone. On the other hand, even the strongest associations were what are generally considered ‘small effects’ (r<0.30). Overall, while the findings support the general validity of most of the self-report measures in studies of normal and successful ageing, consideration of social desirability response bias in the interpretation of self-reports of low levels of some key constructs (anxiety, hostility, stress, self-perceived cognitive deficits) is warranted.

ABSTRACTA plethora of in vitro and in vivo studies have supported the neuroprotective role of estrogens and their impact on the neurotransmitter systems implicated in cognition. Recent hormonal replacement therapy (HRT) trials in non-demented postmenopausal women suggest a temporary positive effect (notably on verbal memory), and four meta-analyses converge to suggest a possible protective effect in relation to Alzheimer's disease (reducing risk by 29 to 44%). However, data from the only large randomized controlled trial published to date, the Women's Health Initiative Memory Study, did not confirm these observations and have even suggested an increase in dementia risk for women using HRT compared to controls. Apart from methodological differences, one key shortcoming of this trial has probably been the focus on late-onset (postmenopausal) hormonal changes, i.e. at a time when the neurodegenerative process has already begun and without taking into account individual lifetime exposure to hormone variability. Multifactorial models based on an exhaustive view of all hormonal events throughout the reproductive life (rather than on a specific exposure to a given steroid) together with other risk factors (notably genetic risk factors related to estrogen receptor polymorphisms) should be explored to clarify the role of hormonal risk factors, or protective factors for cognitive dysfunction and dementia.

ABSTRACTIn debates about ageing western societies it is often assumed that many middle-aged women struggle to combine paid employment and intergenerational support, and that the subsequent stress leads them to experience an increase in depressive symptoms. Cross-sectional studies have supported this notion, but the question remains whether combining work and intergenerational support actually causes an increase in depressive symptoms. In order to fill a gap in the literature, this study examines the proportion of middle-aged women combining paid work and support to an adult child and/or parent, and the extent to which combining these roles affects women's depressive symptoms over time. For this purpose, we make use of the Survey of Health, Ageing, and Retirement in Europe (SHARE) data set which includes longitudinal data collected on European women aged 50+. Descriptive analyses indicated that 14 per cent of middle-aged women combine the roles of employee, support provider to an adult child, and/or support provider to a parent. Results from semi-dynamic and full-dynamic regression analyses indicate that combining roles can take away some, of the positive mental health effects of fulfilling a role. These findings support the role combination stress hypothesis.

ABSTRACTPast research has documented the influences that ‘traumatic’ memories of war have on older people's mental health (e.g. Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder). However, fewer studies have explored the longer-term implications of wartime experiences for older men and women's everyday lives. This article explores the impact of Second World War experiences on older men and women living in the United Kingdom (UK), to provide an insight into how such experiences influence how they construct their daily lives. Forty UK-based participants born between 1914 and 1923 were interviewed as part of the ENABLE-AGE project that was undertaken in five European countries. The key concepts underpinning the interview schedule were: home, independence, participation, health and wellbeing, and societal supports. The data were analysed using a grounded theory approach. Participants emphasised how wartime experiences continue to hold significance within their lives and settings some 60 years later. Seven themes emerged from the analysis. Four of these reflect the way wartime experiences remain important influences on participants' present-day social worlds: comradeship, storytelling about the war, community and alienation, and long-term physical effects. A further three themes reflect how skills and personal characteristics defined by wartime experiences are embedded in the way many older people continue to negotiate and structure their practical lives: managing, resilience and adaptability, and independence.

