Journal articles on the topic 'Merrill Company'

The Essential Thomas Jefferson, Jean M. Yarbrough, ed., Indianapolis and Cambridge: Hackett Publishing Company, Inc., 2006, pp. xxxvii, 287.This is a useful collection of Jefferson's political writings well suited to undergraduate and graduate courses in political theory and especially in American political thought. There are twelve public papers and addresses (including “A Summary View of the Rights of British America” and, of course, the Declaration of Independence, excerpts from the “Notes on Virginia,” and 44 letters to various correspondents. This compares favourably with an older and larger anthology edited by the distinguished Jefferson scholar Merrill Peterson (The Portable Thomas Jefferson, New York: Viking, 1975), which features roughly the same number of public papers and addresses but also contains the “Notes on Virginia” in its entirety and some 75 letters. While the Peterson volume is more inclusive, Yarbrough's decision to excerpt the “Notes” is understandable, given how few chapters bear directly on political questions, and the selected correspondence provides an ample survey of Jefferson's views on a variety of topics.

The Six Sigma model provides various kinds of sustainability to companies in terms of quality enhancement, zero defect level, market share enhancement, optimal production level and financial returns. Multinational companies are more orientated toward implementation of Six Sigma than small scale locally held companies. Numerous larger companies have so far implemented Six Sigma including 3M, Caterpillar, Merrill Lynch, Bank of America, Amazon.com, DHL, SGL group, Dell, Ford Motor Company, DuPont, McGraw Hill Companies and HSBC group. Implementation of Six Sigma requires considerable cost and effort in terms of human resource training and reformulation of business processes. This study is an attempt to find what kind of sustainability motivates multinational companies to invest in Six Sigma. Sustainability identified includes social sustainability, environmental sustainability, and economic sustainability. With the aid of interviews, a constant comparison study is conducted in order to find the most prevalent type of sustainability offered by Six Sigma. A sample is drawn from multinational companies which have already implemented Six Sigma in their operations. The findings suggest that multinational companies implement Six Sigma in order to attain economic sustainability through various means such as market share, customer base, and social sustainability.

After an injury; a dancer learns, at least for a short time, to heed his [sic] body if only because pain speaks a language almost anyone can understand. This heightened awareness should not disappear once the dancer returns to form; rather it should help him continue to learn about the ways his body moves and reacts (Ashley 1984, 217–218).In this statement the American dancer Merrill Ashley, who had a memorable 30-year career with the New York City Ballet, expresses a view on injuries that goes against the grain of dominant thinking within the world of ballet. According to Ashley, who suffered from several injuries in her first two years with the company, an injury can be a positive experience for a dancer, because it heightens her awareness of her body and teaches her about its possibilities and limitations. This is a rather exceptional view in a world where the vast majority of professionals commonly see injuries as a disaster (Wulff 1998; Wainwright, Williams and Turner 2005). The dominant realization that a dancer's career is short makes dancers fear an injury, because it will prevent them from dancing and cause them to lose roles. Because “there is a rule in the ballet world against casting or promoting dancers who are injured” (Wulff 1998, 106), dancers who suffer from an injury will wait as long as possible before letting others know, because they are afraid it will stop them dancing (Mainwaring, Krasnow and Kerr 2001).

Business intelligence (BI) is a term that refers to a variety of techniques and software applications used to analyze an organization’s raw data. Companies use BI to improve decision-making, identify opportunities, and cut cost. However, implementing a BI system is challenging. Critical success factors (CSFs) are necessary elements for a project to succeed. The aim of this article is to identify critical CSFs and find possible interrelationships. Using a framework of CSF constructs, the authors conducted a qualitative case study at Norway Post, a large company that successfully implemented a BI system. This research offers three contributions. The first is identifying ten CSFs for a BI implementation, and the second is a ranked list of these CSFs. The third is the CSFs interrelationship model, which may be the most exciting result for BI practitioners. Knowing which factors to fulfill and how they interrelate will increase the chances of achieving a successful BI implementation.

Abstract: This study aims to describe the professional development of elementary school teachers in remote areas in the UPTD Damang Batu working area, seen from the aspects of: (1) elementary teacher professional development through: (a) Intensive Development, (b) Cooperative Development, (c) Self Directed Development, and (2) Supporting factors and obstacles encountered in the professional development of remote area elementary school teachers. This research is a qualitative research with a case study design. Data collection is done by methods: in-depth interviews (indepth interview), participant observation (participant observation), and study documentation (study of document). Determination of data sources is done by using purposive sampling technique. Data analysis was performed using the interactive patterns of Miles and Huberman (1994). Checking the validity of the data is done by using a degree of credibility through both source and method triangulation techniques. The results of the study show that: (1) Professional development of elementary school teachers in remote areas, through: (a) Intensive Development, carried out through activities commonly aimed at developing teacher professionals and program activities that are tailored to the needs of teachers; (b) Cooperative Development, carried out through visits to other schools, sharing experiences with colleagues, being active in MGMP activities, and supporting each other to increase work motivation; and (c) Self-Directed Development, carried out through teaching media manufacturing activities, actively reading books in school libraries, actively participating in seminars / training, and actively seeking new teaching materials if they have the opportunity to access the internet; and (2) Supporting factors include the establishment of synergic cooperation between the Education Office, UPTD, supervisors, school principals and teachers; while the constraint factor is not all teachers have the opportunity to participate in a professional development program due to geographical conditions and the difficulty of access to and from the school. Keywords: Professional Development, Elementary Teacher, Remote Area Abstrak: Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mendeskripsikan tentang Pembinaan profesional guru SD daerah terpencil di wilayah kerja UPTD Kecamatan Damang Batu, dilihat dari aspek: (1) Pembinaan professional guru SD melalui: (a) Intensive Development, (b) Cooperative Development, (c) Self- Directed Development, dan (2) Faktor pendukung dan kendala yang dihadapi dalam pengembangan profesional guru SD daerah terpencil. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian kualitatif dengan rancangan studi kasus. Pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan metode wawancara mendalam, observasi partisipan, dan studi dokumentasi. Penetapan sumber data dilakukan dengan teknikpurposive sampling. Analisis data dilakukan dengan menggunakan pola interaktif Miles dan Huberman (1994). Pengecekan keabsahan data dilakukan dengan menggunakan derajat kepercayaan (credibility) melalui teknik triangulasi baik sumber maupun metode. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa: (1) Pembinaan profesional guru SD daerah terpencil, melalui: (a) Intensive Development, dilaksanakan melalui kegiatan yang lazim ditujukan untuk mengembangkan profesional guru serta program kegiatan yang disesuaikan dengan kebutuhan guru; (b) Cooperative Development, dilaksanakan melalui kegiatan kunjungan ke sekolah lain, sharing pengalaman dengan sejawat, aktif dalam kegiatan MGMP, serta saling mendukung untuk meningkatkan motivasi kerja; dan (c) Self- Directed Development, dilaksanakan melalui kegiatan pembuatan media ajar, aktif membaca buku di perpustakaan sekolah, aktif mengikuti seminar/pelatihan, serta aktif mencari bahan ajar baru jika memiliki kesempatan untuk mengakses internet; dan (2) Faktor pendukung meliputi terjalinnya kerjasama yang sinergis antara Dinas Pendidikan, UPTD, pengawas, kepala sekolah dan guru; sedangkan faktor kendala belum semua guru mendapatkan kesempatan untuk mengikuti program pembinaan profesional disebabkan kondisi geografis serta sukarnya akses dari dan menuju ke sekolah tersebut. Kata Kunci: Pembinaan Profesional, Guru Sekolah Dasar, Daerah Terpencil References: Arifin. (2011). Kompetensi Guru dan Strategi Pengembanganya. Yogyakarta: Penerbit LILIN. Arnold, P. (2001). Review of Contemporary Issues for Rural Schools. Education in Rural Australia, 11 (1), 30-42. Bafadal, I. (2003). Peningkatan Profesionalisme Guru Sekolah Dasar: Dalam Rangka Manajemen Peningkatan Mutu Berbasis Sekolah. Jakarta: Bumi Aksara. Collette, A.T., & Chiappetta, E. L. (1994). Science Instruction in the Middle and Secondary Schools(3rd Edition). New York: Merrill. Departemen Pendidikan Nasional. (2005). Manajemen Peningkatan Mutu Berbasis Sekolah.Jakarta: Direktorat Pendidikan Menengah Umum. Direktorat Jenderal Pendidikan Dasar dan Menengah.Departemen Pendidikan Nasional. Dinas Pendidikan Kabupaten Gunung Mas. (2010). Laporan Tahunan DinasPendidikan Kabupaten Gunung Mas Tahun 2010. Dinas Pendidikan Kabupaten Gunung Mas. (2016). Data Hasil UKG Tahun 2015. Gaffar, F. M. (1987). Perencanaan Pendidikan: Teori dan Metodologi. Jakarta: Depdikbud. Glatthorn, A. A. (1995). Teacher Development. In: Anderson, L. (Ed.). International Encyclopedia of Teaching and Teacher Education. Second Edition.London: Pergamon Press. Gorton, R. A. (1976). School Administration Challenge and Opportunity for Leadership.New York: Wm. C. Brown Company Publishers. Hanson, M. E. (1985). Educational Administration and Organizational Behavior. Third Edition. Boston Allyn and Bacon. Heslop, J. (1996). A Model for The Development of Teacher in a Remote Area of Western Australia.Australian Journal of Education. Vol.21: Iss.1, Article 1. Available at: http://ro.ecu.edu.au/ajte/vol21/iss1/1. Kementerian Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan (Kemendikbud). (2012). Pedoman Uji Kompetensi Guru.Jakarta: Badan Pengembangan Sumber Daya Manusia dan Kebudayaan dan Penjaminan Mutu. Kementerian Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan (Kemendikbud). (2015). Pedoman Pelaksanaan Uji Kompetensi Guru.Jakarta: Direktorat Jenderal Guru dan Tenaga Kependidikan. Khasanah, N. (2014). Ternyata ini Alasan Pendidikan di Jawa Lebih Berkualitas. Diakses pada tanggal 20 Juli 2018, dari: https://www.kompasiana.com/noerchasanahkinar/ 54f868f5a333113a038b4577/ternyata-ini-alasan-pendidikan-di-jawa-lebih-berkualitas. Koswara, D. D., & Triatna, C. (2011). Manajemen Pendidikan: Manajemen Peningkatan Mutu Pendidikan.Tim Dosen Administrasi Pendidikan Universitas Pendidikan Indonesia. Bandung: Alfabeta. McPherson, R. B. (1986). Managing Uncertainty: Administrative Theory and Practice in Education. Colombus: Charles E. Merrill Publishing Company. Miles, M., & Huberman, A. M. (1992). Analisis Data Kualitatif: Buku Sumber Tentang Metode-Metode Baru. Jakarta: UI Press. Mulyasa, E. (2013). Uji Kompetensi Guru dan Penilaian Kinerja Guru.Bandung: PT. Remaja Rosda Karya. Mustofa. (2007). Upaya Pengembangan Profesionalisme Guru di Indonesia.Jurnal Ekonomi Pendidikan, Vol.4 (1). Nugroho, P. J. (2013). Faktor-Faktor yang Mempengaruhi Profesionalisme Guru SD Daerah Terpencil Daratan Pedalaman Kabupaten Gunung Mas.Prosiding Hasil Penelitian dan Pengabdian Kepada Masyarakat Tahun 2013. Dies Natalis Universitas Palangka Raya. ISSN: 2354-6727. Nugroho, P. J. (2017). Pengembangan Model Pelatihan Inovatif untuk Meningkatkan Kompetensi Guru SD Daerah Terpencil. Jurnal Sekolah Dasar: Kajian Teori dan Praktik, Vol.26 (2). Peraturan Pemerintah Republik Indonesia Nomor 19 Tahun 2005 tentang Standar Nasional Pendidikan. Peraturan Pemerintah Republik Indonesia Nomor 32 Tahun 2013 tentang Perubahan Atas Peraturan Pemerintah Nomor 19 Tahun 2005. Rohani, N. K. (2004). Pengaruh Pembinaan Kepala Sekolah dan Kompensasi Terhadap Kinerja Guru SLTP Negeri di Kota Surabaya.Jurnal Pendidikan Dasar, Vol.5 (1). Saud, U. S. (2009). Pengembangan Profesi Guru SD/MI. Bandung: Alfabeta. Sher, J. P., & Sher, K. R. (1994). Beyond the Conventional Wisdom: Rural Develop-ment as if Australia’s Rural People and Communities Really Mattered. Journal of Research in Rural Education, Vol 10 No 1. Siram, R. (1992). Pelaksanaan Model Sistem Guru Kunjung Suatu Alternatif Pemerataan Pendidikan Sekolah Dasar Daerah Terpencil di Kalimantan Tengah.Tesis tidak dipublikasikan, PPS IKIP Malang. Snyder, K. J., & Anderson, R. H. (1986). Managing Productivity Schools. Orlando: Academic Press College Division. Supriadi, D. (1990). Pendidikan di Daerah Terpencil: Masalah dan Penanganannya. Analisis CSIS No. 5. Bandung: IKIP Bandung. Tjalla, A. (2010). Potret Mutu Pendidikan Indonesia ditinjau dari Hasil-Hasil Studi Internasional.Diakses tanggal 20 Juli 2018 dari: http://repository.ut.ac.id/2609/1/fkip201047.pdf. Undang-Undang Republik Indonesia Nomor 20 Tahun 2003 tentang Sistem Pendidikan Nasional.

Background:Iberdomide is a high-affinity cereblon ligand that promotes proteasomal degradation of Ikaros (IKZF1) and Aiolos (IKZF3), transcription factors involved in innate and adaptive immune cell development and homeostasis, and linked to the genetic risk for systemic lupus erythematosus (SLE). A phase 2, placebo-controlled study evaluated the efficacy and safety of iberdomide in patients (pts) with moderate to severe SLE.Objectives:To examine the effect of iberdomide on cutaneous manifestations in SLE pts.Methods:Adult autoantibody-positive SLE pts with a SLE Disease Activity Index 2000 (SLEDAI 2K) score ≥6 were randomized (2:2:1:2) to oral iberdomide (0.45, 0.3, 0.15 mg) or placebo once daily (QD) for 24 weeks while continuing standard background lupus medications. The Cutaneous Lupus Area and Severity Index Activity score (CLASI-A) was assessed every 4 weeks through week 24. As prespecified, exploratory analyses, change from baseline and the proportion of pts who achieved ≥50% reduction from baseline (CLASI-50) were evaluated for all pts, pts with baseline CLASI-A ≥8, and by cutaneous lupus subtypes (acute [ACLE], subacute [SCLE], chronic [CCLE]). CLASI-A outcomes were also evaluated post hoc for subgroups with high baseline expression of IKZF3 or the type 1 interferon (IFN) gene signatures in the blood.Results:Of 288 randomized pts, the mean and median (range) baseline CLASI-A scores were 6.9 and 5.0 (0-49), with 28% of pts having a score ≥8. 56% of pts had ACLE, 29% CCLE, and 16% SCLE. CLASI-50 responses were not significantly different comparing iberdomide to placebo in all pts and pts with baseline CLASI-A ≥8 at week 24, where high placebo response rates were observed (Table). Numerically greater mean improvement from baseline in CLASI-A scores in pts with baseline CLASI-A ≥8 was observed for iberdomide 0.45 mg vs placebo beginning at week 4, with continuous improvement through week 24. For pts with SCLE or CCLE, CLASI-50 response rates were significantly higher with iberdomide 0.45 mg vs placebo (P<0.04; Table). SCLE pts had significantly greater mean change and median percent improvement in CLASI-A from baseline with iberdomide 0.45 mg vs placebo at week 24 (P<0.03). Treatment differences in CLASI-A between iberdomide 0.45 mg and placebo were larger for SCLE and CCLE subgroups with high baseline IKZF3 or type 1 IFN gene signatures, with statistical significance achieved for SCLE pts but not CCLE pts (Figure).Table 1.CLASI-50 Response Rates by Subgroups at Week 240.15 mg QD0.3 mg QD0.45 mg QD(n=42)(n=82)(n=81)PlaceboSubgroup(n=83)0.15 mg QD vs Placebo0.3 mg QD vs Placebo0.45 mg QD vs Placebon/m (%)n/m (%)Str Diff in % (95% CI)P valuen/m (%)Str Diff in % (95% CI)P valuen/m (%)Str Diff in % (95% CI)P valueAll pts37/83 (44.6)19/42 (45.2)0.4 (-17.33, 18.55) P=0.96141/82 (50.0)5.3 (-9.93, 20.11) P=0.49945/81 (55.6)10.9 (-4.30, 25.51) P=0.163CLASI-A ≥810/20 (50.0)8/13 (61.5)15.9 (-17.42, 45.45) P=0.39913/24 (54.2)12.1 (-17.57, 39.97) P=0.45816/24 (66.7)15.1 (-15.51, 42.49) P=0.368ACLE23/50 (46.0)15/30 (50.0)4.8 (-17.22, 26.31) P=0.66220/43 (46.5)-3.3 (-22.95, 16.67) P=0.73817/38 (44.7)-3.0 (-23.20, 17.65) P=0.782SCLE9/17 (52.9)5/9 (55.6)2.6a (-33.04, 36.33) P=0.9663/9 (33.3)-6.6 (-38.98, 31.86) P>0.99911/12 (91.7)38.7a(4.54, 61.75) P=0.035CCLE5/18 (27.8)7/14 (50.0)22.2a (-10.51, 50.00) P=0.19810/23 (43.5)23.8 (-6.89, 48.88) P=0.12918/29 (62.1)34.1 (4.43, 56.16) P=0.029CI, confidence interval; Str Diff, stratified difference.aUnstratified difference.Conclusion:Iberdomide showed beneficial effects on skin manifestations in pts with SLE. Efficacy appears to be more pronounced in pts with SCLE and CCLE skin subtypes, and in pts with high IKZF3 or IFN gene expression signatures.Δ, treatment difference of adjusted means; CCLE, chronic cutaneous lupus erythematosus; CLASI-A, Cutaneous Lupus Erythematosus Disease Area and Severity Index-activity score; IFN, interferon; SCLE, subacute cutaneous lupus erythematosus.Acknowledgements:This study was sponsored by Bristol Myers Squibb. Professional medical writing assistance was provided by Peloton Advantage, LLC, an OPEN Health company, and funded by Bristol Myers Squibb.Disclosure of Interests:Victoria Werth Consultant of: Bristol Myers Squibb, Grant/research support from: Bristol Myers Squibb, Joan Merrill Consultant of: UCB, GlaxoSmithKline, AbbVie, EMD Serono, Remegen, Celgene/Bristol Myers Squibb, AstraZeneca, Lilly, Immupharma, Amgen, Janssen, Resolve, Alpine, Aurinia, Astellas, Alexion, and Provention, Grant/research support from: GlaxoSmithKline and AstraZeneca, Richard Furie Consultant of: Bristol Myers Squibb, Grant/research support from: Bristol Myers Squibb, Thomas Dörner Consultant of: support for clinical studies and honoraria for scientific advice: AbbVie, Bristol Myers Squibb Company, Celgene, Eli Lilly, Janssen, Novartis, Roche, Employee of: Charite Universitätsmedizin, Berlin and DRFZ Berlin, Germany, Ronald van Vollenhoven Speakers bureau: UCB, AbbVie, Galapagos, Janssen, Pfizer, Paid instructor for: support for educational programs: Pfizer, Roche, Consultant of: AstraZeneca, Biogen, Biotest, Celgene, Gilead, Servier, UCB, AbbVie, Galapagos, Janssen, Pfizer, Grant/research support from: Bristol Myers Squibb, GlaxoSmithKline, Eli Lilly, UCB, Peter Lipsky Employee of: RILITE Foundation, Michael Weiswasser Shareholder of: Bristol Myers Squibb, Employee of: Bristol Myers Squibb, Shimon Korish Shareholder of: Bristol Myers Squibb, Employee of: Bristol Myers Squibb, Peter Schafer Shareholder of: Bristol Myers Squibb, Employee of: Bristol Myers Squibb, Mark Stern Shareholder of: Bristol Myers Squibb, Employee of: Bristol Myers Squibb, Zhaohui Liu Shareholder of: Bristol Myers Squibb, Employee of: Bristol Myers Squibb, Shaojun Tang Shareholder of: Bristol Myers Squibb, Employee of: Bristol Myers Squibb, Nikolay Delev Shareholder of: Bristol Myers Squibb, Employee of: Bristol Myers Squibb

