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Journal articles on the topic 'Merina (peuple de Madagascar)'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 6 February 2022

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1

Campbell, Gwyn. "Slavery and Fanompoana: the Structure of Forced Labour in Imerina (Madagascar), 1790–1861." Journal of African History 29, no. 3 (November 1988): 463–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700030589.

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A recent school of historical thought has emerged, centred around the writings of Maurice Bloch, which asserts that the imperial Merina economy from the early nineteenth century became totally dependent upon slave labour. It claims that there was such an influx of slaves into Imerina that slave numbers rose dramatically and all free Merina were relieved from productive work to engage in essentially non-productive occupations, notably the military, imperial administration and commerce. This article, which traces the development of forced labour in Madagascar and examines the structure of labour under autarky, takes issue with this viewpoint. It emphasises not only that the slave population of Imerina in the nineteenth century was lower than asserted, but that Bloch misunderstands the nature offanompoanawhich, from the adoption of autarky in the mid-1820s, formed the organizing principle of most sectors of the imperial Merina economy outside subsistence agriculture. The impoverishment of the Merina economy which was a root cause of autarky led to a great decline in slave-holding amongst peasants who were in consequence largely obliged to work their own ricefields, either alone, or alongside the few slaves they managed to retain. By contrast, the Merina elite increasingly monopolized available labour resources, slave andfanompoana. Fanompoana, traditionally a limited form of prestation to the crown, was radically restructured under autarky between 1825 and 1861. Far from being ‘unproductive’, the imperial army, the largestfanompoanainstitution, constituted a huge and elaborate commercial organization which was used to exploit the empire's resources and channel them to the imperial heartland. At the same time,fanompoanaunits comprising Merina soldiers and colonists established farms and engaged in commerce in the provinces. Finally,fanompoanalabour was widely used on the east coast plantations, and especially in the attempt to forge an industrial revolution in Imerina. In sum, this article argues thatfanompoanarather than slavery formed the basis of the imperial Merina economy under autarky, ad was a major factor contributing to the failure of autarkic policies.

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2

Berg, Gerald M. "Writing Ideology: Ranavalona, The Ancestral Bureaucrat." History in Africa 22 (January 1995): 73–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171909.

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In the late eighteenth century, Imerina was checkered with a myriad of tiny principalities, each ruled from hilltop fortresses. In just fifty years from 1780 to 1830, it was unified under a single ruler, drawing Merina into increasingly wider systems of obedience and creating a vast imperium that held sway over most of the Island of Madagascar, a landmass the size of France, Belgium, and Holland combined.And yet, the half century of tumultuous change that characterized the empire's rise brought no revolution in the Merina's own understanding of the world of power, a view which I have termed hasina ideology. Merina saw historical reality not as the product of human agency, but of ancestral beneficence, hasina, which flowed downwards on obedient Merina from long-dead ancestors in a sacred stream that connected all living Merina. For obedient Merina, politics consisted in nothing more nor less than a lifelong quest to position one's self favorably in that sacred stream as close as possible to ancestors and then to reap the benefits of that cherished association. With the passage of time, the hasina stream flowed into new generations and so generated new social relations expressed in terms of kinship. The vast transformation of the Merina political landscape only enhanced Imerina's devotion to ancestral hasina.The origins of hasina ideology are not known, though by the time Andrianampoinimerina began to unify Imerina in the closing decades of the eighteenth century, its character is clearly perceptible. Andrianampoinimerina's son Radama built on his father's legacy. In the 1820s he transformed Imerina from a small and isolated kingdom into an empire capable of projecting its power over the length and breadth of Madagascar.

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3

Campbell, Gwyn. "The State and Pre-Colonial Demographic History: The Case of Nineteenth-Century Madagascar." Journal of African History 32, no. 3 (November 1991): 415–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700031534.

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This paper analyses the demography of nineteenth-century Madagascar in the light of the debate generated by the demographic transition theory. Both supporters and critics of the theory hold to an intrinsic opposition between human and ‘natural’ factors, such as climate, famine and disease, influencing demography. They also suppose a sharp chronological divide between the pre-colonial and colonial eras, arguing that whereas ‘natural’ demographic influences were of greater importance in the former period, human factors predominated thereafter. This paper argues that in the case of nineteenth-century Madagascar the human factor, in the form of the Merina state, was the predominant demographic influence. However, the impact of the state was felt through natural forces, and it varied over time. In the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries Merina state policies stimulated agricultural production, which helped to create a larger and healthier population and laid the foundation for Merina military and economic expansion within Madagascar. From the 1820, the cost of such expansionism led the state to increase its exploitation of forced labour at the expense of agricultural production and thus transformed it into a negative demographic force. Infertility and infant mortality, which were probably more significant influences on overall population levels than the adult mortality rate, increased from 1820 due to disease, malnutrition and stress, all of which stemmed from state forced labour policies. Available estimates indicate little if any population growth for Madagascar between 1820 and 1895. The demographic ‘crisis’ in Africa, ascribed by critics of the demographic transition theory to the colonial era, stemmed in Madagascar from the policies of the imperial Merina regime which in this sense formed a link to the French regime of the colonial era. In sum, this paper questions the underlying assumptions governing the debate about historical demography in Africa and suggests that the demographic impact of political forces be re-evaluated in terms of their changing interaction with ‘natural’ demographic influences.