Abstract Background Most epidemiological studies show a decrease of internalizing disorders at older ages, but it is unclear how the prevalence exactly changes with age, and whether there are different patterns for internalizing symptoms and traits, and for men and women. This study investigates the impact of age and sex on the point prevalence across different mood and anxiety disorders, internalizing symptoms, and neuroticism. Methods We used cross-sectional data on 146 315 subjects, aged 18–80 years, from the Lifelines Cohort Study, a Dutch general population sample. Between 2012 and 2016, five current internalizing disorders – major depression, dysthymia, generalized anxiety disorder, social phobia, and panic disorder – were assessed according to DSM-IV criteria. Depressive symptoms, anxiety symptoms, neuroticism, and negative affect (NA) were also measured. Generalized additive models were used to identify nonlinear patterns across age, and to investigate sex differences. Results The point prevalence of internalizing disorders generally increased between the ages of 18 and 30 years, stabilized between 30 and 50, and decreased after age 50. The patterns of internalizing symptoms and traits were different. NA and neuroticism gradually decreased after age 18. Women reported more internalizing disorders than men, but the relative difference remained stable across age (relative risk ~1.7). Conclusions The point prevalence of internalizing disorders was typically highest between age 30 and 50, but there were differences between the disorders, which could indicate differences in etiology. The relative gap between the sexes remained similar across age, suggesting that changes in sex hormones around the menopause do not significantly influence women's risk of internalizing disorders.

Abstract Background Maternal age has progressively increased in industrialized countries. Most studies focus on the consequences of delayed motherhood for women's physical and mental health, but little is known about potential effects on infants' neurodevelopment. This prospective study examines the association between maternal age and offspring neurodevelopment in terms of both psychomotor development (Ages & Stages Questionnaires-3) and emotional competences (Early Childhood Behavior Questionnaire). Methods We evaluated a cohort of healthy pregnant women aged 20–41 years and their offspring, assessed at 38 weeks gestation (n = 131) and 24 months after birth (n = 101). Potential age-related variables were considered (paternal age, education level, parity, social support, maternal cortisol levels, and maternal anxiety and depressive symptoms). Bayesian ordinal regression models were performed for each neurodevelopmental outcome. Results Maternal age was negatively associated with poor child development in terms of personal-social skills [odds ratio (OR) −0.13, 95% confidence interval (CI) 0.77–0.99] and with difficult temperament in terms of worse emotional regulation (OR −0.13, 95% CI 0.78–0.96) and lower positive affect (OR 0.16, 95% CI 0.75–0.95). As for age-related variables, whereas maternal anxiety symptoms and cortisol levels were also correlated with poor child development and difficult temperament, maternal social support and parental educational level were associated with better psychomotor and emotional competences. Conclusion Increasing maternal age may be associated with child temperament difficulties and psychomotor delay in terms of social interaction skills. Early detection of neurodevelopment difficulties in these babies would allow preventive psychosocial interventions to avoid future neuropsychiatric disorders.

The experience of breast cancer and related treatments has notable effects on women's mental health. Among them, the subjective perception of the body or body image (BI) is altered. Such alterations deserve to be properly treated because they augment the risk for depression and mood disorders, and impair intimate relationships. A number of studies revealed that focused psychological interventions are effective in reducing BI issues related to breast cancer. However, findings are inconsistent regarding the dimension of such effects. This meta-analysis synthesizes and quantifies the efficacy of psychological interventions for BI in breast cancer patients and survivors. Additionally, since sexual functioning emerged as a relevant aspect in the BI distortions, we explored the efficacy of psychological interventions on sexual functioning related to BI in breast cancer patients and survivors. The literature search for relevant contributions was carried out in March 2020 through the following electronic databases: Scopus, PsycINFO, and ProQUEST. Only articles available in English and that featured psychological interventions for body image in breast cancer patients or survivors with controls were included. Seven articles with 17 dependent effect sizes were selected for this meta-analysis. Variables were grouped into: Body Image (six studies, nine dependent effect sizes) and Sexual Functioning Related to the Body Image in breast cancer patients and survivors (four studies, eight dependent effect sizes). The three-level meta-analysis showed a statistically significant effect for Body Image [g = 0.50; 95% CI (0.08; 0.93); p &lt; 0.05] but no significant results for Sexual Functioning Related to Body Image [g = 0.33; 95% CI (−0.20; 0.85); p = 0.19]. These results suggest that psychological interventions are effective in reducing body image issues but not in reducing sexual functioning issues related to body image in breast cancer patients and survivors. Future review efforts may include gray literature and qualitative studies to better understand body image and sexual functioning issues in breast cancer patients. Also, high-quality studies are needed to inform future meta-analyses.