In ‘Picturing Change: At Home with the Leisure Class in New York City, 1870s-1910s’, Douglas Tallack draws on the work of Thorstein Veblen to explore the significance of the visual representation of domestic interior space within a leisure-class logic of consumption and display. Analysing photographic commissions undertaken by the Byron Company of the houses of New York's Four Hundred, and paintings by the American Impressionists William Merritt Chase and Childe Hassam, he demonstrates that these images of luxury interiors did more than simply express the taste and lifestyle of the city's new money, however, composing and re-conceptualising the interior scene into a self-contained, private space of material objects shielded from external reality, the baroque saturation of which nevertheless exposes its illusion.

The most common processes used for the recovery of gold and silver from cyanide leachates are Merril-Crowe, activated carbon in pulp, and ion exchange resins; the process of electrocoagulation (EC) also is a promising new technique. EC is an electrochemical process whose mechanisms include oxidation, reduction, decomposition, deposition, coagulation, absorption, flotation, and precipitation. It has been used for the treatment of water and wastewater with different degrees of success. This study aimed to determine the kinetics of the reaction and the energy consumption at constant voltage, and at constant current using aluminum electrodes with two different distances between electrodes. EC was run in three stages for the removal of gold and silver from aqueous cyanide solutions from samples supplied by a Mexican mining company. Characterization of the sample showed initial concentrations of 49.48 and 383 mg/L of gold and silver, respectively. Results showed the effectiveness of the process by achieving removals up to 98.59% of gold and 99.43% of silver. Additionally, it was determined that the kinetics of the reaction is of zero order and that the lowest energy consumption can be achieved when working at constant voltage and with a separation of 0.8 cm between electrodes.

The 70-year-old Frye standards of “general acceptance” were replaced by the Supreme Court's 1993 Daubert criteria of the scientific method, which established the standards for admissibility of evidence in Federal Court. The four Daubert criteria were: 1- Hypothesis testing, 2- Estimates of error rates, 3- Peer reviewed publication and 4- General acceptance ( Daubert v. Merrell Dow Pharmaceuticals, 61 U.S.L.W 4805 (U.S. June 29, 1993)). The present paper starts with the Daubert four factors and then matches them, step by step, to the scientific peer reviewed literature of quantitative EEG (QEEG) in relation to different clinical evaluations. This process shows how the peer reviewed science of the Digital EEG and the Quantitative EEG (QEEG) meet all of the Daubert standards of scientific knowledge. Furthermore, the science and technical aspects of QEEG in measuring the effects of neurological and psychiatric dysfunction also match the recent Supreme Court standards of “technical” and “other specialized” knowledge ( General Electric Co v. Joiner, 1997; Kumho Tire Company, Ltd. v. Carmichael, 1999). Finally, it is shown that QEEG scientific knowledge and QEEG “technical” and “other specialized” knowledge meet the trilogy standards of the Supreme Court rulings in support of QEEG's admissibility as a clinically valid method in the evaluation of the nature and extent of neurological and psychiatric disorders.

Background:Remission, LDA and LDAS have been proposed as treatment goals for SLE. However, the independent impact of these states on damage accrual has not been fully evaluated.Objectives:To determine the independent impact of remission (both off & on treatment), LDA, and LLDAS on damage accrual.Methods:We studied a long-term longitudinal multinational SLE cohort, including patients completing at least two annual assessments. Remission off-treatment was defined as a SLEDAI (excluding serology) =0, without prednisone and immunosuppressive (IS) drugs. Remission on-treatment was defined as a SLEDAI (excluding serology) =0, prednisone daily dose<=5 mg/d and maintenance IS drugs. LDA was defined as a SLEDAI (excluding serology) <=2, without prednisone or IS drugs. LLDAS was defined as a SLEDAI <=4 with no activity in major organ systems, with no new features of lupus disease activity compared to the previous assessment, prednisone daily dose<=7.5 mg/d and maintenance IS drugs. Antimalarials were allowed in all groups. Damage accrual was ascertained with the SLICC/ACR damage index (SDI). Univariable and multivariable generalized estimated equation (GEE) negative binomial regression models were used. To create mutually exclusive groups, disease activity was divided into five states: remission off-treatment, remission on-treatment (minus remission off treatment), LDA (minus remission), LLDAS (minus remission and LDA) and not-optimally controlled. The proportion of the time that patients were in the specific state at each visit since cohort entry was determined. Possible effect modifiers and confounders adjusted for included sex, age at diagnosis, race/ethnicity, education, baseline disease duration, follow-up time, the highest-ever glucocorticoid dose prior to cohort entry, antimalarials and SDI. Time-dependent covariates were determined at the same annual visit as disease activity state; the outcome was the increase in the SDI and it was assessed at the subsequent visit.Results:There were 1,652 patients, 1464 (88.6%) were female, mean age at diagnosis was 34.6 (SD 13.4) years and mean baseline disease duration was 5.5 (SD 4.1) months. Patients had a mean follow-up of 6.5 (SD 4.3) years, 11686 visits were included. 763 patients (46.2%) had an increase in SDI score ≥1 during follow-up. 2483 (21.2%) of the visits were classified as remission off-treatment, 2276 (19.5%) as remission on-treatment, 544 (4.7%) as LDA, 657 (5.6%) as LLDAS and 5726 (49.0%) as not-optimally controlled. Being in remission off-treatment, remission on-treatment, LDA and LLDAS were predictive of a lower probability of damage accrual [remission off-treatment IRR=0.403, 95% CI 0.301-0.541); remission on-treatment IRR=0.313 (95% CI 0.218-0.451) LDA: IRR=0.469 (CI 95% CI 0.272-0.809); LLDAS IRR=0.440 (95% CI 0.241-0.803)]. The multivariable model is summarized in Table 1.Table 1.Multivariable GEE model of the impact of disease activity states on damage accrual.Incidence Rate Ratio95% CIDisease activity stateRemission off treatment0.4030.301-0.541Remission on treatment0.3130.218-0.451LDA0.4690.272-0.809LLDAS0.4400.241-0.803Gender, male1.2741.086-1.495Age at diagnosis1.0241.020-1.029EthnicityCaucasian USRef.Caucasian other1.0170.849-1.217African1.4671.211-1.776Asian0.8630.693-1.075Hispanic1.2661.034-1.550Other1.1210.759-1.656Educational level, years0.9770.957-0.996Disease duration at baseline0.9600.801-1.150Follow-up time0.9420.923-0.960Antimalarial use0.7860.681-0.908Highest prednisone dose before baseline1.0021.001-1.007SDI before1.1001.050-1.1152LLDAS: Low lupus disease activity state LDA: Low disease activity SDI: SLICC/ACR Damage IndexConclusion:Remission on- and off-treatment, LDA and LLDAS were associated with less damage accrual, even adjusting for possible confounders and effect modifiers. This highlights the importance of treating to target in SLE.Disclosure of Interests:Manuel F. Ugarte-Gil Grant/research support from: Pfizer, Janssen, John Hanly: None declared, Murray B Urowitz: None declared, Caroline Gordon Speakers bureau: UCB, Consultant of: Center for Disease Control, Astra-Zeneca, MFP, Sanofi, UCB, Sang-Cheol Bae: None declared, Juanita Romero-Diaz: None declared, Jorge Sanchez-Guerrero: None declared, Sasha Bernatsky: None declared, Ann E Clarke Consultant of: AstraZeneca, BristolMyersSquibb, GlaxoSmithKline, and Exagen Diagnostics, Daniel J Wallace Grant/research support from: Exagen, David Isenberg: None declared, Anisur Rahman: None declared, Joan T Merrill: None declared, Paul Fortin: None declared, Dafna D Gladman Consultant of: Abbvie, Janssen, Pfizer, Novartis, Amgen, Grant/research support from: Abbvie, Janssen, Pfizer, Novartis, Amgen, Ian N. Bruce: None declared, Michelle A Petri: None declared, Ellen M Ginzler Grant/research support from: Aurinia pharmaceutical, M.A. Dooley: None declared, Rosalind Ramsey-Goldman: None declared, Susan Manzi: None declared, Andreas Jonsen: None declared, Ronald van Vollenhoven Speakers bureau: AbbVie, Galapagos, GSK, Janssen, Pfizer, UCB, Consultant of: Abbvie, AstraZeneca, Biogen, Biotest, Celgen, Galapagos, Gilead, Janssen, Pfizer, Sanofie, Servier, UCB, Vielabo, Grant/research support from: BMS, GSK, Lilly, UCB, Cynthia Aranow: None declared, Meggan Mackay: None declared, Guillermo Ruiz-Irastorza: None declared, S. Sam Lim: None declared, Murat Inanc: None declared, Kenneth C Kalunian Consultant of: Roche, Biogen, Janssen, AstraZeneca, Eli Lilly, Genetech, Gilead, ILTOO, Nektar, Viela, Equillium, Bristol-Meyers Squibb, Soren Jacobsen Grant/research support from: BMS, Christine Peschken: None declared, Diane L Kamen: None declared, Anca Askanase Consultant of: Abbvie, Grant/research support from: Glaxo Smith Kline, Astra Zeneca, Janssen, Eli Lilly and Company, Mallinckrodt, Pfizer, Bernardo Pons-Estel Consultant of: GSK, Janssen, Graciela S Alarcon: None declared.

According to Merriam-Webster, start-up means “the act or an instance of setting in operation or motion” or “a fledgling business enterprise.” The American Heritage Dictionary suggests it is “a business or undertaking that has recently begun operation.” One thing that can all agree on: the key attribute of a startup is its ability to grow. As Graham explains, a startup is a company designed to scale very quickly. It is this focus on growth unconstrained by geography which differentiates startups from small businesses. Recently Indonesia was shocked by the industrial revolution 4.0. This era was marked by a start-up business. One of the Indonesian youth who successfully released the startup was Umar Usman. He is a student from the University of Indonesia which is International Relations Department with his teacher room finding. Since childhood, Usman aspired to become a teacher. That's why Umar Usman is motivated so that teachers can provide the widest possible benefits so that science and technology-based science findings are needed. From that sense of awe and Umar Usman wanted to give something to the teachers and students namely the teacher room application. This study t ries to dig up information with literature review to find out how startups in education and their contribution to education.

This article is dedicated to the research of synonymous groups for the designation of doubt “Hesitate, Waver, Vacillate, Falter” and “Hesitation, Hesitancy” in contemporary English-language fictional discourse. Doubt is defined as an epistemic state in the cognitive world of individuals which provides motivation to undertake a further quest for information. The purpose of this work is to investigate how the set of semes identified in each component of the synonymous group is presented in the context of modern English fictional discourse. This research is directed towards verifying whether the use of all the components of the given synonymous groups is of equal importance in modern language discourse, as well as checking whether all the semes of “Hesitate, Waver, Vacillate, Falter” and “Hesitation, Hesitancy” are used correctly, based on the results of the componential analysis. The results of the research make it possible to form conclusions regarding the homogeneity or heterogeneity of contextual sematic representations in discourse, dependent upon the number of constituents which make up the synonymous group. References Arthur, T. S. (2008). The Good Time Coming. Webster’s French Thesaurus Edition. SanDiego: Icon Classics. Bisson, T. (2009). Fire on the Mountain. Oakland: PM Press. Clark, M. S. (2011). Don’t Take Any Wooden Nickels. Eugene: Harvest House Publishers. Crystal, D. (1997). The Cambridge Encyclopedia of Language. Cambridge: CambridgeUniversity Press. Dijk, T. A. (1992). Text and Context: Explorations in the Semantics and Pragmatics ofDiscourse. Longman. Evans, V. (2006). Cognitive Linguistics. Introduction. Edinburgh: Edinburgh UniversityPress. Ortony, A. (1988). The Cognitive Structure of Emotions. Cambridge: Cambridge UniversityPress. Plutchik, R., Kellerman H. (1980). A General Psychoevolutionary Theory of Emotion. In:Emotion: Theory, Research and Experience. Vol. 1: Theories of Emotion, (pp. 3−31). NewYork: Academic Press. Thagard, P., Brun G., Doğuoğlu U., Kuenzle D. (2008). How Cognition Meets Emotion:Beliefs, Desires and Feelings as Neural Activity. In: Epistemology and Emotions, (pp.167−184). Hampshire: Ashgate Publishing Limited. Sources Ely, A. (1862). Journal of Alfred Ely, A Prisoner of War in Richmond. New York:D. Appleton and Company. Madrid-Null, M. H. (2006). Navajo Heat. Victoria: Trafford Publishing. Matza, D. (1964). Delinquency and Drift. New Jersey: Transaction Publishers. Merriam-Webster, A. (1947). Webster’s Dictionary of Synonyms. First Edition. ADictionary of Discriminated Synonyms with Antonyms and Analogous and ContrastedWords. Springfield, Massachusetts: Merriam Co. Publishers.

Closed environments such as the International Space Station (ISS) and spacecraft for other planned interplanetary destinations require sustainable environmental control systems for manned spaceflight and habitation. These systems require monitoring for microbial contaminants and potential pathogens that could foul equipment or affect the health of the crew. Technological advances may help to facilitate this environmental monitoring, but many of the current advances do not function as expected in reduced gravity conditions. The microbial monitoring system (RAZOR® EX) is a compact, semi-quantitative rugged PCR instrument that was successfully tested on the ISS using station potable water. After a series of technical demonstrations between ISS and ground laboratories, it was determined that the instruments functioned comparably and provided a sample to answer flow in approximately 1 hour without enrichment or sample manipulation. Post-flight, additional advancements were accomplished at Kennedy Space Center, Merritt Island, FL, USA, to expand the instrument’s detections of targeted microorganisms of concern such as water, food-borne, and surface microbes including Salmonella enterica serovar Typhimurium, Pseudomonas aeruginosa, Escherichia coli, and Aeromonas hydrophilia. Early detection of contaminants and bio-fouling microbes will increase crew safety and the ability to make appropriate operational decisions to minimize exposure to these contaminants.