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4

Bird, Randall. "The Merina Landscape in Early Nineteenth Century Highlands Madagascar." African Arts 38, no. 4 (December 1, 2005): 18–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/afar.2005.38.4.18.

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5

Blanchon, Karine. "Rakotomalala, Malanjaona. – À cœur ouvert sur la sexualité merina (Madagascar)." Cahiers d'études africaines, no. 212 (November 22, 2013): 973–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/etudesafricaines.14869.

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6

Lee, Sung-Jae, and Hong-Gyu Kang. "The Merina Kingdom and Ranavalona I in the 19th Century Madagascar." Korea Association of World History and Culture 56 (September 30, 2020): 195–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.32961/jwhc.2020.09.56.195.

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7

Berg, Gerald M. "Virtù, and Fortuna in Radama's Nascent Bureaucracy, 1816–1828." History in Africa 23 (January 1996): 29–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171933.

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“I suppose pedigree and land belong to a fine match,” said Deronda coldly. “The best horse will win in spite of pedigree, my boy. You remember Napoleon's moi-je suis ancêtre,” said Sir Hugo, who habitually undervalued birth, as men dining well agree that the good life is distributed with wonderful equality. “I am not sure I want to be an ancestor,” said Deronda. “It doesn't seem the rarest sort of origination.”In the late eighteenth century Imerina was checkered with a myriad of tiny principalities, each ruled from hilltop fortresses. In just fifty years from 1780 to 1830, it was unified under a single ruler, drawing Merina into increasingly wider systems of obedience and creating a vast imperium that held sway over most of the island of Madagascar, a landmass the size of France, Belgium, and Holland combined.And yet, the half century of tumultuous change that characterized the empire's rise brought no revolution in the Merina's own understanding of the world of power, a view which I have termed hasina ideology. Merina saw historical reality as the product not of human agency, but of ancestral beneficence, hasina, which flowed downwards on obedient Merina from long—of dead ancestors in a sacred stream that connected all living Merina. For obedient Merina, politics consisted in nothing more and nothing less than the lifelong quest to position oneself favorably in that sacred stream as close as possible to ancestors and then to reap the material benefits of that cherished association. Ancestors made their pleasure known by bestowing blessings, “superior” hasina, on those who honored them.

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8

Campbell, Gwyn. "The Adoption of Autarky in Imperial Madagascar, 1820–1835." Journal of African History 28, no. 3 (November 1987): 395–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700030103.

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Traditionally, historians have viewed Queen Ranavalona I as being responsible for inaugurating an autarkic policy in Madagascar. Her expulsion of most foreigners from the country in 1835 is seen primarily as a reflection of her conservative and xenophobic attitudes. In this she is contrasted with her predecessor, Radama I, who is viewed as an enlightened and progressive monarch who, through wise domestic policies and an alliance with the British on Mauritius from 1817, built up an economically sound and prosperous empire. This paper challenges the traditional interpretation, arguing that in fact the Merina economy was in a dire condition from the second decade of the nineteenth century because the slave exports upon which it heavily depended were severely restricted in consequence of the British takeover of the Mascarenes. The subsequent alliance between Britain and Imerina totally prohibited slave exports. However, Radama I looked to Mauritius and British aid to promote legitimate exports and to help impose Merina rule over all Madagascar. Autarkic policies were initiated by Radama I in 1825–6 as a reaction against the failure of the British alliance to produce the anticipated results, and against the free trade imperialism that accompanied it. Convinced by 1825 that the Mauritius government meant to subordinate Imerina both economically and politically to British imperial interests, he reneged on the British treaty and adopted a policy designed to promote rapid economic growth within an independent island empire. Ranavalona I, far from implementing irrational and xenophobic policies, extended her predecessor's autarkic policies in a rational and systematic manner, and for precisely the same ends.

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9

Berg, Gerald M. "Radama's Smile: Domestic Challenges to Royal Ideology in Early Nineteenth–Century Imerina." History in Africa 25 (1998): 69–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172181.

