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1
Manan, Nuraini A. "MESOPOTAMIA DAN MESIR KUNO: Awal Peradaban Dunia." Jurnal Adabiya 22, no. 1 (July 16, 2020): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.22373/adabiya.v22i1.7452.
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The existence of civilization cannot be separated from the existence of human beings. Mesopotamia and Ancient Egypt were the centers of the oldest civilization in the world. Both Mesopotamia and Ancient Egypt had typical characteristics. Mesopotamian civilization was more non-physical compared to Egypt. Sciences were emphasized more in Mesopotamia, while Egypt emphasized religious aspects. Political systems in both areas were almost the same, that is, absolutism and considered the king as god. Mesopotamia was more humanist than Egypt. The effectiveness of both civilizations was determined much by political power and economy.
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Valk, Jonathan. "“They Enjoy Syrup and Ghee at Tables of Silver and Gold”: Infant Loss in Ancient Mesopotamia." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 59, no. 5 (November 7, 2016): 695–749. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685209-12341412.
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The present study draws on interdisciplinary research to establish an interpretative framework for an analysis of the material and textual evidence concerning infant loss in ancient Mesopotamia (c. 3000-500 bce). This approach rejects the notion that high infant mortality rates result in widespread parental indifference to infant loss, arguing instead that underlying biological and transcultural realities inform human responses to this phenomenon. With this conclusion in mind, a review of ancient Mesopotamian archaeological evidence reveals patterns of differential infant burial; while the interpretation of these patterns is uncertain, the broader contexts of infant burials in ancient Mesopotamia do not point to parental indifference, but rather the opposite. The available textual evidence in turn indicates that ancient Mesopotamians valued their infants, sought actively to protect them from harm, and mourned deeply when they died, a conclusion that is not controverted by evidence of infant exposure.
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Kesecker, Nshan Thomas. "Lugalzagesi: the first emperor of Mesopotamia?" ARAMAZD: Armenian Journal of Near Eastern Studies 12, no. 1 (January 1, 2018): 76–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.32028/ajnes.v12i1.893.
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In the middle of the 24th century BC, Sargon of Akkad defeated King Lugalzagesi of Uruk (c. 2350) and established Sargonic rule over Mesopotamia. His successors, Rimush, Manishtusu and Naramsin would expand and consolidate Sargon’s gains, until the crumbling of the state under Sharkalisharri. The deeds of the Sargonic Dynasty were acknowledged to the point that Sargon and Naramsin were immortalised in the historical literary tradition of Mesopotamia (and Anatolia) for millennia. However, several questions regarding the political history of Early Dynastic (c. 2900-2350) and Sargonic (c. 2350-2250) Mesopotamia remain. Were the Akkadian kings the first to envision a Mesopotamian Empire? This study seeks to analyze the political and ideological origins of empire-building in Mesopotamia, focusing on the late ED III period and the Sargonic transition. The contributions of Lugalzagesi in the development of a Mesopotamian ‘World Empire’ have been overlooked in many accounts of the political development of the region. By analyzing the political history, historical memory, and royal ideology of Lugalzagesi and his contemporaries, it can be observed that the first empire of the historical period in Mesopotamia was the state of Lugalzagesi.
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Lal, Sameer. "Mesopotamia." Journal on Innovation and Sustainability RISUS 14, no. 3 (September 21, 2023): 205–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.23925/2179-3565.2023v14i3p205-223.
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A few thousand years ago, ancient Mesopotamia became the first civilization that engineered water infrastructure to drive native agricultural systems. That civilization created the earliest irrigation systems known to humankind. The ancient Mesopotamians also won success in creating successful irrigation-driven agriculture in arid and semi-arid conditions. Paradoxically, this very success with irrigation systems became a major factor that triggered the collapse of ancient Mesopotamia. We can now infer the Mesopotamians failed to understand the crucial relationships between water, soil, crops, and sound agricultural practices. This lack of understanding continues to the present day. The invention of drip irrigation systems has allowed modern humans to claim some measure of sustainable success in agricultural techniques practiced in desert zones, arid areas, etc. Such techniques enable modern agriculturists to attain a fine balance between soil, crops, and water. Drip irrigation systems also promote other forms of modern innovation such as soilless farming methods and practices.
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Reid, John Nicholas. "The Birth of the Prison: The Functions of Imprisonment in Early Mesopotamia." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern History 3, no. 2 (February 23, 2018): 81–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/janeh-2017-0008.
