Academic literature on the topic 'Merchant bought'

In 1863, many inhabitants of East Prussia became involved in helping Polish insurgents. One of them was Albert von Tucholka, a merchant from Pisz, who bought weapons and ammunition in Eastern Prussia and delivered them to Poland. His activities were soon discovered by Prussian authorities. He spent almost three months in detention and the criminal proceedings against him were discontinued in May 1864.

Kenichi Fukui was born in Oshikuma, Nara, Japan, on 4 October 1918. He was the eldest of three boys of Ryoukichi, his father, and Chie, whose family name before marriage was Sugisawa. Ryoukichi Fukui, who graduated from the Tokyo Commercial Institute (later Hitotsubashi University), was a merchant who traded with foreign countries and also managed a factory making precision instruments. He liked fishing and often took Kenichi with him, and was a member of the National Geographic Society—the National Geographic Magazine was one of the most important magazines of Kenichi's childhood. Chie graduated from Nara Women's College and was an affectionate mother of her boys. She never forced them to study but provided a studious environment. For example, she bought for her children the complete works of Souseki Natsume, a famous Japanese novelist, whose books Kenichi was very fond of reading.

It was half past nine on a quiet Monday night in April 1818. Elizabeth Tuckerman Salisbury, known throughout Worcester as “Madame Salisbury” in deference to her family's wealth and social position, was passing a serene evening at home with her niece and adopted daughter, Eliza Weir. Her husband, Stephen, a merchant and the town's wealthiest Citizen, was away on business. The Salisbury mansion's comfortable drawing room was pleasant, graced by Elizabeth's harp and a piano bought expressly for Eliza.Suddenly, the peace was shattered as something crashed violently against the front window. Salisbury immediately “call'd in the people” (the servants) for protection. Venturing outside, they spotted no one lurking about but did find two good-sized stones, one weighing over half a pound. Peering out into the now still night, Elizabeth Salisbury noted that “it was very dark, & no one appeared to be in the street. [Y]ou may suppose I did not recover my tranquil[l]ity very soon.”

The article presents the results of a study of hagiographic folk legends about St. Nicholas the Miracle-Worker as surety (AaTh 849*, SUS 849*), comparing them to the book versions of similar narratives. Categorized by the folklore prose indexes as the indicated plot type, these stories are not homogeneous in content, but include several forms of the plot that differ in their origin and nature of relations with the book. The narratives in the first two variants of the plot are relatively few in number. The first entails a merchant borrowing money, with a cross or an icon guarantor; money is thrown into the water in a barrel and floats to the lender by itself, and the second speaks about the icon of St. Nicholas the Miracle-Worker being entrusted with the protection of a house and property; and the icon being punished if the request addressed to it is not fulfilled. These plots demonstrate their dependence on book source, namely The Tale of Fyodor the Merchant and The Miracle of the Icon of St. Nicholas. The third variant of plot type 849* involves a poor man who uses an icon of St. Nicholas the Miracle-Worker as surety, borrows money, and cannot repay the debt. The lender punishes the guarantor icon, while the person who bought the icon attains happiness with the help of the saint. There are many both published and archival versions of this plot variant in the Eastern Slavic oral tradition, and it derives from a non-book origin. The folk narratives of this plot variety influenced the development of 17th-century Russian manuscript writing, when figurative means, themes and plots were consciously transferred to literature from folklore. The oral hagiographic legend about St. Nicholas the Miracle-Worker was edited in accordance with the book tradition and transformed into the Tale of a certain wretched young man, contiguous with the non-book versions of the miracles of St. Nicholas the Miracle-Worker.