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In the 1820s, when Imerina expanded to control most of Madagascar, remarkably few Merina rose in organized opposition to the king's extensive plans to change basic social and political relations. Tradition conferred sacred legitimacy on innovative royal interpretations of ideology and secured public consent with little resort to force. Potential conflicts between the king and Merina elites were muted by negotiations that proceeded within the premises of traditional ideology. As the king managed to monopolize organized force, occasional acts of violence assured that royal views of ideology dominated all others.King Radama occupied the central position in the stream of blessing that ran from Imerina's collective ancestors downwards through him to all living Merina. As the ultimate living representative of all long-dead ancestors, he had the power to dispense their good will in the form of “superior”hasinain exchange for his subjects' offerings of “inferior”hasina. As mediator between heaven and earth, Radama alone determined how Imerina'shasinaideology would apply to the vicissitudes of everyday life. Merina, however, saw the reality that he created not merely as the product of human agency, but of ancestral beneficence as well. Since opposition to royal will implied the rejection of ancestral beneficence, attempts within Imerina to challenge the monarch's authority or the ideology on which it rested were rare indeed. Yet such cases of opposition did arise, and they reveal the nature of royal authority as seen from below.

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10

Stoebenau, Kirsten. "“Côtier” sexual identity as constructed by the urban Merina of Antananarivo, Madagascar." Études Océan Indien, no. 45 (December 1, 2010): 93–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/oceanindien.909.

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11

Rakotomalala, Malanjaona. "Mots et expressions merina sur la sexualité (Hautes Terres centrales de Madagascar)." Études Océan Indien, no. 45 (December 1, 2010): 149–231. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/oceanindien.929.

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12

Berg, Gerald M. "Sacred Acquisition: Andrianampoinimerina at Ambohimanga, 1777–1790." Journal of African History 29, no. 2 (July 1988): 191–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002185370002363x.

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Between 1775 and 1810 Andrianampoinimerina laid the foundations of the Merina state which in subsequent decades was to rule most of Madagascar. Though various circumstances such as the development of irrigated riziculture and slavery, the monopoly of profits and of muskets from coastal trade, and the manipulation of ritual, contributed in part to the nascent monarchy's strength, they equally touched other political formations within Imerina and elsewhere and therefore do not explain why Andrianampoinimerina's organization endured while others did not. The distinctiveness of Andrianampoinimerina's case is revealed by returning to particular events, those culminating in his first successful attempt to rule at Ambohimanga in 1783. His success depended upon exploiting both good luck and pervasive kinship values which recognized individual financial prowess. Thus the resurgent trade with the east coast did not redefine Merina kinship. Rather, trade provided an expanded arena of economic activity in which Andrianampoinimerina demonstrated superior skill at kinship politics, expanding his kin group and assuming the role of sole mediator between the residents of Ambohimanga and their ancestors.

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13

Halvorson, Britt. "Translating the Fifohazana (Awakening): The Politics of Healing and the Colonial Mission Legacy in African Christian Missionization." Journal of Religion in Africa 40, no. 4 (2010): 413–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006610x545983.

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AbstractThis essay focuses on the evangelism of charismatic American Lutheran churches in Minneapolis/St. Paul by Merina Malagasy Lutheran pastors affiliated with the Fifohazana movement of Madagascar. By analyzing healing services led by one Malagasy revivalist, I argue that we may better understand how American Lutherans and Malagasy Lutherans are renegotiating the meaning of global Lutheranism while ‘reenchanting’ the body as a central interface of religious engagement. My main concern is to investigate how parallel framings of the healing services constitute a subtle traffic in representational forms that rework images of the global church.

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14

BARBOSA, DIEGO N., and CELSO O. AZEVEDO. "Revision of Mesitiinae (Hymenoptera, Bethylidae) from Madagascar, with description of eleven new species." Zootaxa 3417, no. 1 (August 10, 2012): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/zootaxa.3417.1.1.

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Thirteen species of Mesitiinae from Madagascar are recognized. Pilomesitius madagascarensis Móczár, Zimankos madagascarensis (Móczár), and eleven new species: Anaylax betsileo Barbosa & Azevedo, sp. nov., A. mahafaly Barbosa & Azevedo, sp. nov., Clytrovorus bara Barbosa & Azevedo, sp. nov., C. merina Barbosa & Azevedo, sp. nov., C. zafimaniry Barbosa & Azevedo, sp. nov., Codorcas antanosy Barbosa & Azevedo, sp. nov., Itapayos antaimoro Barbosa & Azevedo, sp. nov., Itapayos mikea Barbosa & Azevedo, sp. nov., Pycnomesitius tanala Barbosa & Azevedo, sp. nov., Zimankos makoa Barbosa & Azevedo, sp. nov., Z. sakalava Barbosa & Azevedo, sp. nov. One new combination is proposed: Zimankos madagascarensis Móczár 1970, comb. nov. from Sulcomesitius with the discovery of its male. A key of Malagasy Mesitiinae species are provided.

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15

ALLEN, RICHARD B. "LICENTIOUS AND UNBRIDLED PROCEEDINGS: THE ILLEGAL SLAVE TRADE TO MAURITIUS AND THE SEYCHELLES DURING THE EARLY NINETEENTH CENTURY." Journal of African History 42, no. 1 (March 2001): 91–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700007817.