When a body moves through a medium of smaller particles, it suffers a deceleration due to dynamical friction (Chandrasekhar 1943). Dynamical friction is inversely proportional to the relaxation time, which can be defined as the time needed for the orbits to experiment an energy exchange of the order of their initial energies, as a result of the perturbations produced by stellar encounters. Chaotic orbits, present in non-integrable systems, have exponential sensitivity to perturbations, a feature that makes them to relax in a time much shorter than regular ones, which suggests that dynamical friction would increase in the presence of chaotic orbits (Pfenniger 1986). We present preliminary results of numerical experiments used to check this idea, investigating the orbital decay, caused by dynamical friction, of a rigid satellite which moves within a larger stellar system (a galaxy) whose potential is non-integrable. Triaxial models with similar density distributions but different percentages of chaotic orbits are considered. This last quantity depends on the central concentration of the models. If the potential corresponds to triaxial mass models with smooth cores, the regular orbits have shapes that can be identified with one of the four families of regular orbits in Stäckel potentials (box and three types of tubes). Chaotic orbits behave very much like regular orbits for hundreds of oscillations at least. In this case, the galaxy is represented by the triaxial generalization of the γ-models with γ = 0 (Merritt & Fridman 1996). However, the situation is very different in triaxial models with divergent central densities (cusps) or black holes, a feature that is in agreement with the observations. While the tube orbits are not strongly affected by central divergencies, the boxlike orbits are often rendered chaotic (Gerhard & Binney 1985). The rimescale in which the chaos manifests itself in the orbital motion is short compared to a Hubble time. In this models, the compact object is taken as a Plummer sphere.

The knowledge of the science of human body parts for early childhood is very important so that children have the ability to recognize and support the cleanliness and health of members of the body, as well as so that they recognize their identity. In addition, introducing environmentally friendly material for early childhood teachers to enrich learning media. This study aims to improve student learning outcomes in science using environmentally friendly media. The topic raised in this search was about recognizing body parts and their benefits and treatments. This type of research is action research. Respondents involved 19 early childhood students. The results showed that there was an increase in subjects' understanding of swallowing extremities and treatment 60% in the pre-cycle phase, 80% in the first cycle and 93% in the second cycle. The findings show that the use of happy body media has a positive effect on limb recognition. Further research is recommended on environmentally friendly media and ways of introducing limbs to early childhood through media or strategies suitable for the millennial era. Keywords: Media (Happy Body), Early Childhood Science, Human Body Parts References: Anagnou, E., & Fragoulis, I. (2014). The contribution of mentoring and action research to teachers’ professional development in the context of informal learning. Review of European Studies, 6(1), 133–142. Belsky, J., Steinberg, L., & Draper, P. (1991). Childhood experience, interpersonal development, and reproductive strategy: An evolutionary theory of socialization. Child Development, 62(4), 647. Black, M. M., & Hurley, K. M. (2016). Early child development programmes: further evidence for action. The Lancet Global Health, 4(8), e505–e506. Blok, H., Fukkink, R., Gebhardt, E., & Leseman, P. (2005). The relevance of delivery mode and other programme characteristics for the effectiveness of early childhood intervention. International Journal of Behavioral Development, 29(1), 35–47. Borg, F., Winberg, M., & Vinterek, M. (2017). Children’s Learning for a Sustainable Society: Influences from Home and Preschool. Education Inquiry, 8(2), 151–172. https://doi.org/10.1080/20004508.2017.1290915 Borg, F., Winberg, T. M., & Vinterek, M. (2019). Preschool children’s knowledge about the environmental impact of various modes of transport. Early Child Development and Care, 189(3), 376–391. https://doi.org/10.1080/03004430.2017.1324433 Buchsbaum, D., Bridgers, S., Weisberg, D. S., &, & Gopnik, A. (2012). The power of possibility: Causal learning, counterfactual reasoning, and pretend play. Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society. Biological Sciences, 367(1599), 2202–2212. Burdette, H. L., & Whitaker, R. C. (2005). Resurrecting free play in young children: looking beyond fitness and fatness to attention, affiliation, and affect. Archives of Pediatrics & Adolescent Medicine, 159(1), 46–50. Bustamante, A. S., White, L. J., & Greenfield, D. B. (2018). Approaches to learning and science education in Head Start: Examining bidirectionality. Early Childhood Research Quarterly, 44, 34–42. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ecresq.2018.02.013 Carr, W. (2006). Philosophy, methodology and action research. Journal of Philosophy of Education, 40(4), 421–435. Colker, L. J. (2008). Twelve characteristics of effective early childhood teachers. YC Young Children, 63(2). Cook, C., Goodman, N. D., & Schulz, L. E. (2011). Where science starts: Spontaneous experiments in preschoolers’ exploratory play. Cognition, 120(3), 341– 349. Dewi Kurnia, H. Z. (2017). Pentingnya Media Pembelajaran. Jurnal Pendidikan Anak Usia Dini, 1 No.1, 81–96. Gelman, R., & Brenneman, K. (2004). Science learning pathways for young children. Early Childhood Research Quarterly, 19(1), 150–158. Gersick, C. J. (1988). Time and transition in work teams: Toward a new model of group development. Academy of Management Journal, 31(1), 9–41. 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Young children’s understanding of pretense. Monographs of the Society for Research in Child Development, 58(1), 1–92. Hayati, H. S., Myrnawati, C. H., & Asmawi, M. (2017). Effect of Traditional Games, Learning Motivation And Learning Style On Childhoods Gross Motor Skills. International Journal of Education and Research, 5(7). Hedefalk, M., Almqvist, J., & Östman, L. (2015). Education for sustainable development in early childhood education: a review of the research literature. Environmental Education Research, 21(7), 975–990. https://doi.org/10.1080/13504622.2014.971716 Herakleioti, E., & Pantidos, P. (2016). The Contribution of the Human Body in Young Children’s Explanations About Shadow Formation. Research in Science Education, 46(1), 21–42. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11165-014-9458-2 İlin, G., Kutlu, Ö., & Kutluay, A. (2013). An Action Research: Using Videos for Teaching Grammar in an ESP Class. Procedia - Social and Behavioral Sciences. https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.1016/j.sbspro.2013.01.065 Jennifer M. Zosh, Emily J. Hopkins, Hanne Jensen, Claire Liu, Dave Neale, Kathy Hirsh-Pasek, S. L. S. and D. W. (2017). Learning through play : a review of the evidence. Kagan, J., Reznick, J. S., & Snidman, N. (1987). The physiology and psychology of behavioral inhibition in children. Child Development, 1459–1473. Kemmis, S., & Taggart, M. (2002). The action research planner. Victoria: Dearcin University Press. Lebel, C., & Beaulieu, C. (2011). Longitudinal development of human brain wiring continues from childhood into adulthood. Journal of Neuroscience, 31(30), 10937–10947. Luna, B., Garver, K. E., Urban, T. A., Lazar, N. A., & Sweeney, J. A. (2004). Maturation of cognitive processes from late childhood to adulthood. Child Development, 75(5), 1357–1372. Nayfeld, I., Brenneman, K., & Gelman, R. (2011). Science in the classroom: Finding a balance between autonomous exploration and teacher-led instruction in preschool settings. Early Education & Development, 22(6), 970–988. Nitecki, E., & Chung, M.-H. (2016). Play as Place: A Safe Space for Young Children to Learn about the World. Nternational Journal of Early Childhood Environmental Education, 4(1), 26–32. Olgan, R. (2015). Influences on Turkish early childhood teachers’ science teaching practices and the science content covered in the early years. Early Child Development and Care, 185(6), 926-942. Ramani, G. B. (2012). Influence of a Playful, Child-Directed Context on Preschool Children’s Peer Cooperation. New York: Merrill-Palmer Quarterly. Ravanis, K. (2017). Early childhood science education: State of the art and perspectives. Journal of Baltic Science Education, 16(3), 284–288. Russo-Johnson C, Troseth G, Duncan C, M. A. (2017). All tapped out: touchscreen interactivity and young children’s word learning. Front Psychology, 8. 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The article presents the semantic history of the word flapper that denotes social stereotype of American culture. Being a multifaceted phenomenon of semantic cognition, a sociocultural stereotype presents a condensed and coded information that develops on the background of a cultural context. The semantic analysis from diachronic perspective sets up a correspondence of Latin origin of the word flapper with Indo-European stem that produced a number of words in Germanic languages. The cognate words of related languages reveal conformity of negative connotations determined by attitude to human weakness in different forms of its manifestations. This presumes historically determined negative connotation of the word flapper. The initial designation was motivated by kinetic characteristic of the object – a vertical movement. The meaning “a young and daring American girl of the 1920s” of the word flapper was semantically motivated. As it was stated, at the moment of designation, youth and immaturity of a girl were conceived of a fledgling image, that traditionally symbolizes inexperience of a youngster. This zoomorphic metaphor acts as the source of categorization of a cultural and social phenomenon “Flapper”. References Апресян Ю. Д. Избранные труды: Т. 1: Лексическая семантика. Синонимическиесредства языка. М.: Языки русской культуры, 1995.Apresyan, Yu. D. (1995). Izbrannyie Trudy: T.1. Leksicheskaya Semantika.Sinonimicheskie Sredstva Yazyka [Lexical Semantics. Synonymic Means of Language].Moscow: Yazyki Russkoy Kultury. Арутюнова Н. Д. Язык и мир человека. Часть IV: В сторону семиотики и стилистики.М.: Высшая школа, 1999.Arutyunova, N. D. (1999). Yazyk i Mir Cheloveka. P. IV: V Storonu Semiotiki i Stilistiki[Language and Human World. Part 4: Towards Semiotics and Stylistics]. Moscow:Vysshaya Shkola. Гумбольдт В. Избранные труды по языкознанию. М.: Прогресс, 1984.Humboldt, W. (1984). Izbrannyie Trudy po Yazyikoznaniyu [Selected Works inLinguistics]. Moscow: Progress. Jackson, F. (1998). From Metaphysics to Ethics. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Кифер Ф. О пресуппозициях / Новое в зарубежной лингвистике. М. : 1978, 337–353.Kiefer, F. (1978). O presuppozitsiyah [On Presuppositions]. In: Novoe v Zarubezhnoylingvistike. (337-353), T. M. Nikolayeva, Ed. Moscow: Progress. Laurence, S., Margolis, E. (2003). Concepts and Conceptual Analysis. Philosophy andPhenomenological Research, 67(2), 253–282. McRae, K.; Jones, M. Semantic Memory. (2013). The Oxford Handbook of CognitivePsychology. New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 206–216. Ogden, C.K, Richards, I.A. (1952). The Meaning of meaning. In: A Study of the Influenceof Language upon Thought and of The Science of Symbolism. With Supplementary Essaysby B. Malinowski and F. G. Crookshank. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Partridge, E. 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Коннотативный аспект семантики номинативных единиц. М.: Наука,1986.Teliya, V. N. (1986). Konnotativnyiy Aspekt Semantiki Nominativnyh Yedinits [ConnotativeAspect in the Meaning of Denotative Units]. Moscow: Nauka. Urban, W. M. (2013). Language and Reality. Philosophy of Language and the Principles ofSymbolism. London and New York: Routledge Taylor and Francis Group. Sources A Comprehensive Etymological Dictionary of the English Language (1966). Vol. I. Dr.Ernest Klein. Barking, Essex: Elsevier Publishing Company. A Dictionary of Slang and Unconventional English. (1937). E. Partidge. London:Routledge. Chamber’s Dictionary of Etymology. (1999). R. K. Barnhart, Ed. N.Y.: Wilson. Crawfurd, O. A. (1895). A Year of Sport and Natural History. Shooting, Hunting,Coursing, Falconry. London: Chapman and Hall. Retrieved from:https://ia600205.us.archive.org/2/items/cu31924022547263/cu31924022547263.pdf Dalzell, T. (1996). Flappers to Rappers. American Youth Slang. 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In mid-January 2008, Merrill Lynch announced a $6.6 billion mandatory convertible-preferred share issuance, much of which was placed privately with the Kuwait Investment Authority (KIA), the Korean Investment Corporation (KIC), and the Mizuho Corporate Bank. The case is set during the subprime-mortgage crisis, which plagued banks and depleted their capital. It focuses on the decision of John Thain to issue capital and place it with sovereign wealth funds (SWFs) in an effort to stabilize the company and put it on the road to growth and profitability again. The case describes the various types and origins of SWFs, their orientation, and their recent intensive investment activity in the global financial-services sector. The case also discusses the transparency of SWFs and their role in the global financial system as liquidity-providing long-term players. Finally, Merrill Lynch's decision to issue the specific financial instrument to replenish its capital (mandatory convertible-preferred) and its terms are analyzed.

Freeport-McMoRan's acquisition of Phelps Dodge created the world's largest publicly traded copper company. JPMorgan and Merrill Lynch advised the acquirer and arranged $17.5 billion in debt financing and $1.5 billion in credit facilities. In addition, these two firms underwrote $5 billion in equity capital through simultaneous offerings of Freeport-McMoRan common shares and mandatory convertible preferred shares. These financings created an optimal capital structure for the company that resulted in stronger credit ratings. The activities of the equity capital markets and sales groups at the underwriting firms are explored and the structure and benefits of mandatory convertible preferred shares is explained.To understand the role of investment banks in advising a large corporation regarding an acquisition and related financings in the capital markets. As part of this, the activities of an investment banking firm's equity capital markets group and their underwriting risks are analyzed. Finally, the structure of a mandatory convertible security is reviewed in terms of benefits to both issuers and investors.

Arminsyah, Merri Anitasari;An Analysis Of Services Quality at Drinking Water Company (PDAM) Tirta Alami Kepahiang. This research aims to investigate the quality of Services at drinking water Company (PDAM) Natural Tirta Kepahiang. This research then used questionnaire as the data collecting method. Quantitative analysis then also be used as a techniques for data analysis by using weighted average value formula formed by Men Pan decree Number KEP/25/m. PAN/2/2004 on the 14 items that are observed. From thequestionnaire it was obtained that the highest average of services is on the ease of servicing requirementswith a value of 3.03. While the lowest average value of service is on the services equity which gain a score 2.95. For IKM value,it get 63 which places between 62.51-81.25. This score means that the performance of PDAM Tirta Alami Kepahiang is good.Kata kunci:Kualitas Pelayanan

The critical problem of soybean seed is susceptibility to mechanical processes due to structural limitations of seed and seed coat. The X-radiography of soybean seed revealed the orientation of seed coat around the cotyledons and cultivars like JS 335, JS 9752, JS 71-05, JS 95-60, MACS 124, Pusa 40, Punjab 1 and Type 49 had very compact seed coat around cotyledons. In NRC 12, NRC 37, RKS 18 and SL 525 where the gap between seed coat and cotyledons was significantly very high and non uniform making seed coat very much vulnerable to cracking. Seed coat minerals- calcium, silicon, zinc, iron and lignin content were found to vary significantly among cultivars. Significant genotypic variability for strength of seed coat was observed among the soybean cultivars. A very close relationship was found between strength of seed coat and seed coat compactness. Highly significant correlation was found between mechanical strength and seed coat lignin, iron and zinc content. Quantitative and qualitative variation for seed coat protein among soybean cultivars was revealed and higher protein content was found linked with mechanically strong seed coat. The result revealed that selection for these seed coat parameters in varietal improvement programme may be very fruitful for development of varieties having resistance to field weathering and mechanical damage.

The additive manufacturing integrated energy (AMIE) demonstration utilized three-dimensional (3D) printing as an enabling technology in the pursuit of construction methods that use less material, create less waste, and require less energy to build and operate. Developed by Oak Ridge National Laboratory (ORNL) in collaboration with the Governor's Chair for Energy and Urbanism, a research partnership of the University of Tennessee (UT) and ORNL led by Skidmore, Owings & Merrill LLP (SOM), AMIE embodies a suite of innovations demonstrating a transformative future for designing, constructing, and operating buildings. Subsequent, independent UT College of Architecture and Design studios taught in collaboration with SOM professionals also explored forms and shapes based on biological systems that naturally integrate structure and enclosure. AMIE, a compact microdwelling developed by ORNL research scientists and SOM designers, incorporates next-generation modified atmosphere insulation (MAI), self-shading windows, and the ability to produce, store, and share solar power with a paired hybrid vehicle. It establishes for the first time, a platform for investigating solutions integrating the energy systems in buildings, vehicles, and the power grid. The project was built with broad-based support from local industry and national material suppliers. Designed and constructed in a span of only 9 months, AMIE 1.0 serves as an example of the rapid innovation that can be accomplished when research, design, academic, and industrial partners work in collaboration toward the common goal of a more sustainable and resilient built environment.