To help and to cure. An input to the establishment of the Institute for the Poor (Armeninstitut) in Gdańsk and initial years of its operations (until 1795) The article is a form of input complementing a gap concerning the Institute for the Poor (Armeninstitut) in its initial years of operation, namely until the year 1795. On the basis of handwritten and printed sources, the focus lies on presenting the genesis, circumstances of its creation, organisation and functioning of this charitable institution. Institute for the Poor was established in October 1788 as a result of extraordinary efforts of a merchant and official Caspar David Selck. The institution was supposed to help the poor who owned their own flats. One form of the Institute’s operations was to hand over social benefits to those in need directly and on a weekly basis either in cash or in kind. The support also comprised free physician or surgeon care as well as the possibility to conduct work at home, mainly in the form of spinning wool and linen. At first, the institution occupied one chamber in the House of Charity (Spend‑und Waisenhaus) located in Sieroca Street (Am Spendhaus), from where it was later moved to a nearby building located in the same street, which had been bought specifically for that purpose. In 1823 it was relocated to the Correction House (Zuchthaus).

Abstract This paper attempts to bring to light a little-known genre of ukiyo-e (Japanese woodblock prints), the awate-e (hysteria pictures). This genre of polychrome ukiyo-e (nishiki-e) belongs among caricatures because it treats current events in a satirical way. The Namamugi incident (September 14, 1862), when samurai of the Satsuma domain killed one British merchant and injured two, led to the emergence of the awate-e. The British Crown demanded reparations for those killed. While the shogunate postponed payment, British warships gathered in the Bay of Edo to exert pressure. The danger of war was real and the cities of Yokohama and Edo were considered the main targets of a British attack. Many people moved to rural areas or at least sent their families and belongings away. This led to an increased demand for transport, houses, and land in the countryside. Hardly anybody remaining in the cities spent time in the pleasure quarters or bought luxury goods. The results were dramatic for people in those trades. This situation is satirised in the awate-e. Starting with the question ‘Why is the Geisha hitting the Westerner?’, this paper explores the genre of awate-e and its relevance for historical and ukiyo-e research by studying 21 awate-e as primary sources. It reveals a negative appraisal of Westerners, of people leaving the danger zone, and of professions in high demand. The producers of awate-e are biased towards people staying in areas become dangerous, professions suddenly grown poor, and the foreigners-out policy of the Emperor.

The article analyzes socioeconomic processes in the early modern Europe, in particular trade in its separate regions. It considers the classical economic model focused on the industry and agriculture, which Eastern and Western Europe followed in their multifaceted development. It studies legislation, namely the Second Lithuanian Statute and the Sejm Constitutions for assessing the involvement of gentry representatives in commerce. It indicates that the activity of the Volhynian gentry in the internal trade of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth was due to both external changes in the market, primarily the demand for products from Eastern Europe, and the tendency observed on the continent when running a household became a business that made incomes grow. It analyzes general criticism in the intellectual circles of the trade activity of the gentry as such, which could lead to a certain deterioration of traditions. Man-knight and man-merchant intersections in the society of that time were acceptable if a nobleman traded goods from his own estates and could prove it with an oath.The article also investigates key areas of trade of the Volhynian gentry in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth on the basis of documentary material of court books of the 16th–17th-century Volhynia and previously published sources of economic nature. It studies main range of goods sold and bought by the representatives of the elite, observes the participation of the Volhynian gentry in trade operations with the core centers of the Polish-Lithuanian economy, and their involvement in local fairs and tradings. It shows the role of intermediaries, first of all representatives of the Jewish community and peasants from the gentry fоlwarks, in the trade enterprise of the gentry.