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Census and other demographic data are used to estimate the volume of the illegal slave trade to Mauritius and the Seychelles from Madagascar and the East African coast between 1811 and c. 1827. The structure and dynamics of this illicit traffic, as well as governmental attempts to suppress it, are also discussed. The Mauritian and Seychellois trade is revealed to have played a greater role in shaping Anglo-Merina and Anglo-Omani relations between 1816 and the early 1820s than previously supposed. Domestic economic considerations, together with British pressure on the trade's sources of supply, contributed to its demise.

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16

Austen, Ralph A., and Pier M. Larson. "History and Memory in the Age of Enslavement: Becoming Merina in Highland Madagascar, 1770-1822." African Economic History, no. 30 (2002): 140. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3601606.

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17

Berg, Gerald M., and Pier M. Larson. "History and Memory in the Age of Enslavement: Becoming Merina in Highland Madagascar, 1770-1822." International Journal of African Historical Studies 34, no. 1 (2001): 146. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3097293.

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18

Lambek, Michael, and Maurice Bloch. "From Blessing to Violence: History and Ideology in the Circumcision Ritual of the Merina of Madagascar." Man 22, no. 3 (September 1987): 573. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2802520.

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19

Larson, Pier M. "Desperately seeking ‘the Merina’ (Central Madagascar): reading ethnonyms and their semantic fields in African identity histories." Journal of Southern African Studies 22, no. 4 (December 1996): 541–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057079608708511.

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20

Brown, Margaret L. "History and Memory in the Age of Enslavement: Becoming Merina in Highland Madagascar, 1770-1822 (review)." Africa Today 51, no. 3 (2005): 132–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/at.2005.0018.

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21

Middleton, Karen, and Maurice Bloch. "From Blessing to Violence. History and Ideology in the Circumcision Ritual of the Merina of Madagascar." Journal of Religion in Africa 20, no. 3 (October 1990): 293. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1580897.

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22

Kent, Raymond K., and Maurice Bloch. "From Blessing to Violence: History and Ideology in the Circumcision Ritual of the Merina of Madagascar." American Historical Review 93, no. 1 (February 1988): 206. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1865811.

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23

Murunga, Godwin R. "History and Memory in the Age of Enslavement: Becoming Merina in Highland Madagascar, 1770-1822 (review)." Human Rights Quarterly 23, no. 3 (2001): 840–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hrq.2001.0039.

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24

Blommers, Leo H. M. "Taxonomy and natural history of 18 Ropalidia species (Hymenoptera, Vespidae) of Madagascar." Tijdschrift voor Entomologie 155, no. 2-3 (December 10, 2012): 133–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22119434-00002010.

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Eighteen species of Ropalidia Guérin-Méneville, 1831 of Madagascar are treated, viz. those of which females and males were found together on one or more nests in the 1970s. The main purpose is to define the species by male and female characters since the latter alone are insufficient to distinguish closely related species. Ten new species are described: R. cocoscola, R. cauponae, R. merina, R. mysterica, R. favulorum, R. kojimai, R. rosae, R. cincinnata, R. perplexa and R. linearecta. R. flavoviridis Kojima, 1998 is a valid species, not a synonym of R. dubia (de Saussure, 1853). Seven species are redescribed with emphasis on male characters: R. shestakowi (von Schulthess, 1931), R. grandidieri (de Saussure, 1890), R. variabilis (de Saussure, 1890), R. phalansterica (de Saussure, 1853), R. carinata (de Saussure, 1890), R. dubia (de Saussure, 1853) and R. fraterna (de Saussure, 1900). Field notes on shape and location of nests are summarized and numbers of foundresses and subdominant females, as far as determined by dissection, reported. Various eulophid and tachinid parasitoids emerged from the nests; an attack by the ichneumonid Hemipimpla pulchripennis (de Saussure, 1890) is described.

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25

FEELEY-HARNIK, GILLIAN. "Blessing to Violence: History and ideology in the Circumcision Ritual of the Merina of Madagascar. MAURICE BLOCH." American Ethnologist 15, no. 3 (August 1988): 593–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ae.1988.15.3.02a00350.

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26

Berg, Gerald M., Thomas Gerholm, Manassé Esoavelomandroso, Suzette Heald, J. D. Y. Peel, and Eric R. Wolf. "From Blessing to Violence: History and Ideology in the Circumcision Ritual of the Merina of Madagascar. Maurice Bloch." Current Anthropology 27, no. 4 (August 1986): 349–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/203447.

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27

Morton, Fred. "Reviews of Books:History and Memory in the Age of Enslavement: Becoming Merina in Highland Madagascar, 1770-1822 Pier M. Larson." American Historical Review 107, no. 4 (October 2002): 1180–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/532670.

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28

Rakotonirina, Rachel A. "Re-Reading Missionary Publications: The Case of European and Malagasy Martyrologies, 1837-1937." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 13 (2000): 157–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900002842.