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Released in 2012 as an Android only open-beta, Ingress is an alternate-reality game for mobile devices. Developed by Niantic Labs, a subsidiary of Google, Ingress now has 7 million users worldwide (Ingress) on both Android and Apple operating systems. Players are aligned to one of two opposing factions, the Resistance (Blue) and the Enlightened (Green). Working on behalf of their faction, individual players interact with “portals” in order to establish dominance over material environments. Portals are located at places of educational or historical value, public artworks, “hyper-local” locations, public libraries, and also places of worship (Google, “Candidate Portal Criteria”). Players take on the role of portal creators, submitting potential portals to the game developers after confirming their location in the game (Google, “New Portal Submissions”).Portals become the primary point of interaction for players, bridging the digital world of the game with the players’ surrounding material environments. Players may gain inventory by hacking portals in order to destroy and (re)claim portals. Territories are claimed by forging links between fully developed portals in order to establish control fields. Portals play an important part not only of the game but in situating the practice of play within the larger sociocultural and material framework of the urban environment. Players navigate their material environment, using portals and digital representations of such spaces alongside their existing knowledge of local environments, to engage with their immediate location as efficiently as possible. While numerous public landmarks are currently used as portals, the primary interest of this paper is the role street art plays within the game, and within the larger practice of curating the city. This paper addresses the practice of playing Ingress as a form of situated play—that is, the notion that play is underscored by sociocultural and material circumstance, while simultaneously contributing to a new shared understanding of what constitutes urban play and the conditions that underscore it. In doing so, this paper firstly addresses the notion of play as a situated practice, mobilising concepts from the field of human–computer interaction as well as cultural studies analyses of games and gaming culture. This framework is applied to the practice of playing Ingress with specific focus on the role street art has in the practice of playing. The discussion of urban play as a means of exhibiting street art is extended to discuss the cultural practice of street art itself, with both occupying the liminal space struggle over the functionality of public space. Both practices occupy this liminal space between subversive use of urban environments and a form of legitimate art—a debate which has been central to forms of urban gaming. By focusing on the role of street art in urban mobile gaming, this paper addresses the cultural function of both practices, while addressing larger questions of curatorship within the urban environment. That is: how can the practice of play, as informed by the practice of street art, be thought of as a means of curating urban spaces? This paper goes on to argue that the practice of urban play may be viewed as a form of curation via the practice of re-reading, re-mixing, and re-mediating urban environments—establishing a new shared understanding of street art, urban environments, and urban play. In this paper I argue that urban mobile games such as Ingress are best thought of as a situated practice. The idea of situated practice is drawn from the fields of game studies and human–computer interaction, and the concept of situated learning. Firstly, situated practice draws from the concept of situated gaming, a term established by Yates and Littleton to understand the cultural niches in which video gaming takes place. For Yates and Littleton, these cultural niches arise from an interaction between gaming, gamers, and gaming culture—all of which are discursively constructed and culturally relative practices. Apperley (Gaming) expands on these ideas to define situated gaming as, firstly, an inclusion of the materiality of embodied gaming experiences and, secondly, an intersection of local gaming cultures and a larger global gaming ecology. Drawing from Suchman’s concept of situated actions, such interactions with technology must be understood as contextualised within specific sociocultural and material circumstances. Dourish expands on Suchman’s work and suggests thinking less about these contexts and more on the practice of technological engagement, of making meaning out of our interaction with technology. This use of “practice” is influenced by the work of Lave and Wenger, who situate learning within a social setting, what they term a “community of practice”. In short, then, the act of playing Ingress is not only an interaction with underlying sociocultural and material circumstance which constitute the urban and play but also a process of generating a shared understanding of both the urban and play within this specific context.Fig. 1: A view of Ingress’s map showing nearby portal using navigation function.Playing with Street Art Ingress functions foremost as a form of urban play; it is a mobile game with location-aware capabilities. The practice of playing games within urban environments is often compared to historically situated forms of urban exploration, such as the Situationist International practice of dérive—a form of urban drifting that is often compared to contemporary forms of mobile-mediated urban play (de Souza e Silva and Hjorth; Flanagan; Stevens). Ingress players, in their creation and constant interaction with portals, assist in the mapping of material environments—benefiting both communities of play and the game’s designers, Niantic Labs and parent company Google. Players are able to submit portals to the game’s developers if their proposed portal meets the satisfaction of the developer’s portal requirements. Portals may be erected at “a location with a cool story, a place in history or educational value … a cool piece of art or unique architecture … a hidden gem of hyper-local spot” (Google, Candidate Portal criteria). A large number of public marks form the basis of Ingress portals, alongside plaques and prominent signage. Significantly, through their submission of portals players are participating in legitimising the history of a number of locations, ensuring up-to-date mapping of locations and landmarks. While a number of other landmarks form the basis of Ingress’s dense map of material environments, this paper is primarily concerned with the role public art plays in the practice of urban play and the curatorial possibilities of urban play. Given the portal criteria put in place by the game’s developers, Ingress pays a certain amount of attention to the historical, sociocultural, and material circumstance which constitute specific locations. As a mobile game, Ingress occupies a certain place within the history of playing in urban environments. Such historical practices have been previously discussed at length, drawing comparisons between practices of urban mobility which are themselves situated in specific historical and sociocultural movements (de Souza e Silva and Hjorth; Flanagan; Stevens). Ingress, via its inclusion of street art as a potential anchor for digital portals, draws on this historical struggle over urban environments and the inherent questions of functionality and organisation which emerge from this struggle. For Stenros, Montola, and Mäyrä (262), pervasive gaming, a form of urban mobile gaming, occupies a similar cultural space to that of street art or graffiti. They argue that both practices are located within a larger struggle over public space—a struggle grounded in urbanisation, legislation, and cultural norms. Drawing comparisons between more contemporary forms of urban mobility, such as the practice/sport of parkour or skateboarding, and the historically situated flâneur or urban stroller, the authors suggest that pervasive forms of gaming and play occupy a similar liminal space and are grounded in questions of urban functionality. Similarly, the urban space may become a gallery or canvas, a space that may be subject to curatorship that is not bound to institutional bodies. The organisation and experience of urban environments then becomes deeply involved in a contested ownership and questions of functionality that are at the heart of urban play.Within the context of Australia, the struggle over the legitimacy of both street art and video games has been subject to ongoing legal discourses. The liminal relationship between gaming and street art is perhaps best illustrated by the 2006 game Marc Ecko’s Getting Up: Contents Under Pressure. The game was granted an MA15+ rating under the existing model of video game regulation but was later refused classification due to its depiction of antisocial behaviour. The game’s rating was appealed by the Queensland Local Government Association. Apperley (“Video”) provides further details on this issue, situating the legislative decision within the historical and political context of Australia at the time, and offering insight into the means in which Getting Up represented street art as a legitimate art form. The game’s narrative, a dystopian future where graffiti is mobilised as a form of social protest against authoritarian bodies, is similar to that of the 2002 game Jet Set Radio Future. However, unlike Jet Set, Getting Up was grounded in a detailed representation of graffiti subcultures. Getting Up’s refused classification is symbolic of the later Australian landscape in which video games and street art occupy a liminal space between art form and artistic practice. The key issue, that of antisocial behaviour, links to the notion of cultural norms and the functionality, organisation, and representations within urban spaces and, moreover, within spaces of play. This struggle for legitimacy is key to understanding the relationship between street art and urban play. Despite the struggle to overcome the functionality of urban environments, street art retains levels of value as a form of cultural heritage. Both Merrill and MacDowall discuss the cultural functions of graffiti and street art, focusing on what Merrill terms a turn towards “post-graffiti”—a shift from the historical and cultural roots of street art and the practice of tagging (373). Such a turn is exemplified by an increased public interest: a legitimisation of artistic practices. Perhaps the most notable figure of such a shift is the Bristol artist Banksy, who is most famous for stencil based art. Graffiti and street art have arguably moved beyond their function as a subversive and subcultural movement, occupying a more legitimate space within urban environments and general public discourse. Within the context of Ingress, street art holds the potential to exist as a digital node of equal value to historical plaques, public libraries, or large commissioned public artworks. This shift, argues Merrill (385) allows for street art and graffiti to be viewed as a form of alternative heritage to urban environments and cultural movements within specific locations. For MacDowell (476), graffiti may be viewed as a form of folk art, subject to new-found romanticism within the context of this “post-graffiti” turn. That is, as a form of alternative heritage, graffiti and street art signify historically situated sociocultural movements and the roots of the practice itself. Games such as Ingress, then, not only legitimate street art as a form of cultural heritage via their inclusion in a non-hierarchical network alongside longstanding institutionalised buildings and artworks but also allow players to participate in an archiving of street art through interactive cartography. The practice of playing Ingress, then, is not only a means of viewing and exploring existing street art but also a direct process in achieving and curating historically situated works of art. Fig. 2: Portal information illustrating possible actions, portal level, and resonator information. Urban Play and “the New Curatorship”Having considered the role of graffiti or street art within urban play as a form of cultural heritage, as a means of linking to the roots of the practice itself and signifying a struggle over the urban environment as a space of predetermined functions, the question then is: what role does the practice of curatorship have within this mesh of interconnected practices? For Bennett and Beudel, the work of the curator, as a caretaker of cultural heritage, is often institutionalised. Within the context of the city, such institutionalisation is itself a symptom of the city as a spectacle. The authors argue that there is the potential for art to be present on a range of surfaces within the urban environment, and call into question the role of the curator within this process.As Groys notes, since Duchamp, the ontological division between the labour of making art and displaying art has collapsed. Public urban spaces, as designed spaces regulated by institutional bodies, are subject to the changing practice of audiences. That is, those who inhabit and experience the urban environment itself now have the possibility to participate or subvert traditional curatorial structures. Drawing on the etymology of the word “curate” as related to “cure,” Groys (53) suggests that the exhibition practice is thus a cure to the powerlessness of the image—a contextualisation of the image within new institutionalised frameworks for a viewing public. Who, then, in the network of relations that is urban play, constitutes this public? Ingress players function as one faction of a public who view, inhabit, move through, and experience the urban environment and any subsequent street art within. As such, they have the potential to take on a curatorial role within the organisation of street art—recontextualising such artworks and generating a new shared understanding of the sociocultural and material conditions which contribute to a broad understanding of the urban and urban play. As such, these forms of digitally mediated urban play blur boundaries between production, consumption, and play. Players, regardless of whether they had a hand in submitting portals to the game’s developers, are articulating a collectively organised database of public art. The practice of curation, as described by Potter, is essential for contemporary digital gaming practices. Players are constantly participating in transmedia landscapes, articulating their literacies through the practice of arranging, assembling, cataloguing, collecting, distributing, and disassembling digital media (Apperley “Glitch” 240; Potter 175). Within Apperley’s example of Minecraft, play unites creativity and the curatorial as one activity. Within the context of Ingress, the practice of play brings together the practice of cartography and of the curatorial. Players, as individuals and as larger localised or global factions, participate in a global mapping of material space, expanding Google’s already extensive collection of cartographic data. Players are more concerned with exploring and territorialising within the context of local spaces, at the level of the national or regional. Such practices are an articulation of localised bodies of knowledge and often of local histories and contexts. Street art forms an integral part of this sociocultural and material fabric which underscores the practice of play. Thus, urban spaces are not subject to a transformative process, but rather to a collective curatorship whereby street art, and its embedded cultural heritage, form a key foundation of how play is performed within urban environments. Through the practice of arranging, assembling, cataloguing, collecting, distributing, and disassembling, the practices of urban play may be thought of as what Potter terms “new curatorship.” Potter’s notion of curatorship is grounded in the identity formation of young children through their use of social media and articulation of digital literacy practices. With playful urban practices such as Ingress, this practice is an articulation of urban literacies: of understanding the rich cultural heritage of specific locations, and of constituting the player’s identity as tied to these specific locations. Players no longer perform merely as an audience for existing forms of urban or street art. Alongside the technological infrastructures put in place by the game’s developers, Niantic Labs and Google, players may be viewed as actively participating in a curatorial process. Players, in their articulation of complex systems and archives of street art, through the ability to constantly update, document, and construct urban narratives with street art at their core, may be viewed as co-curating urban environments. Working together with developers, street artists, and urban planners, players are constantly re-developing and sharing a new shared understanding of urban environments and the complex network of relations which constitutes the urban environment and the practice of urban play.Fig. 3: Players may vote on and contribute new photographs to maintain accurate records of art.Conclusion To play Ingress is to participate in a situated practice of play. Here, play is grounded in material and sociocultural circumstance, with street art and graffiti representing just one of many practices which inform contemporary urban play. Within the context of Ingress, street art is played with as an object within the game (a portal), but it also occupies a similar liminal space. Both urban games and street art have been subject to ongoing debates about the functionality of urban spaces and appropriate behaviour within these spaces. Ingress also taps into street art as a form of cultural heritage; it represents shifts in power dynamics, local histories, and a range of other significant local histories. To play with street art is to acknowledge its roots, both on an international and local level. With the ability to digitally archive these histories and locations, as well as engage in the cartographic practice of urban play, Ingress players can thus be thought of as curators of the city. Through the lens of new curatorship, urban play can be thought of as a form of re-reading of urban environments, as a process of exhibiting a new-found shared understanding of specific locations and public artworks. Street art and graffiti are just one of many sociocultural and material circumstances which inform the practice of urban play. During play, there is a critical reflection on the role street art has, not only during the current context of play but also more broadly as a key component of contemporary urban landscapes. Street art functions as a form of cultural heritage, as an element of urban exploration, and as a point of reference for navigating city spaces. Ingress brings together these interrelated forms of organising and sharing experiences of urban environments, through the practice of curation. Such practices are reflexively intertwined with playing urban mobile games as such Ingress. As such, the act of playing Ingress is, in essence, a form of urban literacy, as a practice of understanding the rich and complex sociocultural conditions which contribute to our understanding of urban environments. It is a practice of collecting, assembling, and exhibiting a range of locations. The practice of playing Ingress is a collective curation of city spaces on a global scale.References Apperley, Thomas. “Glitch Sorting: Minecraft, Curation, and the Post Digital.” Postdigital Aesthetics: Art, Computation and Design. Ed. David M. Berry and Michael Dieter. London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015. 232–44.———. “Video Games in Australia.” The Video Game Explosion: A History from PONG to Playstation and Beyond. Ed. Mark J.P. Wolf. USA: Greenwood P, 2008. 22–29.———. Gaming Rhythms: Play and Counterplay from the Situated to the Global. Amsterdam: Institute of Network Cultures, 2009.Bennett, Jill, and Saskia Beudel. Curating Sydney: Imagining the City’s Future. Sydney: UNSW P, 2014.De Souza e Silva, Adriana, and Larissa Hjorth. “Playful Urban Spaces: A Historical Approach to Mobile Games.” Simulation & Gaming 40.5 (2009): 602–25. Dourish, Paul. “What We Talk about When We Talk about Context.” Personal Ubiquitous Computing 8.1 (2004): 19–30.Flanagan, Mary. Critical Play: Radical Game Design. Cambridge, MA: MIT P, 2009.———. “Locating Play and Politics: Real World Games & Activism.” Leonardo Electronic Almanac 16.2–3 (2008). 5 June 2015 ‹http://www.leonardo.info/LEA/perthDAC/MFlanagan_LEA160203.pdf›.Groys, Boris. Going Public. Ed. Julieta Aranda, Brian Kuan Wood, and Anton Vidokle. Berlin: Sternberg Press, 2010.Google. “Candidate Portal Criteria.” 2015. 5 June 2015 ‹https://support.google.com/ingress/answer/3066197?hl=en›. ———. “New Portal Submissions.” 2015. 5 June 2015 ‹https://support.google.com/ingress/answer/2808254?hl=en›. Lave, Jean, and Etienne Wenger. Situated Learning: Legitimate Peripheral Participation. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1991.MacDowall, Lachlan. “In Praise of 70K: Cultural Heritage and Graffiti Style.” Continuum 20.4 (2006): 471–84.Merrill, Samuel. “Keeping It Real? Subcultural Graffiti, Street Art, Heritage and Authenticity.” International Journal of Heritage Studies 21.4 (2015): 369–89.Niantic Labs. Ingress. Android Mobile Application. 2012.Potter, John. Digital Media and Learner Identity: The New Curatorship. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012.Stenros, Jaakko, Markus Montola, and Frans Mäyrä. “Pervasive Games in Media Culture.” Pervasive Games: Theory and Design. Eds. Markus Montola, Jakko Stenros, and Annika Waern. Amsterdam: CRC P, 2009.Stevens, Quentin. The Ludic City: Exploring the Potential of Public Spaces. New York: Routledge, 2007.Suchman, Lucy. Human-Machine Reconfigurations: Plans and Situated Actions. 2nd ed. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2006.———. Plans and Situated Actions: The Problem of Human-Machine Communication. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1987.Yates, Simeon J., and Karen Littleton. “Understanding Computer Game Cultures: A Situated Approach.” Information, Communication & Society 2.4 (1999): 566–83.