AbstractUp to now Herman Becker, one of the people who lent Rembrandt money in the straitened circumstances of the last years of his life, has had a bad press as an art-dealer who owed his wealth and influence to the exploitation of artists (Notes 1, 2). It is now possible to correct this image on the basis of recent research in the Amsterdam archives. Becker was born around 1617 and the supposition that he came from Riga in Latvia is borne out by the facts that he had contacts there, that his father Willem certainly lived there between 1640 and 1650 and that the words 'of or 'to' Riga appear in some documents after his name. His commercial activities certainly go back to 1635 (note 6) and from the earliest records of him in Amsterdam in the 1640s, it is clear that he was a merchant and that he also chartered ships. At this period he further invested money in shares and engaged in a certain amount of moneylending, while he is also mentioned as his father's agent. That financially he was almost certainly in a sound osition by the end of the 1640s is clear from the fact that in 1648 he gave a surety for the merchant Gerard Pelgrom, who was in debt to the Dutch East India Company. That same year he concluded an agreement with the merchant Abraham de Visscher to sell sailcloth for him in Riga. In the 1650s Becker strengthened his financial position and again engaged in moneylending. In 1653 he made a large loan to Johannes de Renialme, an art lover and dealer, and at the time of the latter's death in 1657 his debt to Becker was even larger, while the inventory of his estate mentions nine paintings, including three by Jan Lievens and one by Philips de Koninck, which were mortgaged to Becker along with some jewelry. From the autumn of 1653 Becker spent a considerable time in Riga, but he was certainly back in Amsterdam in 1658. In 1659 he married Anna Maria Vertangen, the widow of his former business contact Gerard Pelgrom, who had died in 1657. This marriage brought Becker two large houses on Keizersgracht, where he moved in June 1659. That he was a Lutheran emerges from records of the baptisms of two of his three children at the Lutheran church in Amsterdam. His wife died shortly after the birth of theyoungest child and was buried in the Oude Kerk on 9 November 1661. By her will Becker was granted usufruct of all her property until his death, on condition that he did not remarry. This increase in his means led to a change of direction in his activities in the 1660s and a growth in the scale and scope of his moneylending. Becker's library (see Appendix I) The list of books in Becker's inventory amounts to 285 titles, a not inconsiderable library by 17th-century standards (Note 26). Their diversity indicates that, though clearly an educated man, he was not a scholar, while they were not arranged under subjects, like a scholar's library, but according to sizes. The presence of works in Latin indicates that Becker must have been educated at a Latin or grammar school, but the large number of German titles point to his coming from the influential German elite, which had long dominated the city government, trade and the guilds in Riga and part of which, like Becker, was Evangelical Lutheran by religion. Books on religion and theology formed a third of the 145 books of which the titles are given, followed by histories and chronicles, classical literature, law, poetry, medicine, physics and astronomy. Contacts with artists In the 1660s Becker continued his shipping interest, but now also invested in property, building a house next to the two others on Keizersgracht in 1665. He also continued to lend money, now for the first time to artists. Rembrandt is known to have owed three sums of money to Becker: 537 guilders borrowed in December 1662 at 5% interest, 450 guilders borrowed in March 1663 against a pledge, and an obligation to Lodewijck van Ludick which was sold to Becker early in 1664 (Notes 31,32). Difficulties over repayment probably arose in the first two instances over disagreement as to the conditions of the loans. On 29 August 1665 the apothecary Abraham Francken declared in a sworn statement that he had ofered the amount due, plus the interest, to Becker at Rembrandt's request, but that Becker had refused to accept it, because Rembrandt first had to finish a Juno and also had to do something else for him. Rembrandt appears to have threatened legal action, but in any case the matter was settled on 6 October 1665 when Becker accepted the