Background and Aim: Eating Disorders (EDs) impact an estimated 15% of the global population and are linked to maladaptive defence-styles (coping strategies) and poorer mental health outcomes. Defence-styles have been grouped into immature, neurotic, and mature behaviours. Studies have yet to examine all three defence-styles in ED symptomatic individuals over an extended period of time. The current study aimed to investigate using converse analysis the relationships between defence-style and ED outcomes over a 5-years period.Methods: Participants (n = 216, mean age 33 years) were recruited through the Women's Eating and Health Literacy study, with the current study examining a 5-years period of two waves (year-4 and year-9). The current study tested associations over time between eating pathology (EDE-Q), psychological distress (K10), mental and physical health related quality of life (M/PHRQoL, SF-12), and defence-style (DSQ-40).Results: Mature, immature and neurotic defence-styles did not significantly change over 5 years. Over the same period, only PHRQoL significantly predicted mature defence-styles having positive effect. Both MHRQoL and PHRQoL significantly predicted immature defence-styles having positive and negative effects, respectively. Psychological distress, PHRQoL and weight concern significantly predicted neurotic defence-styles having positive effects except for psychological distress. PHRQoL, MHRQoL, restraint and eating concern significantly predicted overall eating pathology having positive effects except for PHRQoL and MHRQoL. Conversely, among the defence-style variables, over 5 years, both immature and neurotic defence-styles significantly predicted psychological distress having positive effects, immature and mature defence-styles significantly predicted MHRQoL having negative and positive effects, respectively, while only immature defence-styles significantly predicted overall eating pathology having positive effect.Conclusions: The results of the current study suggest that immaturity and neuroticism but not maturity were the defence-style variables predicting psychological distress over a 5-years period while conversely psychological distress predicted only neurotic defence styles. The findings of the current study may suggest that without intervention, mature, immature and neurotic defence-styles may largely remain immutable to significant shifts over time. Limitations in the current study included limited demographic representation. The current study is anticipated to generate considerations into treatments that could strengthen defence-styles in individuals with increased eating pathology.

Introduction The highly contagious COVID-19 virus has presented particularly difficult public policy challenges. The relatively late emergence of an effective treatments and vaccines, the structural stresses on health care systems, the lockdowns and the economic dislocations, the evident structural inequalities in effected societies, as well as the difficulty of prevention have tested social and political cohesion. Moreover, the intrusive nature of many prophylactic measures have led to individual liberty and human rights concerns. As noted by the Victorian (Australia) Ombudsman Report on the COVID-19 lockdown in Melbourne, we may be tempted, during a crisis, to view human rights as expendable in the pursuit of saving human lives. This thinking can lead to dangerous territory. It is not unlawful to curtail fundamental rights and freedoms when there are compelling reasons for doing so; human rights are inherently and inseparably a consideration of human lives. (5) These difficulties have raised issues about the importance of social or community capital in fighting the pandemic. This article discusses the impacts of social and community capital and other factors on the governmental efforts to combat the spread of infectious disease through the maintenance of social distancing and household ‘bubbles’. It argues that the beneficial effects of social and community capital towards fighting the pandemic, such as mutual respect and empathy, which underpins such public health measures as social distancing, the use of personal protective equipment, and lockdowns in the USA, have been undermined as preventive measures because they have been transmogrified to become a salient aspect of the “culture wars” (Peters). In contrast, states that have relatively lower social capital such a China have been able to more effectively arrest transmission of the disease because the government was been able to generate and personify a nationalist response to the virus and thus generate a more robust social consensus regarding the efforts to combat the disease. Social Capital and Culture Wars The response to COVID-19 required individuals, families, communities, and other types of groups to refrain from extensive interaction – to stay in their bubble. In these situations, especially given the asymptomatic nature of many COVID-19 infections and the serious imposition lockdowns and social distancing and isolation, the temptation for individuals to breach public health rules in high. From the perspective of policymakers, the response to fighting COVID-19 is a collective action problem. In studying collective action problems, scholars have paid much attention on the role of social and community capital (Ostrom and Ahn 17-35). Ostrom and Ahn comment that social capital “provides a synthesizing approach to how cultural, social, and institutional aspects