Introduction The recent AOL/Time-Warner merger invites us to re-think the relationships amongst content producers, distributors, and audiences. Worth an estimated $300 billion (US), the largest Internet transaction of all time, the deal is 45 times larger than the AOL/Netscape merger of November 1998 (Ledbetter). Additionally, the Time Warner/EMI merger, which followed hard on the heels of the AOL/Time-Warner deal and is itself worth $28 billion (US), created the largest content rights organisation in the music industry. The joining of the Internet giant (AOL) with what was already the world's largest media corporation (Time-Warner-EMI) has inspired some exuberant reactions. An Infoworld column proclaimed: The AOL/Time-Warner merger signals the demise of traditional media companies and the ascendancy of 'new economy' media companies that will force any industry hesitant to adopt a complete electronic-commerce strategy to rethink and put itself on Internet time. (Saap & Schwarrtz) This comment identifies the distribution channel as the dominant component of the "new economy" media. But this might not really be much of an innovation. Indeed, the assumption of all industry observers is that Time-Warner will provide broadband distribution (through its extensive cable holdings) as well as proprietary content for AOL. It is also expected that Time-Warner will adopt AOL's strategy of seeking sponsorship for development projects as well as for content. However, both of these phenomena -- merger and sponsorship -- are at least as old as radio. It seems that the Internet is merely repeating an old industrial strategy. Nonetheless, one important difference distinguishes the Internet from earlier media: its characterisation of the audience. Internet companies such as AOL and Microsoft tend towards a simple and simplistic media- centred view of the audience as market. I will show, however, that as the Internet assumes more of the traditional mass media functions, it will be forced to adopt a more sophisticated notion of the mass audience. Indeed, the Internet is currently the site in which audience definitions borrowed from broadcasting are encountering and merging with definitions borrowed from marketing. The Internet apparently lends itself to both models. As a result, definitions of what the Internet does or is, and of how we should understand the audience, are suitably confused and opaque. And the behaviour of big Internet players, such as AOL and MSN, perfectly reflects this confusion as they seem to careen between a view of the Internet as the new television and a contrasting view of the Internet as the new shopping mall. Meanwhile, Internet users move in ways that most observers fail to capture. For example, Baran and Davis characterise mass communication as a process involving (1) an organized sender, (2) engaged in the distribution of messages, (3) directed toward a large audience. They argue that broadcasting fits this model whereas a LISTSERV does not because, even though the LISTSERV may have very many subscribers, its content is filtered through a single person or Webmaster. But why is the Webmaster suddenly more determining than a network programmer or magazine editor? The distinction seems to grow out of the Internet's technological characteristics: it is an interactive pipeline, therefore its use necessarily excludes the possibility of "broadcasting" which in turn causes us to reject "traditional" notions of the audience. However, if a media organisation were to establish an AOL discussion group in order to promote Warner TV shows, for example, would not the resulting communication suddenly fall under the definition as set out by Baran and Davis? It was precisely the confusion around such definitions that caused the CRTC (Canada's broadcasting and telecommunications regulator) to hold hearings in 1999 to determine what kind of medium the Internet is. Unlike traditional broadcasting, Internet communication does indeed include the possibility of interactivity and niche communities. In this sense, it is closer to narrowcasting than to broadcasting even while maintaining the possibility of broadcasting. Hence, the nature of the audience using the Internet quickly becomes muddy. While such muddiness might have led us to sharpen our definitions of the audience, it seems instead to have led many to focus on the medium itself. For example, Morris & Ogan define the Internet as a mass medium because it addresses a mass audience mediated through technology (Morris & Ogan 39). They divide producers and audiences on the Internet into four groups: One-to-one asynchronous communication (e-mail); Many-to-many asynchronous communication (Usenet and News Groups); One-to-one, one-to-few, and one-to-many synchronous communication (topic groups, construction of an object, role-playing games, IRC chats, chat rooms); Asynchronous communication (searches, many-to-one, one-to-one, one to- many, source-receiver relations (Morris & Ogan 42-3) Thus, some Internet communication qualifies as mass communication while some does not. However, the focus remains firmly anchored on either the sender or the medium because the receiver --the audience -- is apparently too slippery to define. When definitions do address the content distributed over the Net, they make a distinction between passive reception and interactive participation. As the World Wide Web makes pre-packaged content the norm, the Internet increasingly resembles a traditional mass medium. Timothy Roscoe argues that the main focus of the World Wide Web is not the production of content (and, hence, the fulfilment of the Internet's democratic potential) but rather the presentation of already produced material: "the dominant activity in relation to the Web is not producing your own content but surfing for content" (Rosco 680). He concludes that if the emphasis is on viewing material, the Internet will become a medium similar to television. Within media studies, several models of the audience compete for dominance in the "new media" economy. Denis McQuail recalls how historically, the electronic media furthered the view of the audience as a "public". The audience was an aggregate of common interests. With broadcasting, the electronic audience was delocalised and socially decomposed (McQuail, Mass 212). According to McQuail, it was not a great step to move from understanding the audience as a dispersed "public" to thinking about the audience as itself a market, both for products and as a commodity to be sold to advertisers. McQuail defines this conception of the audience as an "aggregate of potential customers with a known social- economic profile at which a medium or message is directed" (McQuail, Mass 221). Oddly though, in light of the emancipatory claims made for the Internet, this is precisely the dominant view of the audience in the "new media economy". Media Audience as Market How does the marketing model characterise the relationship between audience and producer? According to McQuail, the marketing model links sender and receiver in a cash transaction between producer and consumer rather than in a communicative relationship between equal interlocutors. Such a model ignores the relationships amongst consumers. Indeed, neither the effectiveness of the communication nor the quality of the communicative experience matters. This model, explicitly calculating and implicitly manipulative, is characteristically a "view from the media" (McQuail, Audience 9). Some scholars, when discussing new media, no longer even refer to audiences. They speak of users or consumers (Pavick & Dennis). The logic of the marketing model lies in the changing revenue base for media industries. Advertising-supported media revenues have been dropping since the early 1990s while user-supported media such as cable, satellite, online services, and pay-per-view, have been steadily growing (Pavlik & Dennis 19). In the Internet-based media landscape, the audience is a revenue stream and a source of consumer information. As Bill Gates says, it is all about "eyeballs". In keeping with this view, AOL hopes to attract consumers with its "one-stop shopping and billing". And Internet providers such as MSN do not even consider their subscribers as "audiences". Instead, they work from a consumer model derived from the computer software industry: individuals make purchases without the seller providing content or thematising the likely use of the software. The analogy extends well beyond the transactional moment. The common practice of prototyping products and beta-testing software requires the participation of potential customers in the product development cycle not as a potential audience sharing meanings but as recalcitrant individuals able to uncover bugs. Hence, media companies like MTV now use the Internet as a source of sophisticated demographic research. Recently, MTV Asia established a Website as a marketing tool to collect preferences and audience profiles (Slater 50). The MTV audience is now part of the product development cycle. Another method for getting information involves the "cookie" file that automatically provides a Website with information about the user who logs on to a site (Pavick & Dennis). Simultaneously, though, both Microsoft and AOL have consciously shifted from user-subscription revenues to advertising in an effort to make online services more like television (Gomery; Darlin). For example, AOL has long tried to produce content through its own studios to generate sufficiently heavy traffic on its Internet service in order to garner profitable advertising fees (Young). However, AOL and Microsoft have had little success in providing content (Krantz; Manes). In fact, faced with the AOL/Time-Warner merger, Microsoft declared that it was in the software rather than the content business (Trott). In short, they are caught between a broadcasting model and a consumer model and their behaviour is characteristically erratic. Similarly, media companies such as Time-Warner have failed to establish their own portals. Indeed, Time-Warner even abandoned attempts to create large Websites to compete with other Internet services when it shut down its Pathfinder site (Egan). Instead it refocussed its Websites so as to blur the line between pitching products and covering them (Reid; Lyons). Since one strategy for gaining large audiences is the creation of portals - - large Websites that keep surfers within the confines of a single company's site by providing content -- this is the logic behind the AOL/Time-Warner merger though both companies have clearly been unsuccessful at precisely such attempts. AOL seems to hope that Time- Warner will act as its content specialist, providing the type of compelling material that will make users want to use AOL, whereas Time- Warner seems to hope that AOL will become its privileged pipeline to the hearts and minds of untold millions. Neither has a coherent view of the audience, how it behaves, or should behave. Consequently, their efforts have a distinctly "unmanaged" and slighly inexplicable air to them, as though everyone were simultaneously hopeful and clueless. While one might argue that the stage is set to capitalise on the audience as commodity, there are indications that the success of such an approach is far from guaranteed. First, the AOL/Time-Warner/EMI transaction, merely by existing, has sparked conflicts over proprietary rights. For example, the Recording Industry Association of America, representing Sony, Universal, BMG, Warner and EMI, recently launched a $6.8 billion lawsuit against MP3.com -- an AOL subsidiary -- for alleged copyright violations. Specifically, MP3.com is being sued for selling digitized music over the Internet without paying royalties to the record companies (Anderson). A similar lawsuit has recently been launched over the issue of re- broadcasting television programs over the Internet. The major US networks have joined together against Canadian Internet company iCravetv for the unlawful distribution of content. Both the iCravetv and the MP3.com cases show how dominant media players can marshal their forces to protect proprietary rights in both content and distribution. Since software and media industries have failed to recreate the Internet in the image of traditional broadcasting, the merger of the dominant players in each industry makes sense. However, their simultaneous failure to secure proprietary rights reflects both the competitive nature of the "new media economy" and the weakness of the marketing view of the audience. Media Audience as Public It is often said that communication produces social cohesion. From such cohesion communities emerge on which political or social orders can be constructed. The power of social cohesion and attachment to group symbols can even create a sense of belonging to a "people" or nation (Deutsch). Sociologist Daniel Bell described how the mass media helped create an American culture simply by addressing a large enough audience. He suggested that on the evening of 7 March 1955, when one out of every two Americans could see Mary Martin as Peter Pan on television, a kind of social revolution occurred and a new American public was born. "It was the first time in history that a single individual was seen and heard at the same time by such a broad public" (Bell, quoted in Mattelart 72). One could easily substitute the 1953 World Series or the birth of little Ricky on I Love Lucy. The desire to document such a process recurs with the Internet. Internet communities are based on the assumption that a common experience "creates" group cohesion (Rheingold; Jones). However, as a mass medium, the Internet has yet to find its originary moment, that event to which all could credibly point as the birth of something genuine and meaningful. A recent contender was the appearance of Paul McCartney at the refurbished Cavern Club in Liverpool. On Tuesday, 14 December 1999, McCartney played to a packed club of 300 fans, while another 150,000 watched on an outdoor screen nearby. MSN arranged to broadcast the concert live over the Internet. It advertised an anticipated global audience of 500 million. Unfortunately, there was such heavy Internet traffic that the system was unable to accommodate more than 3 million people. Servers in the United Kingdom were so congested that many could only watch the choppy video stream via an American link. The concert raises a number of questions about "virtual" events. We can draw several conclusions about measuring Internet audiences. While 3 million is a sizeable audience for a 20 minute transmission, by advertising a potential audience of 500 million, MSN showed remarkably poor judgment of its inherent appeal. The Internet is the first medium that allows access to unprocessed material or information about events to be delivered to an audience with neither the time constraints of broadcast media nor the space limitations of the traditional press. This is often cited as one of the characteristics that sets the Internet apart from other media. This feeds the idea of the Internet audience as a participatory, democratic public. For example, it is often claimed that the Internet can foster democratic participation by providing voters with uninterpreted information about candidates and issues (Selnow). However, as James Curran argues, the very process of distributing uninterrupted, unfiltered information, at least in the case of traditional mass media, represents an abdication of a central democratic function -- that of watchdog to power (Curran). In the end, publics are created and maintained through active and continuous participation on the part of communicators and audiences. The Internet holds together potentially conflicting communicative relationships within the same technological medium (Merrill & Ogan). Viewing the audience as co-participant in a communicative relationship makes more sense than simply focussing on the Internet audience as either an aggregate of consumers or a passively constructed symbolic public. Audience as Relationship Many scholars have shifted attention from the producer to the audience as an active participant in the communication process (Ang; McQuail, Audience). Virginia Nightingale goes further to describe the audience as part of a communicative relationship. Nightingale identifies four factors in the relationship between audiences and producers that emphasize their co-dependency. The audience and producer are engaged in a symbiotic relationship in which consumption and use are necessary but not sufficient explanations of audience relations. The notion of the audience invokes, at least potentially, a greater range of activities than simply use or consumption. Further, the audience actively, if not always consciously, enters relationships with content producers and the institutions that govern the creation, distribution and exhibition of content (Nightingale 149-50). Others have demonstrated how this relationship between audiences and producers is no longer the one-sided affair characterised by the marketing model or the model of the audience as public. A global culture is emerging based on critical viewing skills. Kavoori calls this a reflexive mode born of an increasing familiarity with the narrative conventions of news and an awareness of the institutional imperatives of media industries (Kavoori). Given the sophistication of the emergent global audience, a theory that reduces new media audiences to a set of consumer preferences or behaviours will inevitably prove inadequate, just as it has for understanding audience behavior in old media. Similarly, by ignoring those elements of audience behavior that will be easily transported to the Web, we run the risk of idealising the Internet as a medium that will create an illusory, pre-technological public. Conclusion There is an understandable confusion between the two models of the audience that appear in the examples above. The "new economy" will have to come to terms with sophisticated audiences. Contrary to IBM's claim that they want to "get to know all about you", Internet users do not seem particularly interested in becoming a perpetual source of market information. The fragmented, autonomous audience resists attempts to lock it into proprietary relationships. Internet hypesters talk about creating publics and argue that the Internet recreates the intimacy of community as a corrective to the atomisation and alienation characteristic of mass society. This faith in the power of a medium to create social cohesion recalls the view of the television audience as a public constructed by the common experience of watching an important event. However, MSN's McCartney concert indicates that creating a public from spectacle it is not a simple process. In fact, what the Internet media conglomerates seem to want more than anything is to create consumer bases. Audiences exist for pleasure and by the desire to be entertained. As Internet media institutions are established, the cynical view of the audience as a source of consumer behavior and preferences will inevitably give way, to some extent, to a view of the audience as participant in communication. Audiences will be seen, as they have been by other media, as groups whose attention must be courted and rewarded. Who knows, maybe the AOL/Time-Warner merger might, indeed, signal the new medium's coming of age. References Anderson, Lessley. "To Beam or Not to Beam. MP3.com Is Being Sued by the Major Record Labels. Does the Digital Download Site Stand a Chance?" Industry Standard 31 Jan. 2000. <http://www.thestandard.com>. Ang, Ien. Watching Dallas: Soap Opera and the Melodramatic Imagination. London: Methuen, 1985. Baran, Stanley, and Dennis Davis. Mass Communication Theory: Foundations, Ferment, and Future. 2nd ed. Belmont, Calif.: Wadsworth 2000. Curran, James. "Mass Media and Democracy Revisited." Mass Media and Society. Eds. 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"Desparate.com (Media Companies Losing Millions on the Web Turn to Electronic Commerce)." Forbes 163.6 (22 March 1999): 50-1. Manes, Stephen. "The New MSN as Prehistoric TV." New York Times 4 Feb. 1997: C6. McQuail, Denis. Audience Analysis. Thousand Oaks, Calif.: Sage, 1997. ---. Mass Communication Theory. 2nd ed. London: Sage, 1987. Mattelart, Armand. Mapping World Communication: War, Progress, Culture. Trans. Susan Emanuel and James A. Cohen. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 1994. Morris, Merrill, and Christine Ogan. "The Internet as Mass Medium." Journal of Communications 46 (Winter 1996): 39-50. Nightingale, Virginia. Studying Audience: The Shock of the Real. London: Routledge, 1996. Pavlik, John V., and Everette E. Dennis. New Media Technology: Cultural and Commercial Perspectives. 2nd ed. Boston: Allyn and Bacon, 1998. Reid, Calvin. "Time-Warner Seeks Electronic Synergy, Profits on the Web (Pathfinder Site)." Publisher's Weekly 242 (4 Dec. 1995): 12. Rheingold, Howard. Virtual Community: Homesteading on the Electronic Frontier. New York: Harper, 1993. Roscoe, Timothy. "The Construction of the World Wide Web Audience." Media, Culture and Society 21.5 (1999): 673-84. Saap, Geneva, and Ephraim Schwarrtz. "AOL-Time-Warner Deal to Impact Commerce, Content, and Access Markets." Infoworld 11 January 2000. <http://infoworld.com/articles/ic/xml/00/01/11/000111icimpact.xml>. Slater, Joanna. "Cool Customers: Music Channels Hope New Web Sites Tap into Teen Spirit." Far Eastern Economic Review 162.9 (4 March 1999): 50. Trott, Bob. "Microsoft Views AOL-Time-Warner as Confirmation of Its Own Strategy." Infoworld 11 Jan. 2000. <http://infoworld.com/articles/pi/xml/00/01/11/000111pimsaoltw.xml>. Yan, Catherine. "A Major Studio Called AOL?" Business Week 1 Dec. 1997: 1773-4. Citation reference for this article MLA style: Daniel M. Downes. "The Medium Vanishes? The Resurrection of the Mass Audience in the New Media Economy." M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 3.1 (2000). [your date of access] <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/0003/mass.php>. Chicago style: Daniel M. Downes, "The Medium Vanishes? The Resurrection of the Mass Audience in the New Media Economy," M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 3, no. 1 (2000), <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/0003/mass.php> ([your date of access]). APA style: Daniel M. Downes. (2000) The Medium Vanishes? The Resurrection of the Mass Audience in the New Media Economy. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 3(1). <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/0003/mass.php> ([your date of access]).