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In 1835 the missionaries of the London Missionary Society (LMS) were ordered by the Merina government in Antananarivo to leave Madagascar, only twenty-seven years after their mission had been established. In 1837 the first Malagasy Christian was killed because of her faith. The era of persecution against the internationally isolated Malagasy Christian community began in 1835 and continued sporadically until 1861 with the death of Queen Ranavalona I, whose reign had seen the introduction of anti-Christian legislation. Estimates of the number of Christians who died as a result of refusing to denounce their faith vary between 50 and 200. The numbers who died indirectly due to suffering imprisonment, a poison ordeal, or exile are estimated at between 1,500 and 3,000. However the church which emerged from the era of suppression was said to have been numerically between four and ten times stronger than in 1835, with between three and twelve thousand members and adherents. European missions returned in 1862. From the beginning, the martyr story proved to be a popular subject for missionary publications.

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29

Guillaud, Sylvie, and Cédric Vermeulen. "Enjeux et conséquences de la vannerie dans les aires protégées de Madagascar." BOIS & FORETS DES TROPIQUES 320, no. 320 (March 17, 2014): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.19182/bft2014.320.a20543.

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La Réserve spéciale de Manombo (Sud-Est de Madagascar) est un cas typique de zone de conflits entre conservation de l’environ- nement et développement rural. Elle contient un vestige de forêt littorale subis- sant des pressions constantes exercées par les populations riveraines qui, faute d’alter- natives économiques, dépendent fortement de leur environnement. La vannerie repré- sente une activité traditionnelle importante et les peuplements de Lepironia mucronata (mahampy), Cypéracée utilisée dans la van- nerie, subissent une collecte excessive de tiges. Dans ce travail, trois peuplements deL. mucronata ont été étudiés afin d’évaluer l’impact de la vannerie sur cette ressource. Pour cela, des mesures de hauteur, de dia- mètre et de densité de tiges ont permis d’évaluer la productivité de chaque peuple- ment, et ainsi des différences ainsi significa- tives ont été constatées entre les trois marais. Parallèlement, une méthode indi- recte d’estimation a été mise au point pour évaluer la pression annuelle sur les marais, exprimée en nombre de femmes venant se fournir en tiges. Outre confirmer la surexploi- tation de cette ressource par la vannerie, cette approche permet de déduire le nombre maximal de femmes pouvant se procurer des tiges sans menacer la régénération naturelle de L. mucronata. Enfin, des enquêtes socio- économiques réalisées auprès des ménages et des commerçantes ont permis d’analyser la filière vannerie traditionnelle ainsi que les retombées économiques dans la région. Cela a permis de mettre en évidence le rôle primordial de cette activité, qui procure sou- vent les seuls revenus monétaires de nom- breux ménages ruraux.

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30

Duchesne, Véronique. "Sophie Blanchy, Jean-Aimé Rakotoarisoa, Philippe Beaujard, Chantal Radimilahy (dirs.), Les dieux au service du peuple. Itinéraires religieux, médiations,syncrétisme à Madagascar." Archives de sciences sociales des religions, no. 138 (June 1, 2007): 97–251. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/assr.5342.

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31

Blum, Françoise. "Années 68 postcoloniales ?" French Historical Studies 41, no. 2 (April 1, 2018): 193–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00161071-4322918.

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PrécisCet article met en évidence les liens entre le Mai français et les mouvements politiques et sociaux intervenus en Guinée, au Congo, au Sénégal ou à Madagascar. Il s'intéresse à la nature commune de ces différents mouvements : rôle de la jeunesse, alliance des étudiants avec les ouvriers et le « petit peuple », en interrogeant une même situation postcoloniale. Il s'attache à décrire les connexions ainsi que les communautés d'habitus entre des mondes, africain et européen, en devenir : échanges de pratiques et savoirs en matière de contestation et de répression, échanges universitaires, culture et lectures communes, et ainsi de suite. Il s'agit ici de penser les circulations des « années 68 » non seulement du Nord vers le Sud mais aussi du Sud vers le Nord, et d'intégrer Mai dans une configuration plus générale : celle des espoirs suscités et/ou déçus par la fin d'un empire.This article focuses on connections between France's May ’68 and political and social movements in Francophone Africa: Guinea, the Congo, Senegal, and Madagascar. As participants challenged their common postcolonial situation, these movements converged around the importance of youth and alliances between students, workers, and “the masses.” The article describes the emergence of French and African activist communities defined by a common habitus constituted by shared techniques of protest and responses to repression, academic exchanges, common interests, and reading. The purpose of the article is to examine the circulation of ideas and people through the “long 1968”—from South to North and vice versa—and to situate May ’68 within the broad range of expectations that the end of empire both raised and often disappointed.

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32

Sinclair, Paul J. J. "Archaeology in Eastern Africa: An Overview of Current Chronological Issues." Journal of African History 32, no. 2 (July 1991): 179–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700025706.