of communities of various sizes jointly affect their capacity of dealing with collective-action problems” (24). Social capital is regarded as an evolving social type of cultural trait (Fukuyama; Guiso et al.). Adger argues that social capital “captures the nature of social relations” and “provides an explanation for how individuals use their relationships to other actors in societies for their own and for the collective good” (387). The most frequently used definition of social capital is the one proffered by Putnam who regards it as “features of social organization, such as networks, norms and social trust that facilitate coordination and cooperation for mutual benefit” (Putnam, “Bowling Alone” 65). All these studies suggest that social and community capital has at least two elements: “objective associations” and subjective ties among individuals. Objective associations, or social networks, refer to both formal and informal associations that are formed and engaged in on a voluntary basis by individuals and social groups. Subjective ties or norms, on the other hand, primarily stand for trust and reciprocity (Paxton). High levels of social capital have generally been associated with democratic politics and civil societies whose institutional performance benefits from the coordinated actions and civic culture that has been facilitated by high levels of social capital (Putnam, Democracy 167-9). Alternatively, a “good and fair” state and impartial institutions are important factors in generating and preserving high levels of social capital (Offe 42-87). Yet social capital is not limited to democratic civil societies and research is mixed on whether rising social capital manifests itself in a more vigorous civil society that in turn leads to democratising impulses. Castillo argues that various trust levels for institutions that reinforce submission, hierarchy, and cultural conservatism can be high in authoritarian governments, indicating that high levels of social capital do not necessarily lead to democratic civic societies (Castillo et al.). Roßteutscher concludes after a survey of social capita indicators in authoritarian states that social capital has little effect of democratisation and may in fact reinforce authoritarian rule: in nondemocratic contexts, however, it appears to throw a spanner in the works of democratization. Trust increases the stability of nondemocratic leaderships by generating popular support, by suppressing regime threatening forms of protest activity, and by nourishing undemocratic ideals concerning governance (752). In China, there has been ongoing debate concerning the presence of civil society and the level of social capital found across Chinese society. If one defines civil society as an intermediate associational realm between the state and the family, populated by autonomous organisations which are separate from the state that are formed voluntarily by members of society to protect or extend their interests or values, it is arguable that the PRC had a significant civil society or social capital in the first few decades after its establishment (White). However, most scholars agree that nascent civil society as well as a more salient social and community capital has emerged in China’s reform era. This was evident after the 2008 Sichuan earthquake, where the government welcomed community organising and community-driven donation campaigns for a limited period of time, giving the NGO sector and bottom-up social activism a boost, as evidenced in various policy areas such as disaster relief and rural community development (F. Wu 126; Xu 9). Nevertheless, the CCP and the Chinese state have been effective in maintaining significant control over civil society and autonomous groups without attempting to completely eliminate their autonomy or existence. The dramatic economic and social changes that have occurred since the 1978 Opening have unsurprisingly engendered numerous conflicts across the society. In response, the CCP and State have adjusted political economic policies to meet the changing demands of workers, migrants, the unemployed, minorities, farmers, local artisans, entrepreneurs, and the growing middle class. Often the demands arising from these groups have resulted in policy changes, including compensation. In other circumstances, where these groups remain dissatisfied, the government will tolerate them (ignore them but allow them to continue in the advocacy), or, when the need arises, supress the disaffected groups (F. Wu 2). At the same time, social organisations and other groups in civil society have often “refrained from open and broad contestation against the regime”, thereby gaining the space and autonomy to achieve the objectives (F. Wu 2). Studies of Chinese social or community capital suggest that a form of modern social capital has gradually emerged as Chinese society has become increasingly modernised and liberalised (despite being non-democratic), and that this social capital has begun to play an important role in shaping social and economic lives at the local level. However, this more modern form of social capital, arising from developmental and social changes, competes with traditional social values and social capital, which stresses parochial and particularistic feelings among known individuals while modern social capital emphasises general trust and reciprocal feelings among both known and unknown individuals. The objective element of these traditional values are those government-sanctioned, formal