Introduction This paper offers a survey of familiar popular music performers and songwriters who reference coffee in their work. It examines three areas of discourse: the psychoactive effects of caffeine, coffee and courtship rituals, and the politics of coffee consumption. I claim that coffee carries a cultural and musicological significance comparable to that of the chemical stimulants and consumer goods more readily associated with popular music. Songs about coffee may not be as potent as those featuring drugs and alcohol (Primack; Schapiro), or as common as those referencing commodities like clothes and cars (Englis; McCracken), but they do feature across a wide range of genres, some of which enjoy archetypal associations with this beverage. m.o.m.m.y. Needs c.o.f.f.e.e.: The Psychoactive Effect of Coffee The act of performing and listening to popular music involves psychological elements comparable to the overwhelming sensory experience of drug taking: altered perceptions, repetitive grooves, improvisation, self-expression, and psychological empathy—such as that between musician and audience (Curry). Most popular music genres are, as a result, culturally and sociologically identified with the consumption of at least one mind-altering substance (Lyttle; Primack; Schapiro). While the analysis of lyrics referring to this theme has hitherto focused on illegal drugs and alcoholic beverages (Cooper), coffee and its psychoactive ingredient caffeine have been almost entirely overlooked (Summer). The most recent study of drugs in popular music, for example, defined substance use as “tobacco, alcohol, marijuana, cocaine and other stimulants, heroin and other opiates, hallucinogens, inhalants, prescription drugs, over-the-counter drugs, and nonspecific substances” (Primack 172), thereby ignoring a chemical stimulant consumed by 90 per cent of adult Americans every day (Lovett). The wide availability of coffee and the comparatively mild effect of caffeine means that its consumption rarely causes harm. One researcher has described it as a ubiquitous and unobtrusive “generalised public activity […] ‘invisible’ to analysts seeking distinctive social events” (Cooper 92). Coffee may provide only a relatively mild “buzz”—but it is now accepted that caffeine is an addictive substance (Juliano) and, due to its universal legality, coffee is also the world’s most extensively traded and enthusiastically consumed psychoactive consumer product (Juliano 1). The musical genre of jazz has a longstanding relationship with marijuana and narcotics (Curry; Singer; Tolson; Winick). Unsurprisingly, given its Round Midnight connotations, jazz standards also celebrate the restorative impact of coffee. Exemplary compositions include Burke/Webster’s insomniac torch song Black Coffee, which provided hits for Sarah Vaughan (1949), Ella Fitzgerald (1953), and Peggy Lee (1960); and Frank Sinatra’s recordings of Hilliard/Dick’s The Coffee Song (1946, 1960), which satirised the coffee surplus in Brazil at a time when this nation enjoyed a near monopoly on production. Sinatra joked that this ubiquitous drink was that country’s only means of liquid refreshment, in a refrain that has since become a headline writer’s phrasal template: “There’s an Awful Lot of Coffee in Vietnam,” “An Awful Lot of Coffee in the Bin,” and “There’s an Awful Lot of Taxes in Brazil.” Ethnographer Aaron Fox has shown how country music gives expression to the lived social experience of blue-collar and agrarian workers (Real 29). Coffee’s role in energising working class America (Cooper) is featured in such recordings as Dolly Parton’s Nine To Five (1980), which describes her morning routine using a memorable “kitchen/cup of ambition” rhyme, and Don't Forget the Coffee Billy Joe (1973) by Tom T. Hall which laments the hardship of unemployment, hunger, cold, and lack of healthcare. Country music’s “tired truck driver” is the most enduring blue-collar trope celebrating coffee’s analeptic powers. Versions include Truck Drivin' Man by Buck Owens (1964), host of the country TV show Hee Haw and pioneer of the Bakersfield sound, and Driving My Life Away from pop-country crossover star Eddie Rabbitt (1980). Both feature characteristically gendered stereotypes of male truck drivers pushing on through the night with the help of a truck stop waitress who has fuelled them with caffeine. Johnny Cash’s A Cup of Coffee (1966), recorded at the nadir of his addiction to pills and alcohol, has an incoherent improvised lyric on this subject; while Jerry Reed even prescribed amphetamines to keep drivers awake in Caffein [sic], Nicotine, Benzedrine (And Wish Me Luck) (1980). Doye O’Dell’s Diesel Smoke, Dangerous Curves (1952) is the archetypal “truck drivin’ country” song and the most exciting track of its type. It subsequently became a hit for the doyen of the subgenre, Red Simpson (1966). An exhausted driver, having spent the night with a woman whose name he cannot now recall, is fighting fatigue and wrestling his hot-rod low-loader around hairpin mountain curves in an attempt to rendezvous with a pretty truck stop waitress. The song’s palpable energy comes from its frenetic guitar picking and the danger implicit in trailing a heavy load downhill while falling asleep at the wheel. Tommy Faile’s Phantom 309, a hit for Red Sovine (1967) that was later covered by Tom Waits (Big Joe and the Phantom 309, 1975), elevates the “tired truck driver” narrative to gothic literary form. Reflecting country music’s moral code of citizenship and its culture of performative storytelling (Fox, Real 23), it tells of a drenched and exhausted young hitchhiker picked up by Big Joe—the driver of a handsome eighteen-wheeler. On arriving at a truck stop, Joe drops the traveller off, giving him money for a restorative coffee. The diner falls silent as the hitchhiker orders up his “cup of mud”. Big Joe, it transpires, is a phantom trucker. After running off the road to avoid a school bus, his distinctive ghost rig now only reappears to rescue stranded travellers. Punk rock, a genre closely associated with recreational amphetamines (McNeil 76, 87), also features a number of caffeine-as-stimulant songs. Californian punk band, Descendents, identified caffeine as their drug of choice in two 1996 releases, Coffee Mug and Kids on Coffee. These songs describe chugging the drink with much the same relish and energy that others might pull at the neck of a beer bottle, and vividly compare the effects of the drug to the intense rush of speed. The host of “New Music News” (a segment of MTV’s 120 Minutes) references this correlation in 1986 while introducing the band’s video—in which they literally bounce off the walls: “You know, while everybody is cracking down on crack, what about that most respectable of toxic substances or stimulants, the good old cup of coffee? That is the preferred high, actually, of California’s own Descendents—it is also the subject of their brand new video” (“New Music News”). Descendents’s Sessions EP (1997) featured an overflowing cup of coffee on the sleeve, while punk’s caffeine-as-amphetamine trope is also promulgated by Hellbender (Caffeinated 1996), Lagwagon (Mr. Coffee 1997), and Regatta 69 (Addicted to Coffee 2005). Coffee in the Morning and Kisses in the Night: Coffee and Courtship Coffee as romantic metaphor in song corroborates the findings of early researchers who examined courtship rituals in popular music. Donald Horton’s 1957 study found that hit songs codified the socially constructed self-image and limited life expectations of young people during the 1950s by depicting conservative, idealised, and traditional relationship scenarios. He summarised these as initial courtship, honeymoon period, uncertainty, and parting (570-4). Eleven years after this landmark analysis, James Carey replicated Horton’s method. His results revealed that pop lyrics had become more realistic and less bound by convention during the 1960s. They incorporated a wider variety of discourse including the temporariness of romantic commitment, the importance of individual autonomy in relationships, more liberal attitudes, and increasingly unconventional courtship behaviours (725). Socially conservative coffee songs include Coffee in the Morning and Kisses in the Night by The Boswell Sisters (1933) in which the protagonist swears fidelity to her partner on condition that this desire is expressed strictly in the appropriate social context of marriage. It encapsulates the restrictions Horton identified on courtship discourse in popular song prior to the arrival of rock and roll. The Henderson/DeSylva/Brown composition You're the Cream in My Coffee, recorded by Annette Hanshaw (1928) and by Nat King Cole (1946), also celebrates the social ideal of monogamous devotion. The persistence of such idealised traditional themes continued into the 1960s. American pop singer Don Cherry had a hit with Then You Can Tell Me Goodbye (1962) that used coffee as a metaphor for undying and everlasting love. Otis Redding’s version of Butler/Thomas/Walker’s Cigarettes and Coffee (1966)—arguably soul music’s exemplary romantic coffee song—carries a similar message as a couple proclaim their devotion in a late night conversation over coffee. Like much of the Stax catalogue, Cigarettes and Coffee, has a distinctly “down home” feel and timbre. The lovers are simply content with each other; they don’t need “cream” or “sugar.” Horton found 1950s blues and R&B lyrics much more sexually explicit than pop songs (567). Dawson (1994) subsequently characterised black popular music as a distinct public sphere, and Squires (2002) argued that it displayed elements of what she defined as “enclave” and “counterpublic” traits. Lawson (2010) has argued that marginalised and/or subversive blues artists offered a form of countercultural resistance against prevailing social norms. Indeed, several blues and R&B coffee songs disregard established courtship ideals and associate the product with non-normative and even transgressive relationship circumstances—including infidelity, divorce, and domestic violence. Lightnin’ Hopkins’s Coffee Blues (1950) references child neglect and spousal abuse, while the narrative of Muddy Waters’s scorching Iodine in my Coffee (1952) tells of an attempted poisoning by his Waters’s partner. In 40 Cups of Coffee (1953) Ella Mae Morse is waiting for her husband to return home, fuelling her anger and anxiety with caffeine. This song does eventually comply with traditional courtship ideals: when her lover eventually returns home at five in the morning, he is greeted with a relieved kiss. In Keep That Coffee Hot (1955), Scatman Crothers supplies a counterpoint to Morse’s late-night-abandonment narrative, asking his partner to keep his favourite drink warm during his adulterous absence. Brook Benton’s Another Cup of Coffee (1964) expresses acute feelings of regret and loneliness after a failed relationship. More obliquely, in Coffee Blues (1966) Mississippi John Hurt sings affectionately about his favourite brand, a “lovin’ spoonful” of Maxwell House. In this, he bequeathed the moniker of folk-rock band The Lovin’ Spoonful, whose hits included Do You Believe in Magic (1965) and Summer in the City (1966). However, an alternative reading of Hurt’s lyric suggests that this particular phrase is a metaphorical device proclaiming the author’s sexual potency. Hurt’s “lovin’ spoonful” may actually be a portion of his seminal emission. In the 1950s, Horton identified country as particularly “doleful” (570), and coffee provides a common metaphor for failed romance in a genre dominated by “metanarratives of loss and desire” (Fox, Jukebox 54). Claude Gray’s I'll Have Another Cup of Coffee (Then I’ll Go) (1961) tells of a protagonist delivering child support payments according to his divorce lawyer’s instructions. The couple share late night coffee as their children sleep through the conversation. This song was subsequently recorded by seventeen-year-old Bob Marley (One Cup of Coffee, 1962) under the pseudonym Bobby Martell, a decade prior to his breakthrough as an international reggae star. Marley’s youngest son Damian has also performed the track while, interestingly in the context of this discussion, his older sibling Rohan co-founded Marley Coffee, an organic farm in the Jamaican Blue Mountains. Following Carey’s demonstration of mainstream pop’s increasingly realistic depiction of courtship behaviours during the 1960s, songwriters continued to draw on coffee as a metaphor for failed romance. In Carly Simon’s You’re So Vain (1972), she dreams of clouds in her coffee while contemplating an ostentatious ex-lover. Squeeze’s Black Coffee In Bed (1982) uses a coffee stain metaphor to describe the end of what appears to be yet another dead-end relationship for the protagonist. Sarah Harmer’s Coffee Stain (1998) expands on this device by reworking the familiar “lipstick on your collar” trope, while Sexsmith & Kerr’s duet Raindrops in my Coffee (2005) superimposes teardrops in coffee and raindrops on the pavement with compelling effect. Kate Bush’s Coffee Homeground (1978) provides the most extreme narrative of relationship breakdown: the true story of Cora Henrietta Crippin’s poisoning. Researchers who replicated Horton’s and Carey’s methodology in the late 1970s (Bridges; Denisoff) were surprised to find their results dominated by traditional courtship ideals. The new liberal values unearthed by Carey in the late 1960s simply failed to materialise in subsequent decades. In this context, it is interesting to observe how romantic coffee songs in contemporary soul and jazz continue to disavow the post-1960s trend towards realistic social narratives, adopting instead a conspicuously consumerist outlook accompanied by smooth musical timbres. This phenomenon possibly betrays the influence of contemporary coffee advertising. From the 1980s, television commercials have sought to establish coffee as a desirable high end product, enjoyed by bohemian lovers in a conspicuously up-market environment (Werder). All Saints’s Black Coffee (2000) and Lebrado’s Coffee (2006) identify strongly with the culture industry’s image of coffee as a luxurious beverage whose consumption signifies prominent social status. All Saints’s promotional video is set in a opulent location (although its visuals emphasise the lyric’s romantic disharmony), while Natalie Cole’s Coffee Time (2008) might have been itself written as a commercial. Busting Up a Starbucks: The Politics of Coffee Politics and coffee meet most palpably at the coffee shop. This conjunction has a well-documented history beginning with the establishment of coffee houses in Europe and the birth of the public sphere (Habermas; Love; Pincus). The first popular songs to reference coffee shops include Jaybird Coleman’s Coffee Grinder Blues (1930), which boasts of skills that precede the contemporary notion of a barista by four decades; and Let's Have Another Cup of Coffee (1932) from Irving Berlin’s depression-era musical Face The Music, where the protagonists decide to stay in a restaurant drinking coffee and eating pie until the economy improves. Coffee in a Cardboard Cup (1971) from the Broadway musical 70 Girls 70 is an unambiguous condemnation of consumerism, however, it was written, recorded and produced a generation before Starbucks’ aggressive expansion and rapid dominance of the coffee house market during the 1990s. The growth of this company caused significant criticism and protest against what seemed to be a ruthless homogenising force that sought to overwhelm local competition (Holt; Thomson). In response, Starbucks has sought to be defined as a more responsive and interactive brand that encourages “glocalisation” (de Larios; Thompson). Koller, however, has characterised glocalisation as the manipulative fabrication of an “imagined community”—whose heterogeneity is in fact maintained by the aesthetics and purchasing choices of consumers who make distinctive and conscious anti-brand statements (114). Neat Capitalism is a more useful concept here, one that intercedes between corporate ideology and postmodern cultural logic, where such notions as community relations and customer satisfaction are deliberately and perhaps somewhat cynically conflated with the goal of profit maximisation (Rojek). As the world’s largest chain of coffee houses with over 19,400 stores in March 2012 (Loxcel), Starbucks is an exemplar of this phenomenon. Their apparent commitment to environmental stewardship, community relations, and ethical sourcing is outlined in the company’s annual “Global Responsibility Report” (Vimac). It is also demonstrated in their engagement with charitable and environmental non-governmental organisations such as Fairtrade and Co-operative for Assistance and Relief Everywhere (CARE). By emphasising this, Starbucks are able to interpellate (that is, “call forth”, “summon”, or “hail” in Althusserian terms) those consumers who value environmental protection, social justice and ethical business practices (Rojek 117). Bob Dylan and Sheryl Crow provide interesting case studies of the persuasive cultural influence evoked by Neat Capitalism. Dylan’s 1962 song Talkin’ New York satirised his formative experiences as an impoverished performer in Greenwich Village’s coffee houses. In 1995, however, his decision to distribute the Bob Dylan: Live At The Gaslight 1962 CD exclusively via Starbucks generated significant media controversy. Prominent commentators expressed their disapproval (Wilson Harris) and HMV Canada withdrew Dylan’s product from their shelves (Lynskey). Despite this, the success of this and other projects resulted in the launch of Starbucks’s in-house record company, Hear Music, which released entirely new recordings from major artists such as Ray Charles, Paul McCartney, Joni Mitchell, Carly Simon and Elvis Costello—although the company has recently announced a restructuring of their involvement in this venture (O’Neil). Sheryl Crow disparaged her former life as a waitress in Coffee Shop (1995), a song recorded for her second album. “Yes, I was a waitress. I was a waitress not so long ago; then I won a Grammy” she affirmed in a YouTube clip of a live performance from the same year. More recently, however, Crow has become an avowed self-proclaimed “Starbucks groupie” (Tickle), releasing an Artist’s Choice (2003) compilation album exclusively via Hear Music and performing at the company’s 2010 Annual Shareholders’s Meeting. Songs voicing more unequivocal dissatisfaction with Starbucks’s particular variant of Neat Capitalism include Busting Up a Starbucks (Mike Doughty, 2005), and Starbucks Takes All My Money (KJ-52, 2008). The most successful of these is undoubtedly Ron Sexsmith’s Jazz at the Bookstore (2006). Sexsmith bemoans the irony of intense original blues artists such as Leadbelly being drowned out by the cacophony of coffee grinding machines while customers queue up to purchase expensive coffees whose names they can’t pronounce. In this, he juxtaposes the progressive patina of corporate culture against the circumstances of African-American labour conditions in the deep South, the shocking incongruity of which eventually cause the old bluesman to turn in his grave. Fredric Jameson may have good reason to lament the depthless a-historical pastiche of postmodern popular culture, but this is no “nostalgia film”: Sexsmith articulates an artfully framed set of subtle, sensitive, and carefully contextualised observations. Songs about coffee also intersect with politics via lyrics that play on the mid-brown colour of the beverage, by employing it as a metaphor for the sociological meta-narratives of acculturation and assimilation. First popularised in Israel Zangwill’s 1905 stage play, The Melting Pot, this term is more commonly associated with Americanisation rather than miscegenation in the United States—a nuanced distinction that British band Blue Mink failed to grasp with their memorable invocation of “coffee-coloured people” in Melting Pot (1969). Re-titled in the US as People Are Together (Mickey Murray, 1970) the song was considered too extreme for mainstream radio airplay (Thompson). Ike and Tina Turner’s Black Coffee (1972) provided a more accomplished articulation of coffee as a signifier of racial identity; first by associating it with the history of slavery and the post-Civil Rights discourse of African-American autonomy, then by celebrating its role as an energising force for African-American workers seeking economic self-determination. Anyone familiar with the re-casting of black popular music in an industry dominated by Caucasian interests and aesthetics (Cashmore; Garofalo) will be unsurprised to find British super-group Humble Pie’s (1973) version of this song more recognisable. Conclusion Coffee-flavoured popular songs celebrate the stimulant effects of caffeine, provide metaphors for courtship rituals, and offer critiques of Neat Capitalism. Harold Love and Guthrie Ramsey have each argued (from different perspectives) that the cultural micro-narratives of small social groups allow us to identify important “ethnographic truths” (Ramsey 22). Aesthetically satisfying and intellectually stimulating coffee songs are found where these micro-narratives intersect with the ethnographic truths of coffee culture. 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The purpose of this study was to explore Vietnamese educators’ perspectives regarding the feasibility of implementing a U.S. Regional Accreditation standard (“Institutional Effectiveness”) in the current Vietnamese higher education accreditation standards. An Institutional Effectiveness (IE) Process (Strategic Planning-Planning and Assessment- Operational Planning) and Assessment Cycle (Program Learning Outcomes-Curriculum Map-Assessment Methods-Data Collection-Actions for Improvement) served as the conceptual framework for this study. The qualitative research design involved interviews with seven Vietnamese educators who work in centers for accreditation and offices of quality assurance in Vietnamese universities. Findings indicated that all participants supported the implementation of an IE standard and Assessment Cycle in Vietnamese higher education accreditation. Findings also stated that currently the IE Process and Assessment Cycle are not fully implemented in Vietnam higher education accreditation. The Vietnamese higher education institutions (HEIs) did not have a supportive culture of strategic planning due to centralized management by the Ministry of Education and Training (MOET). Moreover, most universities were only familiar with the first two steps in the Assessment Cycle. Based on the research findings, recommendations for the implementation of IE process and Assessment Cycle are made for MOET, Centers for Accreditation and Vietnamese HEIs. Keywords Vietnamese Higher Education Accreditation, Institutional Effectiveness, U.S. Regional Accreditation, outcome assessment, accountability and transparency References [1] Hayden M & Lam Q T (2010). Vietnam’s higher Education System. Reforming higher education in Vietnam: Challenges and Priorities. 15-31.[2] Pham, Duy. (2014). Vietnam: New legislation and future possibilities. International Higher Education. 74. 27-28.[3] Nguyen, Kim. D, Oliver, D.E., & Priddy, L.E. (2009). Criteria for accreditation in Vietnam's higher education: Focus on input or outcome? Quality in Higher Education. 15 (1). 123-134.[4] Nguyen, Thi Khanh Trinh (2013). The strengths of Vietnam Higher Education accreditation standards. Conference proceeding on Quality assurance standards for higher education in Vietnam: Implementation issues and solutions. 48-56[5] Nguyen, Huu Cuong, Evers, C & Marshall, C (2017). Accreditation of Viet Nam’s Higher Education: Achievements and Challenges after a Dozen Years of Development. Quality Assurance in Education. 25 (4), 475-488. [6] Center of Educational Accreditation (2014). [The establishment of center of accreditation in VNU-HCM]. Retrieved from http://cea.vnuhcm.edu.vn/quyet-dinh-thanh-lap-trung-tam-kdclgd-dhqg-hcm_p1_1-1_2-1_3-617_4-76_9-2_11-10_12-1_13-11.html[7] Nguyen, Duc Chinh. (2013). The Vietnamese set of quality assurance standards for higher education: Issues and Solutions. Conference proceeding on Quality assurance standards for higher education in Vietnam: Implementation issues and solutions. 91-97. [8] Do, Huong Lan (2013). Mot so de xuat nham hoan thien cac tieu chuan danh gia chat luong giao duc cua truong Dai Hoc Viet Nam tren co so nghien cuu so sanh bo tieu chuan danh gia cua Viet Nam va Lien Bang Nga. Conference proceeding on Quality assurance standards for higher education in Vietnam: Implementation issues and solutions. MOET project. Code: B2012-08-12], 165-178[9] Le, Duc Ngoc & Sai, Cong Hong (2013). Assessing the inappropriateness of the set of quality assurance standards for higher education in Vietnam and the reasons. Conference proceeding on Quality assurance standards for higher education in Vietnam: Implementation issues and solutions. 143-157. [10] Vo, Sy Manh (2013). Some shortcomings in the Vietnam set of quality assurance standards. Conference proceeding on Quality assurance standards for higher education in Vietnam: Implementation issues and solutions. 158-164.[11] Suskie, L. (2009). Assessing student learning. A common sense guide (2nd Ed.). Jossey-Bass: A Wiley Imprint. [12] Eaton, J. (2007). Institutions, accreditors, and the federal government, redefining their “appropriate relationship.” Change, 39(5), 16-23.[13] Suskie, L. (2015). Five dimensions of quality: A common sense guide to accreditation and accountability. Jossey-Bass: A Wiley Brand [14] Gaston, P.L. (2014). Higher education accreditation: How it’s changing, why it must. Sterling, VA: Stylus.[15] Banta, T. W. (2004). Hallmarks of effective outcomes assessment. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass.[16] Anderson, H. M., Moore, D. L., Anaya, G., & Bird, E. (2005). Student learning outcomes assessment: A component of program assessment. American Journal of Pharmaceutical Education, 69(2), 256-268[17] Ewell, P. T. (2009, November). Assessment, accountability, and improvement: Revisiting the tension (NILOA Occasional Paper No.1). Urbana, IL: University of Illinois and Indiana University, National Institute for Learning Outcomes Assessment.[18] Prochnow, M. E. (2011). On reaching proficiency: A case study of outcomes assessment success at a California community college. (Dissertations). California State University, Fresno. (Order No. 3473418). Retrieved from http://search.proquest.com/docview/895096456?accountid=7098. (895096456). [19] Hoefer, M.T. (2015, July). The ABCs of institutional effectiveness. Pre-conference workshop at SACSCOC Summer Institute, Orlando, Florida. [20] Allen, M (2004). Assessing academic programs in higher education. Bolton, MA: Anker Publishing Company, INC.[21] Glesne, C. (2011). Becoming qualitative researchers: An Introduction (4th Ed.). Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon[22] Merriam, S (1998). Qualitative research and case study applications in education. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass Publications.[23] Grbich, C. (2013). Qualitative data analysis an introduction. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications VNU-HN- College of Economics, 2017[24] Middaugh, M. F. (2007). Creating a culture of evidence: Academic accountability at the institutional level. New Directions for Higher Education, (140), 15-28. doi:10.1002/he.277[25] Voluntary System of Accountability (VSA). About the VSA. Retrieved from http://www.voluntarysystem.org/[26] Silver, K. (2018). Getting Started with Strategic Planning. HLC Annual Conference. Chicago, Illinois. Retrieved at http://download.hlcommission.org/annualconference/2018/AC18_ProgramBook_INF.pdf[27] Powell, B. and Tedder, W. (2018). Linking Assessment, Planning and Budgeting for Resource Allocation Decisions. HLC Annual Conference. Chicago, Illinois. Retrieved at http://download.hlcommission.org/annualconference/2018/AC18_ProgramBook_INF.pdf