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Even at this still early stage in the development of the chronostratigraphic framework in eastern Africa a number of important advances have been reported. As more attention is paid to the different responses of food producers to the variety of resources provided by the range of available environments then, and only then, will we be in a position to understand the diachronic processes which result in settlement aggregation and urban development.In the Lake Nyanza region at the hub of the Sudanic and Guinea–Congolian regional vegetation centres, early dates for iron working are not yet convincing enough to demonstrate independent invention of iron working, but the region is almost certainly the most important diffusion source of the technique to the eastern and southern sectors of the sub-continent.Currently available data from the Maasai–Somali region show clearly the early adoption of food production techniques and a capacity to absorb iron technology without necessarily abandoning pastoral production. This did not, however, mean a lack of development based on agriculture as the towns of the Somali coast with their advanced craft production clearly show. However, it is interesting that the urban development seems closely linked to the juxtaposition of the valuable agricultural resources provided by the Shabelle river running close to the coast and the marine resources of the littoral.The Zanzibar–Inhambane floral mosaic provides a context for the spread southwards of the early farming communities and for the development of the coastal towns. Particularly important here appears to have been the combination of surface and arboreal forms of agriculture with the exploitation of marine resources. Links eastwards with the specialized floral communities of the Comoro archipelago and Madagascar were also fully established. The highlands of Madagascar experienced the expansion from the eleventh century a.d. onwards of a settlement system increasingly focused upon hydraulic agriculture which culminated in the powerful Merina kingdom and ultimately the present day capital of Antananarivo.On the continent relatively little penetration into the Zambezian miombo woodland communities was achieved by the coastal urban dwellers. In the woodlands of the vast highlands of the interior different developmental trajectories of settlement systems occurred. Here food production cannot be shown to have become established earlier than the late first millennium b.c. But by the mid first millennium a.d. significant settlement hierarchies based on mixed cropping and cattle keeping were established on the Zimbabwe plateau and the margins of the Kalahari. These together with the incorporation of the opportunities presented by inter-regional exchange and the exotic trade goods penetrating from the coast ultimately gave rise to the powerful state formations of the Mapungubwe and Zimbabwe traditions.Together these developments show a remarkable degree of regional articulation and it remains true that an adequate understanding of the processes giving rise to urbanism in any part of eastern Africa cannot be understood in isolation.

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Ellis, Stephen. "From Blessing to Violence. History and ideology in the circumcision ritual of the Merina of Madagascar. By Maurice Bloch. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986. Pp. 214. £30. - Madagascar, island of the ancestors. By John Mack. London: British Museum Publications, 1986. Pp. 98, illus. (11 colour, 78 b/w). £6.50 (soft covers)." Journal of African History 28, no. 3 (November 1987): 465. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700030383.

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Mudimbe, V. Y. ": From Blessing to Violence: History and Ideology in the Circumcision Ritual of the Merina of Madagascar . Maurice Bloch. ; Qui a Obstrue la Cascade?: Analyse Semantique du Rituel de la Circoncision chez les Komo du Zaire . Wauthier de Mahieu." American Anthropologist 89, no. 3 (September 1987): 742–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aa.1987.89.3.02a00420.

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ROSS, ROBERT. "ECONOMIC HISTORY OF THE MERINA EMPIRE An Economic History of Imperial Madagascar, 1750–1895: The Rise and Fall of an Island Empire. By GWYN CAMPBELL. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005. Pp. xvii+413. £55/$90 (ISBN 0-521-83935-1)." Journal of African History 47, no. 1 (March 2006): 151–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853706281726.

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Middleton, Karen. "History and Memory in the Age of Enslavement. Becoming Merina in Highland Madagascar, 1770–1822, by Pier Larson. Oxford: James Currey, Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann; and Cape Town: David Philip, 2000. xxxii + 414 pp. $24.95 paperback. ISBN 0‐325‐00216‐9." African Affairs 100, no. 400 (July 1, 2001): 494–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/100.400.494.

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Middleton, Karen. "BLOCH, Maurice, From Blessing to Violence. History and ideology in the circumcision ritual of the Merina of Madagascar, Cambridge Studies in Social Anthropology, no. 61. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1986, 214 pp., £30.00, 0 521 30639 6 hard cover, £9.99, 0 521 31404 6 paperback." Journal of Religion in Africa 20, no. 3 (1990): 293–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006690x00277.

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Paillard, Yvan-Georges. "Un regard sur le XIXe siècle malgache [Raombana : Histoires. Édition et traduction française par Simon Ayache. Vol. 1 : La haute époque merina. De la légende à l'histoire (des origines à 1810). — Vol. 2 : Madagascar sous Radame Ier. Vers l'unification de l'île et la civilisation nouvelle (1810-1828)]." Revue française d'histoire d'outre-mer 83, no. 310 (1996): 99–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/outre.1996.3403.