mass organisations such as Communist Youth and the All-China Federation of Women's Associations, where members are obliged to obey the organisation leadership. The predominant subjective values are parochial and particularistic feelings among individuals who know one another, such as guanxi and zongzu (Chen and Lu, 426). The concept of social capital emphasises that the underlying cooperative values found in individuals and groups within a culture are an important factor in solving collective problems. In contrast, the notion of “culture war” focusses on those values and differences that divide social and cultural groups. Barry defines culture wars as increases in volatility, expansion of polarisation, and conflict between those who are passionate about religiously motivated politics, traditional morality, and anti-intellectualism, and…those who embrace progressive politics, cultural openness, and scientific and modernist orientations. (90) The contemporary culture wars across the world manifest opposition by various groups in society who hold divergent worldviews and ideological positions. Proponents of culture war understand various issues as part of a broader set of religious, political, and moral/normative positions invoked in opposition to “elite”, “liberal”, or “left” ideologies. Within this Manichean universe opposition to such issues as climate change, Black Lives Matter, same sex rights, prison reform, gun control, and immigration becomes framed in binary terms, and infused with a moral sensibility (Chapman 8-10). In many disputes, the culture war often devolves into an epistemological dispute about the efficacy of scientific knowledge and authority, or a dispute between “practical” and theoretical knowledge. In this environment, even facts can become partisan narratives. For these “cultural” disputes are often how electoral prospects (generally right-wing) are advanced; “not through policies or promises of a better life, but by fostering a sense of threat, a fantasy that something profoundly pure … is constantly at risk of extinction” (Malik). This “zero-sum” social and policy environment that makes it difficult to compromise and has serious consequences for social stability or government policy, especially in a liberal democratic society. Of course, from the perspective of cultural materialism such a reductionist approach to culture and political and social values is not unexpected. “Culture” is one of the many arenas in which dominant social groups seek to express and reproduce their interests and preferences. “Culture” from this sense is “material” and is ultimately connected to the distribution of power, wealth, and resources in society. As such, the various policy areas that are understood as part of the “culture wars” are another domain where various dominant and subordinate groups and interests engaged in conflict express their values and goals. Yet it is unexpected that despite the pervasiveness of information available to individuals the pool of information consumed by individuals who view the “culture wars” as a touchstone for political behaviour and a narrative to categorise events and facts is relatively closed. This lack of balance has been magnified by social media algorithms, conspiracy-laced talk radio, and a media ecosystem that frames and discusses issues in a manner that elides into an easily understood “culture war” narrative. From this perspective, the groups (generally right-wing or traditionalist) exist within an information bubble that reinforces political, social, and cultural predilections. American and Chinese Reponses to COVID-19 The COVID-19 pandemic first broke out in Wuhan in December 2019. Initially unprepared and unwilling to accept the seriousness of the infection, the Chinese government regrouped from early mistakes and essentially controlled transmission in about three months. This positive outcome has been messaged as an exposition of the superiority of the Chinese governmental system and society both domestically and internationally; a positive, even heroic performance that evidences the populist credentials of the Chinese political leadership and demonstrates national excellence. The recently published White Paper entitled “Fighting COVID-19: China in Action” also summarises China’s “strategic achievement” in the simple language of numbers: in a month, the rising spread was contained; in two months, the daily case increase fell to single digits; and in three months, a “decisive victory” was secured in Wuhan City and Hubei Province (Xinhua). This clear articulation of the positive results has rallied political support. Indeed, a recent survey shows that 89 percent of citizens are satisfied with the government’s information dissemination during the pandemic (C Wu). As part of the effort, the government extensively promoted the provision of “political goods”, such as law and order, national unity and pride, and shared values. For example, severe publishments were introduced for violence against medical professionals and police, producing and selling counterfeit medications, raising commodity prices, spreading ‘rumours’, and being uncooperative with quarantine measures (Xu). Additionally, as an extension the popular anti-corruption campaign, many local political leaders were disciplined or received criminal charges for inappropriate behaviour, abuse of power, and corruption during the pandemic (People.cn, 2 Feb. 2020). Chinese state media also described fighting the virus as a