At a time when almost every human transgression, illness, profession and other personal aspect of life has been chronicled in autobiographical writing (Rak)—in 1998 Zinsser called ours “the age of memoir” (3)—writing about fat is one of the most recent subjects to be addressed in this way. This article surveys a range of contemporary autobiographical texts that are titled with, or revolve around, that powerful and most evocative word, “fat”. Following a number of cultural studies of fat in society (Critser; Gilman, Fat Boys; Fat: A Cultural History; Stearns), this discussion views fat in socio-cultural terms, following Lupton in understanding fat as both “a cultural artefact: a bodily substance or body shape that is given meaning by complex and shifting systems of ideas, practices, emotions, material objects and interpersonal relationships” (i). Using a case study approach (Gerring; Verschuren), this examination focuses on a range of texts from autobiographical cookbooks and memoirs to novel-length graphic works in order to develop a preliminary taxonomy of these works. In this way, a small sample of work, each of which (described below) explores an aspect (or aspects) of the form is, following Merriam, useful as it allows a richer picture of an under-examined phenomenon to be constructed, and offers “a means of investigating complex social units consisting of multiple variables of potential importance in understanding the phenomenon” (Merriam 50). Although the sample size does not offer generalisable results, the case study method is especially suitable in this context, where the aim is to open up discussion of this form of writing for future research for, as Merriam states, “much can be learned from […] an encounter with the case through the researcher’s narrative description” and “what we learn in a particular case can be transferred to similar situations” (51). Pro-Fat Autobiographical WritingAlongside the many hundreds of reduced, low- and no-fat cookbooks and weight loss guides currently in print that offer recipes, meal plans, ingredient replacements and strategies to reduce fat in the diet, there are a handful that promote the consumption of fats, and these all have an autobiographical component. The publication of Jennifer McLagan’s Fat: An Appreciation of a Misunderstood Ingredient, with Recipes in 2008 by Ten Speed Press—publisher of Mollie Katzen’s groundbreaking and influential vegetarian Moosewood Cookbook in 1974 and an imprint now known for its quality cookbooks (Thelin)—unequivocably addressed that line in the sand often drawn between fat and all things healthy. The four chapter titles of this cookbook— “Butter,” subtitled “Worth It,” “Pork Fat: The King,” “Poultry Fat: Versatile and Good For You,” and, “Beef and Lamb Fats: Overlooked But Tasty”—neatly summarise McLagan’s organising argument: that animal fats not only add an unreplaceable and delicious flavour to foods but are fundamental to our health. Fat polarised readers and critics; it was positively reviewed in prominent publications (Morris; Bhide) and won influential food writing awards, including 2009 James Beard Awards for Single Subject Cookbook and Cookbook of the Year but, due to its rejection of low-fat diets and the research underpinning them, was soon also vehemently criticised, to the point where the book was often described in the media as “controversial” (see Smith). McLagan’s text, while including historical, scientific and gastronomic data and detail, is also an outspokenly personal treatise, chronicling her sensual and emotional responses to this ingredient. “I love fat,” she begins, continuing, “Whether it’s a slice of foie gras terrine, its layer of yellow fat melting at the edges […] hot bacon fat […] wilting a plate of pungent greens into submission […] or a piece of crunchy pork crackling […] I love the way it feels in my mouth, and I love its many tastes” (1). Her text is, indeed, memoir as gastronomy / gastronomy as memoir, and this cookbook, therefore, an example of the “memoir with recipes” subgenre (Brien et al.). It appears to be this aspect – her highly personal and, therein, persuasive (Weitin) plea for the value of fats – that galvanised critics and readers.Molly Chester and Sandy Schrecengost’s Back to Butter: A Traditional Foods Cookbook – Nourishing Recipes Inspired by Our Ancestors begins with its authors’ memoirs (illness, undertaking culinary school training, buying and running a farm) to lend weight to their argument to utilise fats widely in cookery. Its first chapter, “Fats and Oils,” features the familiar butter, which it describes as “the friendly fat” (22), then moves to the more reviled pork lard “Grandma’s superfood” (22) and, nowadays quite rarely described as an ingredient, beef tallow. Grit Magazine’s Lard: The Lost Art of Cooking with Your Grandmother’s Secret Ingredient utilises the rhetoric that fat, and in this case, lard, is a traditional and therefore foundational ingredient in good cookery. This text draws on its publisher’s, Grit Magazine (published since 1882 in various formats), long history of including auto/biographical “inspirational stories” (Teller) to lend persuasive power to its argument. One of the most polarising of fats in health and current media discourse is butter, as was seen recently in debate over what was seen as its excessive use in the MasterChef Australia television series (see, Heart Foundation; Phillipov). It is perhaps not surprising, then, that butter is the single fat inspiring the most autobiographical writing in this mode. Rosie Daykin’s Butter Baked Goods: Nostalgic Recipes from a Little Neighborhood Bakery is, for example, typical of a small number of cookbooks that extend the link between baking and nostalgia to argue that butter is the superlative ingredient for baking. There are also entire cookbooks dedicated to making flavoured butters (Vaserfirer) and a number that offer guides to making butter and other (fat-based) dairy products at home (Farrell-Kingsley; Hill; Linford).Gabrielle Hamilton’s Blood, Bones and Butter: The Inadvertent Education of a Reluctant Chef is typical among chef’s memoirs in using butter prominently although rare in mentioning fat in its title. In this text and other such memoirs, butter is often used as shorthand for describing a food that is rich but also wholesomely delicious. Hamilton relates childhood memories of “all butter shortcakes” (10), and her mother and sister “cutting butter into flour and sugar” for scones (15), radishes eaten with butter (21), sautéing sage in butter to dress homemade ravoli (253), and eggs fried in browned butter (245). Some of Hamilton’s most telling references to butter present it as an staple, natural food as, for instance, when she describes “sliced bread with butter and granulated sugar” (37) as one of her family’s favourite desserts, and lists butter among the everyday foodstuffs that taste superior when stored at room temperature instead of refrigerated—thereby moving butter from taboo (Gwynne describes a similar process of the normalisation of sexual “perversion” in erotic memoir).Like this text, memoirs that could be described as arguing “for” fat as a substance are largely by chefs or other food writers who extol, like McLagan and Hamilton, the value of fat as both food and flavouring, and propose that it has a key role in both ordinary/family and gourmet cookery. In this context, despite plant-based fats such as coconut oil being much lauded in nutritional and other health-related discourse, the fat written about in these texts is usually animal-based. An exception to this is olive oil, although this is never described in the book’s title as a “fat” (see, for instance, Drinkwater’s series of memoirs about life on an olive farm in France) and is, therefore, out of the scope of this discussion.Memoirs of Being FatThe majority of the other memoirs with the word “fat” in their titles are about being fat. Narratives on this topic, and their authors’ feelings about this, began to be published as a sub-set of autobiographical memoir in the 2000s. The first decade of the new millennium saw a number of such memoirs by female writers including Judith Moore’s Fat Girl (published in 2005), Jen Lancaster’s Such a Pretty Fat: One Narcissist’s Quest to Discover If Her Life Makes Her Ass Look Big, or Why Pie Is Not the Answer, and Stephanie Klein’s Moose: A Memoir (both published in 2008) and Jennifer Joyne’s Designated Fat Girl in 2010. These were followed into the new decade by texts such as Celia Rivenbark’s bestselling 2011 You Don’t Sweat Much for a Fat Girl, and all attracted significant mainstream readerships. Journalist Vicki Allan pulled no punches when she labelled these works the “fat memoir” and, although Sidonie Smith and Julia Watson’s influential categorisation of 60 genres of life writing does not include this description, they do recognise eating disorder and weight-loss narratives. Some scholarly interest followed (Linder; Halloran), with Mitchell linking this production to feminism’s promotion of the power of the micro-narrative and the recognition that the autobiographical narrative was “a way of situating the self politically” (65).aken together, these memoirs all identify “excess” weight, although the response to this differs. They can be grouped as: narratives of losing weight (see Kuffel; Alley; and many others), struggling to lose weight (most of these books), and/or deciding not to try to lose weight (the smallest number of works overall). Some of these texts display a deeply troubled relationship with food—Moore’s Fat Girl, for instance, could also be characterised as an eating disorder memoir (Brien), detailing her addiction to eating and her extremely poor body image as well as her mother’s unrelenting pressure to lose weight. Elena Levy-Navarro describes the tone of these narratives as “compelled confession” (340), mobilising both the conventional understanding of confession of the narrator “speaking directly and colloquially” to the reader of their sins, failures or foibles (Gill 7), and what she reads as an element of societal coercion in their production. Some of these texts do focus on confessing what can be read as disgusting and wretched behavior (gorging and vomiting, for instance)—Halloran’s “gustatory abject” (27)—which is a feature of the contemporary conceptualisation of confession after Rousseau (Brooks). This is certainly a prominent aspect of current memoir writing that is, simultaneously, condemned by critics (see, for example, Jordan) and popular with readers (O’Neill). Read in this way, the majority of memoirs about being fat are about being miserable until a slimming regime of some kind has been undertaken and successful. Some of these texts are, indeed, triumphal in tone. Lisa Delaney’s Secrets of a Former Fat Girl is, for instance, clear in the message of its subtitle, How to Lose Two, Four (or More!) Dress Sizes—And Find Yourself Along the Way, that she was “lost” until she became slim. Linden has argued that “female memoir writers frequently describe their fat bodies as diseased and contaminated” (219) and “powerless” (226). Many of these confessional memoirs are moving narratives of shame and self loathing where the memoirist’s sense of self, character, and identity remain somewhat confused and unresolved, whether they lose weight or not, and despite attestations to the contrary.A sub-set of these memoirs of weight loss are by male authors. While having aspects in common with those by female writers, these can be identified as a sub-set of these memoirs for two reasons. One is the tone of their narratives, which is largely humourous and often ribaldly comic. There is also a sense of the heroic in these works, with male memoirsts frequently mobilising images of battles and adversity. Texts that can be categorised in this way include Toshio Okada’s Sayonara Mr. Fatty: A Geek’s Diet Memoir, Gregg McBride and Joy Bauer’s bestselling Weightless: My Life as a Fat Man and How I Escaped, Fred Anderson’s From Chunk to Hunk: Diary of a Fat Man. As can be seen in their titles, these texts also promise to relate the stratgies, regimes, plans, and secrets that others can follow to, similarly, lose weight. Allen Zadoff’s title makes this explicit: Lessons Learned on the Journey from Fat to Thin. Many of these male memoirists are prompted by a health-related crisis, diagnosis, or realisation. Male body image—a relatively recent topic of enquiry in the eating disorder, psychology, and fashion literature (see, for instance, Bradley et al.)—is also often a surprising motif in these texts, and a theme in common with weight loss memoirs by female authors. Edward Ugel, for instance, opens his memoir, I’m with Fatty: Losing Fifty Pounds in Fifty Miserable Weeks, with “I’m haunted by mirrors … the last thing I want to do is see myself in a mirror or a photograph” (1).Ugel, as that prominent “miserable” in his subtitle suggests, provides a subtle but revealing variation on this theme of successful weight loss. Ugel (as are all these male memoirists) succeeds in the quest be sets out on but, apparently, despondent almost every moment. While the overall tone of his writing is light and humorous, he laments every missed meal, snack, and mouthful of food he foregoes, explaining that he loves eating, “Food makes me happy … I live to eat. I love to eat at restaurants. I love to cook. I love the social component of eating … I can’t be happy without being a social eater” (3). Like many of these books by male authors, Ugel’s descriptions of the food he loves are mouthwatering—and most especially when describing what he identifies as the fattening foods he loves: Reuben sandwiches dripping with juicy grease, crispy deep friend Chinese snacks, buttery Danish pastries and creamy, rich ice cream. This believable sense of regret is not, however, restricted to male authors. It is also apparent in how Jen Lancaster begins her memoir: “I’m standing in the kitchen folding a softened stick of butter, a cup of warmed sour cream, and a mound of fresh-shaved Parmesan into my world-famous mashed potatoes […] There’s a maple-glazed pot roast browning nicely in the oven and white-chocolate-chip macadamia cookies cooling on a rack farther down the counter. I’ve already sautéed the almonds and am waiting for the green beans to blanch so I can toss the whole lot with yet more butter before serving the meal” (5). In the above memoirs, both male and female writers recount similar (and expected) strategies: diets, fasts and other weight loss regimes and interventions (calorie counting, colonics, and gastric-banding and -bypass surgery for instance, recur); consulting dieting/health magazines for information and strategies; keeping a food journal; employing expert help in the form of nutritionists, dieticians, and personal trainers; and, joining health clubs/gyms, and taking up various sports.Alongside these works sit a small number of texts that can be characterised as “non-weight loss memoirs.” These can be read as part of the emerging, and burgeoning, academic field of Fat Studies, which gathers together an extensive literature critical of, and oppositional to, dominant discourses about obesity (Cooper; Rothblum and Solovay; Tomrley and Naylor), and which include works that focus on information backed up with memoir such as self-described “fat activist” (Wann, website) Marilyn Wann’s Fat! So?: Because You Don’t Have to Apologise, which—when published in 1998—followed a print ’zine and a website of the same title. Although certainly in the minority in terms of numbers, these narratives have been very popular with readers and are growing as a sub-genre, with well-known actress Camryn Manheim’s New York Times-bestselling memoir, Wake Up, I'm Fat! (published in 1999) a good example. This memoir chronicles Manheim’s journey from the overweight and teased teenager who finds it a struggle to find friends (a common trope in many weight loss memoirs) to an extremely successful actress.Like most other types of memoir, there are also niche sub-genres of the “fat memoir.” Cheryl Peck’s Fat Girls and Lawn Chairs recounts a series of stories about her life in the American Midwest as a lesbian “woman of size” (xiv) and could thus be described as a memoir on the subjects of – and is, indeed, catalogued in the Library of Congress as: “Overweight women,” “Lesbians,” and “Three Rivers (Mich[igan]) – Social life and customs”.Carol Lay’s graphic memoir, The Big Skinny: How I Changed My Fattitude, has a simple diet message – she lost weight by counting calories and exercising every day – and makes a dual claim for value of being based on both her own story and a range of data and tools including: “the latest research on obesity […] psychological tips, nutrition basics, and many useful tools like simplified calorie charts, sample recipes, and menu plans” (qtd. in Lorah). The Big Skinny could, therefore, be characterised with the weight loss memoirs above as a self-help book, but Lay herself describes choosing the graphic form in order to increase its narrative power: to “wrap much of the information in stories […] combining illustrations and story for a double dose of retention in the brain” (qtd. in Lorah). Like many of these books that can fit into multiple categories, she notes that “booksellers don’t know where to file the book – in graphic novels, memoirs, or in the diet section” (qtd. in O’Shea).Jude Milner’s Fat Free: The Amazing All-True Adventures of Supersize Woman! is another example of how a single memoir (graphic, in this case) can be a hybrid of the categories herein discussed, indicating how difficult it is to neatly categorise human experience. Recounting the author’s numerous struggles with her weight and journey to self-acceptance, Milner at first feels guilty and undertakes a series of diets and regimes, before becoming a “Fat Is Beautiful” activist and, finally, undergoing gastric bypass surgery. Here the narrative trajectory is of empowerment rather than physical transformation, as a thinner (although, importantly, not thin) Milner “exudes confidence and radiates strength” (Story). ConclusionWhile the above has identified a number of ways of attempting to classify autobiographical writing about fat/s, its ultimate aim is, after G. Thomas Couser’s work in relation to other sub-genres of memoir, an attempt to open up life writing for further discussion, rather than set in placed fixed and inflexible categories. Constructing such a preliminary taxonomy aspires to encourage more nuanced discussion of how writers, publishers, critics and readers understand “fat” conceptually as well as more practically and personally. 