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Bax, Mart, Henri J. M. Claessen, H. J. M. Claessen, Shishir Kumar Panda, C. P. Epskamp, A. David Napier, James J. Fox, et al. "Book Reviews." Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde / Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of Southeast Asia 144, no. 1 (1988): 173–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134379-90003312.

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- Mart Bax, Henri J.M. Claessen, Development and decline; The evolution of sociopolitical organisation, Massachusetts: Bergin and Garvey Publishers, Inc., 369 pp., 1985., Peter van de Velde, M. Estellie Smith (eds.) - H.J.M. Claessen, Shishir Kumar Panda, Herrschaft und verwaltung im östlichen Indien unter den Späten Gangas (ca. 1038-1434), Wiesbaden: Steiner, 1986. [Beiträge zur Südasienforschung, Südaisen-Institut Universität Heidelberg.] 184 pp., map, summary, bibl. - C.P. Epskamp, A. David Napier, Masks, transformation and paradox, Berkeley/London: University of California Press, 1986. 282 pp. - James J. Fox, P.E. de Josselin de Jong, Unity in diversity; Indonesia as a field of anthropological study, Dordrecht-Holland/Cinnaminson-U.S.A.: Foris Publications, 1984 [Verhandelingen van het Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 103.] - Peter Geschiere, J.P.M. van den Breemer, Onze aarde houdt niet van rijst; Een cultureel antropologische studie van innovatie in de landbouw bij de Aouan van Ivoorkust, proefschrift, Leiden 1984. - C.D. Grijns, Directory of West European Indonesianists 1987, compiled by the Documentation Centre for Modern Indonesia, KITLV, Dordrecht/Providence: Foris Publications, 1987. - C.D. Grijns, Peter Carey, Maritime South East Asian studies in the United Kingdom. A survey of their post-war development and current resources, Jaso Occasional Papers no. 6, Oxford: Jaso, 1986. - C.D. Grijns, Zicht op de Indonesische studies in Nederland. Een overzicht van onderwijs en onderzoek gericht op Indonesië, Rapport I, deel 1, Leiden: Landelijke Coördinatiecommissie Indonesische Studies, 1987. - Paul van der Grijp, Maurice Bloch, From Blessing to Violence; History and Ideology in the Circumcision Ritual of the Merina of Madagascar, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, Cambridge Studies in Social Anthropology no. 61, 1986, 214 pp. - C.J.A. Jörg, Barbara Harrison, Pusaka; Heirloom Jars of Borneo, Singapore/Oxford/New York: Oxford University Press, 1986, xiv + 55 pp., 164 ills., bibl., index, map; hard cover. - David S. Moyer, H.T. Wilson, Tradition and innovation: The idea of civilization as culture and its significance. The international library of phenomenology and moral science, Routledge & Kegan Paul, London, 1984, X + 208 pp. - J.G. Oosten, Edmund Leach, Structuralist interpretations of biblical myth, Cambridge University Press, 1983., D. Alan Aycock (eds.) - Frank Perlin, Arvind N. Das, The `Longue Durée’: Continuity and change in Changel; Historiography of an Indian village from the 18th towards the 21st century, CASP 14, Rotterdam, 1986, vii + 94pp., 1 map. - Herman Slaats, Recht in ontwikkeling: Tien agrarisch-rechtelijke opstellen, uitgegeven door de Vakgroep Agrarisch Recht, Landbouw-universiteit Wageningen, Deventer: Kluwer, 1986, VI + 172 blz., 2 appendixes. - A.A. Trouwborst, Léon de Sousberghe, Don et contre-don de la vie; Structure élémentaire de parenté et union préférentielle, Studia Instituti Anthropos 49, Anthropos-Institut, St. Augustin, 1986, 155 pp. - Pieter van de Velde, R.H. Barnes, Contexts and levels; Anthropological essays on hierarchy, Oxford: JASO occasional papers 4. Paperback, vii + 219 pp., separate bibliographies and name and subject indexes., D. de Coppet, R.J. Parkin (eds.) - Neil Lancelot Whitehead, C.J.M.R. Gullick, Myths of a minority - the changing traditions of the Vincentian Caribs, Van Gorcum, Assen, 1985.

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ALLEN, RICHARD B. "ENSLAVEMENT AND ETHNIC IDENTITY History and Memory in the Age of Enslavement: Becoming Merina in Highland Madagascar, 1770–1822. By PIER M. LARSON. Portsmouth NH: Heinemann; Oxford: James Currey; Cape Town: David Philip, 2000. Pp. xxxii+414. $65.00 (ISBN 0-325-00217-7); $24.95, paperback (ISBN 0-325-00216-9)." Journal of African History 43, no. 2 (July 2002): 313–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853702308296.