global “competition”. In this competition a nation’s “material power” as well as “mental strength”, that calls for the highest level of nation unity and patriotism, is put to the test. This discourse recalled the global competition in light of the national mythology related to the formation of Chinese nation, the historical “hardship”, and the “heroic Chinese people” (People.cn, 7 Apr. 2020). Moreover, as the threat of infection receded, it was emphasised that China “won this competition” and the Chinese people have demonstrated the “great spirit of China” to the world: a result built upon the “heroism of the whole Party, Army, and Chinese people from all ethnic groups” (People.cn, 7 Apr. 2020). In contrast to the Chinese approach of emphasising national public goods as a justification for fighting the virus, the U.S. Trump Administration used nationalism, deflection, and “culture war” discourse to undermine health responses — an unprecedented response in American public health policy. The seriousness of the disease as well as the statistical evidence of its course through the American population was disputed. The President and various supporters raged against the COVID-19 “hoax”, social distancing, and lockdowns, disparaged public health institutions and advice, and encouraged protesters to “liberate” locked-down states (Russonello). “Our federal overlords say ‘no singing’ and ‘no shouting’ on Thanksgiving”, Representative Paul Gosar, a Republican of Arizona, wrote as he retweeted a Centers for Disease Control list of Thanksgiving safety tips (Weiner). People were encouraged, by way of the White House and Republican leadership, to ignore health regulations and not to comply with social distancing measures and the wearing of masks (Tracy). This encouragement led to threats against proponents of face masks such as Dr Anthony Fauci, one of the nation’s foremost experts on infectious diseases, who required bodyguards because of the many threats on his life. Fauci’s critics — including President Trump — countered Fauci’s promotion of mask wearing by stating accusingly that he once said mask-wearing was not necessary for ordinary people (Kelly). Conspiracy theories as to the safety of vaccinations also grew across the course of the year. As the 2020 election approached, the Administration ramped up efforts to downplay the serious of the virus by identifying it with “the media” and illegitimate “partisan” efforts to undermine the Trump presidency. It also ramped up its criticism of China as the source of the infection. This political self-centeredness undermined state and federal efforts to slow transmission (Shear et al.). At the same time, Trump chided health officials for moving too slowly on vaccine approvals, repeated charges that high infection rates were due to increased testing, and argued that COVID-19 deaths were exaggerated by medical providers for political and financial reasons. These claims were amplified by various conservative media personalities such as Rush Limbaugh, and Sean Hannity and Laura Ingraham of Fox News. The result of this “COVID-19 Denialism” and the alternative narrative of COVID-19 policy told through the lens of culture war has resulted in the United States having the highest number of COVID-19 cases, and the highest number of COVID-19 deaths. At the same time, the underlying social consensus and social capital that have historically assisted in generating positive public health outcomes has been significantly eroded. According to the Pew Research Center, the share of U.S. adults who say public health officials such as those at the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention are doing an excellent or good job responding to the outbreak decreased from 79% in March to 63% in August, with an especially sharp decrease among Republicans (Pew Research Center 2020). Social Capital and COVID-19 From the perspective of social or community capital, it could be expected that the American response to the Pandemic would be more effective than the Chinese response. Historically, the United States has had high levels of social capital, a highly developed public health system, and strong governmental capacity. In contrast, China has a relatively high level of governmental and public health capacity, but the level of social capital has been lower and there is a significant presence of traditional values which emphasise parochial and particularistic values. Moreover, the antecedent institutions of social capital, such as weak and inefficient formal institutions (Batjargal et al.), environmental turbulence and resource scarcity along with the transactional nature of guanxi (gift-giving and information exchange and relationship dependence) militate against finding a more effective social and community response to the public health emergency. Yet China’s response has been significantly more successful than the Unites States’. Paradoxically, the American response under the Trump Administration and the Chinese response both relied on an externalisation of the both the threat and the justifications for their particular response. In the American case, President Trump, while downplaying the seriousness of the virus, consistently called it the “China virus” in an effort to deflect responsibly as well as a means to avert attention away from the public health impacts. As recently as 3 January 2021, Trump tweeted that the number of “China Virus” cases and deaths in the U.S. were “far exaggerated”, while critically citing