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BackgroundIn the centuries since Odysseus entrusted his son Telemachus to Athena, biographical, literary, and historical accounts have cemented the concept of mentorship into our collective consciousness. Early foundational research characterised mentors as individuals who help us transition through different phases of our lives. Chief among these phases is the progression from adolescence to adulthood, during which we “imagine exciting possibilities for [our lives] and [struggle] to attain the ‘I am’ feeling in this dreamed-of self and world” (Levinson 93). Previous research suggests that mentoring can positively impact a range of developmental outcomes including emotional/behavioural resiliency, academic attainment, career advancement, and organisational productivity (DuBois et al. 57-91; Eby et al. 441-76; Merriam 161-73). The growth of formal mentoring programs, such as Big Brothers-Big Sisters, has further strengthened our belief in the value of mentoring in personal, academic and career contexts (Eby et al. 441-76).In recent years, claims of mentorship uptake have become widespread, even ubiquitous, ranging from codified components of organisational mandates to casual bragging rights in coffee shop conversations (Eby et al. 441-76). Is this a sign that mentorship has become indispensable to personal and professional development, or is mentorship simply in vogue? In this paper, we examine uses of, and corresponding meanings attached to, mentorship. Specifically, we compare popular news portrayals of mentoring with meanings ascribed to mentoring relationships by academics who are part of formal mentoring programs.MethodsWe searched for articles published in the New York Times between July and December 2015. Search terms used included: mentor, mentors, mentoring or mentorship. This U.S. national newspaper was chosen for its broad focus, and large online readership. It is among the most widely read online newspapers worldwide (World Association of Newspapers and News Publishers). Our search generated 536 articles. We conducted a qualitative thematic contentan alysis to explore the nature, scope, and importance of mentorship, as depicted in these media accounts. We compared media themes identified through this analysis with those generated through in-depth interviews previously conducted with 23 academic faculty in mentoring programs at the University of Calgary (Canada). Data were extracted by two authors, and discrepancies in interpretation were resolved through discussion with a third author.The Many Faces of MentorshipIn both interviews and New York Times (NYT) accounts, mentorship is portrayed as part of the “fabric” of contemporary culture, and is often viewed as essential to career advancement. As one academic we interviewed commented: “You know the worst feeling in the world [as a new employee] is...to feel like you’re floundering and you don’t know where to turn.” In 322 NYT articles, mentorship was linked to professional successes across a variety of disciplines, with CEOs, and popular culture icons, such as rap artists and sports figures, citing mentorship as central to their achievements. Mentorship had a particularly strong presence in the arts (109 articles), sports (62 articles) business (57 articles), politics (36 articles), medicine (26 articles), and law (21 articles).In the NYT, mentorship was also a factor in student achievement and social justice issues including psychosocial and career support for refugees and youth from low socioeconomic backgrounds; counteracting youth radicalisation; and addressing gender inequality in the workplace. In short, mentorship appears to have been taken up as a panacea for a variety of social and economic ills.Mentor Identities and RolesWhile mentors in academia were supervisors or colleagues, NYT articles portrayed mentors more broadly, as family members, employers, friends and peers. Mentoring relationships typically begin with a connection which often manifests as shared experiences or goals (Merriam). One academic interviewee described mentorship in these terms: “There’s something there that you both really respect and value.” In many NYT accounts, the connection between mentors and mentees was similarly emphasized. As a professional athlete noted: “To me, it's not about collecting [mentors]...It's if the person means something to me...played some type of role in my life” (Shpigel SP.1).While most mentoring relationships develop organically, others are created through formal programs. In the NYT, 33 articles described formal programs to support career/skills development in the arts, business, and sports, and behaviour change in at-risk youth. Although many such programs relied on volunteers, we noted instances in professional sports and business where individuals were hired to provide mentorship. We also saw evidence to suggest that formal programs may be viewed as a quick fix, or palatable alternative, to more costly, or long-term organisational or societal change. For instance, one article on operational challenges at a law firm noted: “The firm's leadership...didn't want to be told that they needed to overhaul their entire organizational philosophy.... They wanted to be told that the firm's problem was work-family conflict for women, a narrative that would allow them to adopt a set of policies specifically aimed at helping women work part time, or be mentored” (Slaughter SR.1).Mutuality of the RelationshipEffective mentoring occurs when both mentors and mentees value these relationships. As one academic interviewee noted: “[My mentor] asked me for advice on certain things about where they’re going right career wise... I think that’s allowed us to have a stronger sort of mentoring relationship”. Some NYT portrayals of mentorship also suggested rich, reciprocal relationships. A dancer with a ballet company described her mentor:She doesn't talk at you. She talks with you. I've never thought about dancing as much as I've thought about it working with her. I feel like as a ballerina, you smile and nod and you take the beating. This is more collaborative. In school, I was always waiting to find a professor that I would bond with and who would mentor me. All I had to do was walk over to Barnard, get into the studio, and there she was. I found Twyla. Or she found me. (Kourlas AR.7)The mutuality of the mentorship evident in this dancer’s recollection is echoed in a NYT account of the role of fashion models in mentoring colleagues: “They were...mentors and connectors and facilitators, motivated...by the joy of discovering talent and creating beauty” (Trebay D.8). Yet in other media accounts, mentorship appeared unidirectional, almost one-dimensional: “Judge Forrest noted in court that he had been seen as a mentor for young people” (Moynihan A.21). Here, the focus seemed to be on the benefits, or status, accrued by the mentor. Importance of the RelationshipAcademic interviewees viewed mentors as sources of knowledge, guidance, feedback, and sponsorship. They believed mentorship had profoundly impacted their careers and that “finding a mentor can be one of the most important things” anyone could do. In the NYT portrayals, mentors were also recognized for the significant, often lasting, impact they had on the lives of their mentees. A choreographer said “the lessons she learned from her former mentor still inspire her — ‘he sits on my shoulder’” (Gold CT 11). A successful CEO of a software firm recollected how mentors enabled him to develop professional confidence: “They would have me facilitate meetings with clients early on in my career. It helped build up this reservoir of confidence” (Bryant, Candid Questions BU.2).Other accounts in academic interviews and NYT highlighted how defining moments in even short-term mentoring relationships can provoke fundamental and lasting changes in attitudes and behaviours. One interviewee who recently experienced a career change said she derived comfort from connecting with a mentor who had experienced a similar transition: “oh there’s somebody [who] talks my language...there is a place for me.” As a CEO in the NYT recalled: “An early mentor of mine said something to me when I was going to a new job: ‘Don't worry. It's just another dog and pony show.’ That really stayed with me” (Bryant, Devil’s Advocate BU.2). A writer quoted in a NYT article also recounted how a chance encounter with a mentor changed the course of his career: “She said... that my problem was not having career direction. ‘You should become a teacher,’ she said. It was an unusual thing to hear, since that subject had never come up in our conversations. But I was truly desperate, ready to hear something different...In an indirect way, my life had changed because of that drink (DeMarco ST.6).Mentorship was also celebrated in the NYT in the form of 116 obituary notices as a means of honouring and immortalising a life well lived. The mentoring role individuals had played in life was highlighted alongside those of child, parent, grandparent and spouse.Metaphor and ArchetypeMetaphors imbue language with imagery that evokes emotions, sensations, and memories in ways that other forms of speech or writing cannot, thus enabling us communicate complex ideas or beliefs. Academic interviewees invoked various metaphors to illustrate mentorship experiences. One interviewee spoke of the “blossoming” relationship while another commented on the power of the mentoring experience to “lift your world”. In the NYT we identified only one instance of the use of metaphor. A CEO of a non-profit organisation explained her mentoring philosophy as follows: “One of my mentors early on talked about the need for a leader to be a ‘certain trumpet’. It comes from Corinthians, and it's a very good visualization -- if the trumpet isn't clear, who's going to follow you?” (Bryant, Zigzag BU.2).By comparison, we noted numerous instances in the NYT wherein mentors were present as characters, or archetypes, in film, performing arts, and television. Archetypes exhibit attributes, or convey meanings, that are instinctively understood by those who share common cultural, societal, or racial experiences (Lane 232) For example, a NYT film review of The Assassin states that “the title character [is] trained in her deadly vocation by a fierce, soft-spoken mentor” (Scott C.4). Such characterisations rely on audiences’ understanding of the inherentfunction of the mentor role, and, like metaphors, can help to convey that which is compelling or complex.Intentionality and TrustIn interviews, academics spoke of the time and trust required to develop mentoring relationships. One noted “It may take a bit of an effort... You don’t get to know a person very well just meeting three times during the year”. Another spoke of trust and comfort as defining these relationships: “You just open up. You feel immediately comfortable”. We also found evidence of trust and intentionality in NYT accounts of these relationships. Mentees were often portrayed as seeking out and relying on mentorship. A junior teacher stated that “she would lean on mentors at her new school. You are not on that island all alone” (Rich A1). In contrast, there were few explicit accounts of intentionality and reflection on the part of a mentor. In one instance, a police officer who participated in a mentorship program for street kids mused “it's not about the talent. It was just about the interaction”. In another, an actor described her mentoring experiences as follows: “You have to know when to give advice and when to just be quiet and listen...no matter how much you tell someone how it goes, no one really wants to listen. Their dreams are much bigger than whatever fear or whatever obstacle you say may be in their path” (Syme C.5).Many NYT articles present career mentoring as a role that can be assumed by anyone with requisite knowledge or experience. Indeed, some accounts of mentorship arguably more closely resembled role model relationships, wherein individuals are admired, typically from afar, and emulated by those who aspire to similar accomplishments. Here, there was little, if any, apparent awareness of the complexity or potential impact of these relationships. Rather, we observed a casualness, an almost striking superficiality, in some NYT accounts of mentoring relationships. Examples ranged from references to “sartorial mentors” (Pappu D1) to a professional coach who shared: “After being told by a mentor that her scowl was ‘setting her back’ at work, [she] began taking pictures of her face so she could try to look more cheerful” (Bennett ST.1).Trust, an essential component of mentorship, can wither when mentors occupy dual roles, such as that of mentor and supervisor, or engage in mentoring as a means of furthering their own interests. While some academic interviewees were mentored by past and current supervisors, none reported any instance of role conflict. However in the NYT, we identified multiple instances where mentorship programs intentionally, or unintentionally, inspired divided loyalties. At one academic institution, peer mentors were “encouraged to befriend and offer mentorship to the students on their floors, yet were designated ‘mandatory reporters’ of any incident that may violate the school policy” (Rosman ST.1). In another media story, government employees in a phased-retirement program received monetary incentives to mentor colleagues: “Federal workers who take phased retirement work 20 hours a week and agree to mentor other workers. During that time, they receive half their pay and half their retirement annuity payout. When workers retire completely, their annuities will include an increase to account for the part-time service” (Hannon B.1). More extreme depictions of conflict of interest were evident in other NYT reports of mentors and mentees competing for job promotions, and mentees accusing mentors of sexual harassment and rape; such examples underscore potential for abuse of trust in these relationships.Discussion/ConclusionsOur exploration of mentorship in the NYT suggests mentorship is embedded in our culture, and is a means by which we develop competencies required to integrate into, and function within, society. Whereas, traditionally, mentorship was an informal relationship that developed over time, we now see a wider array of mentorship models, including formal career and youth programs aimed at increasing access to mentorship, and mentor-for-hire arrangements in business and professional sports. Such formal programs can offer redress to those who lack informal mentorship opportunities, and increased initiatives of this sort are welcome.Although standards of reporting in news media surely account for some of the lack of detail in many NYT reports of mentorship, such brevity may also suggest that, while mentoring continues to grow in popularity, we may have compromised substance for availability. Considerations of the training, time, attention, and trust required of these relationships may have been short-changed, and the tendency we observed in the NYT to conflate role modeling and mentorship may contribute to depictions of mentorship as a quick fix, or ‘mentorship light’. Although mentorship continues to be lauded as a means of promoting personal and professional development, not all mentoring may be of similar quality, and not everyone has comparable access to these relationships. While we continue to honour the promise of mentorship, as with all things worth having, effective mentorship requires effort. This effort comes in the form of preparation, commitment or intentionality, and the development of bonds of trust within these relationships. In short, overuse of, over-reference to, and misapplication of the mentorship label may serve to dilute the significance and meaning of these relationships. Further, we acknowledge a darker side to mentorship, with the potential for abuses of power.Although we have reservations regarding some trends towards the casual usage of the mentorship term, we are also heartened by the apparent scope and reach of these relationships. Numerous individuals continue to draw comfort from advice, sponsorship, motivation, support and validation that mentors provide. Indeed, for many, mentorship may represent an essential lifeline to navigating life’s many challenges. We, thus, conclude that mentorship, in its many forms, is here to stay.ReferencesBennett, Jessica. "Cursed with a Death Stare." New York Times (East Coast) 2 Aug. 2015, late ed.: ST.1.Bryant, Adam. "Designate a Devil's Advocate." New York Times (East Coast) 9 Aug. 2015, late ed.: BU.2.Bryant, Adam. "The Power of Candid Questions." New York Times (East Coast) 16 Aug. 2015, late ed.: BU. 2.Bryant, Adam. "Zigzag Your Way to the Top." New York Times (East Coast) 13 Sept. 2015, late ed.: BU.2.DeMarco, Peter. "One Life, Shaken and Stirred." New York Times (East Coast) 23 Aug. 2015, late ed.: ST.6.DuBois, David L., Nelson Portillo, Jean E. Rhodes, Nadia Silverhorn and Jeffery C. Valentine. "How Effective Are Mentoring Programs for Youth? A Systematic Assessment of the Evidence." Psychological Science in the Public Interest 12.2 (2011): 57-91.Eby, Lillian T., Tammy D. Allen, Brian J. Hoffman, Lisa E. Baranik, …, and Sarah C. Evans. 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