payment and returned the pledge, in the form of nine paintings and two (constprint boecken'. What happened to the Juno is not clear. A Juno by Rembrandt is listed in Becker's inventory and it is generally assumed that the Juno in the Armand Hammer Foundation in Los Angeles is the one mentiorted in the statemertt and the inventory. That it is certainly the one in the statement would seem to be justified by the fact that it appears to be unfinished (Notes 37,38). The sale of the obligation to Lodewijck van Ludick to Becker is attested in statements of 31 December 1664 by Abraham Francken and the poet-cum-dyer Thomas Asselyn, the latter declaring that it was bought for textiles to the value of 500 guilders. Three years later Rembrandt had still not paid the debt and the case was brought before an arbitration commission. In the commission's findings of 24 July 1668 the extent of the debt was settled at 1082 guilders, two-thirds of which had to be paid in cash, while the rest was to be paid off in six months in the form of drawings, prints or paintings. Rembrandt also agreed to pay the cash amount within six months while Becker agreed to pay Rembrandt's share of the costs. Rembrandt offered his person and possessions as surety and his son Titus also came forward as guarantor. Whether the debt was ever paid is unclear: Titus died shortly afterwards and Rembrandt about a year later (Note 42). The conditions were actually quite lenient, while Becker's admiration for Rembrandt's art is clear from the fact that he did not mind whether the debt was paid in paintings, prints or drawings. The fourteen works by Rembrandt in Becker's inventory are the largest group by a single master. Obviously Becker had a predilectionfor his work and bought it, but he did not sell it on, as has been suggested (Note 44). Two other artists who borrowed money from Becker were Frederick de Moucheron, who was given an apparently interest-free loan of a hundred guilders in August 1662 and Jan Lievens the Elder, who borrowed four hundred guilders in all between May 1667 and October 1668. By far the greatest number of loans made by Becker date from the period 1674-8, his debtors including Willem Six, Gerrit Uylenburg, Willem Blauw and Abraham van Halmael, as well as the artists Philips de Koninck, Domenicus van Tol and Antony van der Laen. The pledges for the loans are extremely varied, but paintinas often figured among them in the case of both artists and non-artists. In addition Becker also continued to invest in shipping and property. At the end of the summer of 1678 he fell seriously ill and on 16 September he was buried in the Oude Kerk. His estate at his death amounted to 200,000 guilders and it seems fairly clear that in the 1660s and 1670s his activities as a merchant had declined and he had lived mainly off the interest on loarts. Becker's collection of paintings (see Appendix II) Becker appears to have begun collecting pictures around 1660, when the increase in his means allowed it. By comparison with other collections of the day, such as those of Jan van de Cappelle (197 paintings) and Gerrit Uylenburg (95 paintings), his 231 works represent a very sizable holding (Note 63). In the case of 137 of them the name of the painter is known, the best represented artists being Rembrandt (14 works), Jan Lievens the Elder (6), Jan Lievens the Younger (10), Philips de Koninck (7), Frederick de Moucheron (5) and Rubens (3). The collection also included worksfrom Rembrandt's circle (Last-man and Bol) and from Haarlem (Brouwer, Jan de Bray, Goltzius and Cornelis van Haarlem), and in addition work by much earlier artists such as Dürer, Holbein, Lucas van Leyden and Herri met de Bles, as well as ten pictures of Italian origin. Becker certainly acquired paintings through his moneylending and he may further have had agreements like the one with Rembrandt with other artists, these actually being advantageous to both parties. However, his loans to artists were not very numerous, so he must certainly have bought a great many pictures as well. An advertisement discovered in the Oprechte Haerlems Dinsdacgse Courant of 21 March 1679 shows that Becker's art collection was sold separately from the rest of his estate. It also clearly describes him as a collector of many year's standing.No indication whatever has been found that Becker acted as an art-dealer, while his known financial transactions with artists show him to have acted fairly and in no sense can he be said to have exploited them.