the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention's methodology: “When in doubt, call it COVID-19. Fake News!” (Bacon). The Chinese Government, meanwhile, has pursued a more aggressive foreign policy across the South China Sea, on the frontier in the Indian sub-continent, and against states such as Australia who have criticised the initial Chinese response to COVID-19. To this international criticism, the government reiterated its sovereign rights and emphasised its “victimhood” in the face of “anti-China” foreign forces. Chinese state media also highlighted China as “victim” of the coronavirus, but also as a target of Western “political manoeuvres” when investigating the beginning stages of the pandemic. The major difference, however, is that public health policy in the United States was superimposed on other more fundamental political and cultural cleavages, and part of this externalisation process included the assignation of “otherness” and demonisation of internal political opponents or characterising political opponents as bent on destroying the United States. This assignation of “otherness” to various internal groups is a crucial element in the culture wars. While this may have been inevitable given the increasingly frayed nature of American society post-2008, such a characterisation has been activity pushed by local, state, and national leadership in the Republican Party and the Trump Administration (Vogel et al.). In such circumstances, minimising health risks and highlighting civil rights concerns due to public health measures, along with assigning blame to the democratic opposition and foreign states such as China, can have a major impact of public health responses. The result has been that social trust beyond the bubble of one’s immediate circle or those who share similar beliefs is seriously compromised — and the collective action problem presented by COVID-19 remains unsolved. Daniel Aldrich’s study of disasters in Japan, India, and US demonstrates that pre-existing high levels of social capital would lead to stronger resilience and better recovery (Aldrich). Social capital helps coordinate resources and facilitate the reconstruction collectively and therefore would lead to better recovery (Alesch et al.). Yet there has not been much research on how the pool of social capital first came about and how a disaster may affect the creation and store of social capital. Rebecca Solnit has examined five major disasters and describes that after these events, survivors would reach out and work together to confront the challenges they face, therefore increasing the social capital in the community (Solnit). However, there are studies that have concluded that major disasters can damage the social fabric in local communities (Peacock et al.). The COVID-19 epidemic does not have the intensity and suddenness of other disasters but has had significant knock-on effects in increasing or decreasing social capital, depending on the institutional and social responses to the pandemic. In China, it appears that the positive social capital effects have been partially subsumed into a more generalised patriotic or nationalist affirmation of the government’s policy response. Unlike civil society responses to earlier crises, such as the 2008 Sichuan earthquake, there is less evidence of widespread community organisation and response to combat the epidemic at its initial stages. This suggests better institutional responses to the crisis by the government, but also a high degree of porosity between civil society and a national “imagined community” represented by the national state. The result has been an increased legitimacy for the Chinese government. Alternatively, in the United States the transformation of COVID-19 public health policy into a culture war issue has seriously impeded efforts to combat the epidemic in the short term by undermining the social consensus and social capital necessary to fight such a pandemic. Trust in American institutions is historically low, and President Trump’s untrue contention that President Biden’s election was due to “fraud” has further undermined the legitimacy of the American government, as evidenced by the attacks directed at Congress in the U.S. capital on 6 January 2021. As such, the lingering effects the pandemic will have on social, economic, and political institutions will likely reinforce the deep cultural and political cleavages and weaken interpersonal networks in American society. Conclusion The COVID-19 pandemic has devastated global public health and impacted deeply on the world economy. Unsurprisingly, given the serious economic, social, and political consequences, different government responses have been highly politicised. Various quarantine and infection case tracking methods have caused concern over state power intruding into private spheres. The usage of face masks, social distancing rules, and intra-state travel restrictions have aroused passionate debate over public health restrictions, individual liberty, and human rights. Yet underlying public health responses grounded in higher levels of social capital enhance the effectiveness of public health measures. In China, a country that has generally been associated with lower social capital, it is likely that the relatively strong policy response to COVID-19 will both enhance feelings of nationalism and Chinese exceptionalism and help create and increase the store of social capital. 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