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Mita, Toshiharu, and Paolo Rosa. "Redescription of Chrysidea pumiloides Zimmermann, 1956, and description of three new species of Chrysidea from Madagascar (Hymenoptera: Chrysididae)." European Journal of Taxonomy, no. 564 (October 8, 2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.5852/ejt.2019.564.

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Chrysidea pumiloides Zimmermann, 1956 and its Malagasy allies are taxonomically revised. As a result, C. pumiloides and C. phoebe Zimmermann, 1956 are redescribed; two new species, C. vazimba sp. nov. and C. merina sp. nov., are described from museum collections, and another new species, C. rioae sp. nov., is described based on a male recently collected in Southern Madagascar, at Berenty Reserve. The habitus of the holotypes and the male genitalia are illustrated and the key to Malagasy Chrysidea Bischoff, 1913 is updated.

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"History amd memory in the age of enslavement: becoming Merina in highland Madagascar, 1770-1822." Choice Reviews Online 38, no. 10 (June 1, 2001): 38–5720. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.38-5720.

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Howe, Penelope. "Central Malagasy." Journal of the International Phonetic Association, July 8, 2019, 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025100319000100.

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Malagasy is the westernmost Austronesian language and belongs to the South East Barito subgroup of the Western Malayo-Polynesian subfamily (Dahl 1988, Rasoloson & Rubino 2005). Dahl (1951) presents widely-accepted evidence that Malagasy is most closely related to the Indonesian language Ma’anyan of Kalimantan (South Borneo). The term Malagasy refers to a macrolanguage (Lewis, Simons & Fennig 2014), with many regional dialects distributed throughout the island of Madagascar, which lies off the east African coast across from Mozambique (see Figure 1) and has a population of over 22 million (INSTAT 2018). The central area of the country, or the ‘Central Highlands’, is a plateau of up to 5000 feet and includes the capital city of Antananarivo, with a metropolitan population of about four million. The dialect historically spoken in and around Antananarivo is called Merina, and it served as the primary basis for development of the standardized, institutional language referred to as Malagasy Ofisialy ‘Official Malagasy’ (OM).

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Ahmadi, Nourollah, Alain Ramanantsoanirina, João D. Santos, Julien Frouin, and Tendro Radanielina. "Evolutionary Processes Involved in the Emergence and Expansion of an Atypical O. sativa Group in Madagascar." Rice 14, no. 1 (May 20, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.1186/s12284-021-00479-8.

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AbstractUnderstanding crops genetic diversity and the evolutionary processes that accompanied their worldwide spread is useful for designing effective breeding strategies. Madagascar Island was one of the last major Old World areas where human settlement brought the introduction of Oryza sativa. Early studies in the island had reported the presence of a rice group specific to Madagascar. Using 24 K SNP, we compared diversity patterns at the whole genome and at haplotype (30 SNP-long segments along the genome) levels, between 620 Malagasy and 1929 Asian rice accessions. The haplotype level analysis aimed at identifying local genotypic variations, relative to the whole genome level, using a group assignment method that relies on kernel density estimation in a Principal Component Analysis feature space. Migration bottleneck had resulted in 10–25% reduction of diversity among the Malagasy representatives of indica and japonica populations. Compared to their Asian counterpart, they showed slightly lower indica and japonica introgressions, suggesting the two populations had undergone less recombination when migration to the island occurred. The origins of the Malagasy indica and japonica groups were delineated to indica subpopulation from the Indian subcontinent and to tropical japonica from the Malay Archipelago, respectively. The Malagasy-specific group (Gm) had a rather high gene diversity and an original haplotype pattern: much lower share of indica haplotypes, and much higher share of Aus and japonica haplotypes than indica. Its emergence and expansion are most probably due to inter-group recombination facilitated by sympatry between indica-Aus admixes and “Bulu” type landraces of japonica in the central high plateaux of Madagascar, and to human selection for adaptation to the lowland rice cultivation. Pattern of rice genetic diversity was also tightly associated with the history of human settlement in the island. Emergence of the Gm group is associated with the latest arrivals of Austronesians, who founded the Merina kingdom in the high plateaux and developed lowland rice cultivation. As an intermediary form between Aus, indica and japonica, the three pillars of O. sativa domestication, Gm represents a very valuable genetic resource in breeding for adaptation to cold tolerance in tropical highlands. We proposed the name Rojo for this new rice group.

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"Pier M. Larson. History and Memory in the Age of Enslavement: Becoming Merina in Highland Madagascar, 1770–1822. (Social History of Africa.) Portsmouth: Heinemann. 2000. Pp. xxxii, 414. Cloth $65.00, paper $24.95." American Historical Review, October 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr/107.4.1180-a.

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"maurice bloch. From Blessing to Violence: History and Ideology in the Circumcision Ritual of the Merina of Madagascar. (Cambridge Studies in Social Anthropology, number 61.) New York: Cambridge University Press. 1986. Pp. x, 214. Cloth $44.50, paper $13.95." American Historical Review, February 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr/93.1.206-a.

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