Between 1550 and 1730, privileged investors in France—nobles, officers, and wealthy merchants—bought up enormous quantities of land from peasants. The transfer of property has attracted considerable attention from historians, but it has never been satisfactorily explained. The paper invokes the tax exemptions the privileged enjoyed to account for the transfer—an explanation that fits both the chronology of the land sales and the identity of the purchasers. The paper then examines how the tax system throttled growth in the agricultural sector.

India's Parsis as a group have long been noted for their entrepreneurial talent. Parsis have played an important role in the growth of Indian industry in the nineteenth century, pioneering cotton textile industries in western India. Parsis were first described by early European visitors like J. Ovington as the principal weavers of Gujarat who worked primarily in ‘silks and stuffs’. In the late seventeenth century, Parsis began to participate in trade as ‘a large number of Parsi merchants began to operate in Swally and some of them like Asa Vora bought pinnaces (small coastal ships) to transport their goods to Basra and other ports in the area.’

In 1831, Rufino’s young master, an army cadet, took him to the province of Rio Grande do Sul, where he was sold to a merchant from the capital city of Porto Alegre. When his new master went bankrupt, Rufino was auctioned and bought by the police chief of the province. He worked as a cook at home and probably as a hire-out worker in the streets as well. Rio Grande received scores of slaves imported from Bahia and Rio de Janeiro. By 1819, 30 percent of Porto Alegre’s population were slaves. As the city grew, daily conflicts between slaves and the police and maroon activity became a major problem.

In this chapter, Anne Rainsbury examines the surprising life of Nathaniel Wells whose story defies many of the assumed narratives of black life in 18^th century England. Born enslaved in St Kitts, he was freed by his father, Williams Wells, a wealthy merchant who owned three sugar plantations. He was educated in London and inherited the bulk of his father’s estate at the age of twenty-one which included three plantations and the hundreds of slaves who worked them. He married Harriet Este, a white woman (after her death he would marry Esther Owen, also white), and bought a large estate, Piercefield, in Monmouthshire. Rainsbury explains that unlike the limited political rights and social barriers Wells would have faced in St Kitts, he was able to play a prominent role in local public life including becoming a magistrate and deputy lieutenant of the county of Monmouth. His social and political status contradicted the racism blacks faced in Britain, yet the irony that his wealth and standing were built on the profits of slavery and suffering of black people, Rainsbury says, cannot be overlooked.

The governed trade of the Merchants Adventurers, is kept beyond the Seas and maintayned there by the privelidges of forrayne Princes, and of some one or more certayne Townes, where the said Merchants made their residence; Whereunto all forreyn Merchants desiring to buy English Cloth muste resorte, where they must either buy at such prices as the sellers reasonably impose, or return home unfurnished, loosing their charges; And in the opinyon of best experienced Merchants, there is Five in the hundreth in proffitt difference betwixt will you buy when a marchant offred his comodities to sell, and will you sell? when the Comoditie is sought after to be bought; … For an unskilfull multitude is a disturbance to skilfull traffique, in that an unnecessary multitude of Sellers, doe alwayes abase the price of the wares they sell, and likewise advance the Comodities theye buye....

This chapter addresses how some of the Jewish captives were bought by professional slave merchants for resale elsewhere—most commonly Istanbul or Iran. With Jews so deeply engaged in the slave trade, it is surprising that so few of the Jewish captives from Ukraine following 1648 were actually ransomed in Crimea. It is impossible to determine why the local Jews and Karaites did not do more to help, but perhaps the huge number of captives overwhelmed them. They may have thought it better for the Jewish slaves to be shipped to Istanbul where there was a very large and wealthy community that could afford to ransom them. In addition to those taken to Istanbul via Crimea, however, there were other Ukrainian Jews captured by Tatars whose experiences were different. These Jewish captives found refuge in the provinces of Moldavia and Wallachia.

Chapter 2 casts a “Havana’s-eye view” on the way its residents positioned themselves inside and outside both the British and Spanish empires during the decades that preceded the British invasion. Well before the British war fleet began its siege of Havana, contraband and the British-dominated slave trade had already transformed the city into a hybrid space, mutually constituted with its British American neighbors. The African peoples brought to Cuba in predominantly British slaving ships were bought and sold as goods, yet, upon arrival, they and their descendants were also regarded as future loyal Spanish subjects, vital economic contributors, and crucial defenders of the king’s realms in a climate of heightened imperial war and rivalry. Havana’s merchants and landowners built a successful economy that profited from both trading with the enemy and making war against them through privateering and wartime transimperial trade. The prevailing patterns of war, trade, and slavery help to explain the reactions of individuals in Havana to the British siege and occupation of their city.