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AbstractWhile the terms prison and prisoner are frequently used in translations and studies based on the texts from early Mesopotamia (ca. 3200–1595 B.C., according to Middle Chronology), Although “early Mesopotamia” is not ideal as a descriptor, it is employed here in the same way as Postgate (1992: xxi–xxiii). The term is used to refer to Southern Mesopotamia from Late Uruk until the first fall of Babylon, or circa 3200–1595 B.C. Despite this, the Mari evidence will be summarized and referenced at certain points in the article. While the focus of this study is in on the early Mesopotamian evidence, occasional references are made to select relevant material from other periods to add depth and perspective to the discussion. the contextual evidence relating to these terms has not been assembled and organized to determine the nature of the so-called prisons of the period, together with any points of continuity and discontinuity with the modern terminology. When done, it may be concluded that prisons in early Mesopotamia do not share a one-to-one correspondence with the various manifestations of prisons in the modern Western world. Although prisons in early Mesopotamia functioned in broader ways than modern examples, I argue that significant functional overlap also exists. These similarities directly relate to theoretical and definitional criteria employed in historical discussions about prisons, demonstrating that the Mesopotamian evidence belongs in a world history of prisons.
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Singkoh, Elia, Milton Thorman Pardosi, and Alvyn Cesarianto Hendriks. "Penglihatan Binokular Pneumatologi: Kajian Socio-Historis Perspektif Mesopotamia dan Ibrani Kuno." EPIGRAPHE: Jurnal Teologi dan Pelayanan Kristiani 6, no. 2 (November 30, 2022): 195. http://dx.doi.org/10.33991/epigraphe.v6i2.377.
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The Hebrew scriptures contain rich material on pneumatology. Cultural context greatly influenced the construction of dogmatics in biblical times, but the study of pneumatology from a social and historical point of view received less attention. This study aims to explore the social context of the meaning of spirits in the ancient Mesopotamian and Hebrew eras. Through a socio-historical approach, the pneumatology construction plot of the ancient Hebrews can be known, where its development also influences the construction of New Testament theology and can be used as a reference for the development of dogmatics at the end of time. Methods This research uses a qualitative descriptive approach. The mingling of the ancient Hebrews with the Mesopotamians influenced the ancient Hebrews' presuppositions for the articulation of pneumatology and its everyday use. The widespread and transcendental use of pneumatology occurred as a result of the initial conceptual fragility and articulation that developed from the Mesopotamians, thus influencing the perspective of ancient Hebrew pneumatology on daily implementation. The diversity of pneumatological articulations in ancient Hebrew literature is not a contradiction but a multiplicity of words that emerges from the socio-historical aspect.AbstrakKitab suci Ibrani berisi materi yang kaya tentang pneumatologi. Konteks budaya sangat mempengaruhi konstruksi dogmatika di zaman Alkitab, namun kajian pneumatologi dari sudut pandang sosial dan sejarah kurang mendapat perhatian. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengeksplorasi konteks sosial pemaknaan roh di era Mesopotamia dan Ibrani kuno. Melalui pendekatan socio-historis, alur konstruksi pneumatologi bangsa Ibrani kuno dapat diketahui, di mana perkembangannya turut mempengaruhi konstruksi teologi Perjanjian Baru dan dapat dijadikan acuan pengembangan dogmatika di akhir zaman. Metode Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif-deskriptif. Berbaurnya bangsa Ibrani kuno dengan bangsa Mesopotamia mempengaruhi presuposisi orang Ibrani kuno terhadap artikulasi pneumatologi serta penggunaannya sehari-hari. Penggunaan pneumatologi yang luas dan transcendental terjadi akibat rempuhan konseptual awal serta artikulasi yang berkembang dari bangsa Mesopotamia sehingga mempengaruhi perspektif pneumatologi orang Ibrani kuno terhadap implementasi sehari-hari. Diversitas artikulasi pneumatologi dalam literatur Ibrani kuno bukan merupakan kontradiksi melainkan multiplisitas kata yang mencuat dari aspek socio-historis.
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Brown, David. "The Cuneiform Conception of Celestial Space and Time." Cambridge Archaeological Journal 10, no. 1 (April 2000): 103–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959774300000044.
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The significance to the modern world of Mesopotamian celestial divination and astronomy cannot be overstated. The names and the ‘ominous’ values assigned to the heavenly bodies by the Mesopotamians underlie Western astrology, and have also influenced Indian astrology. Many of the key features in the astronomy of Hipparchus and Ptolemy, which later passed into the astronomy of the medieval world, were borrowed from the astronomers of Babylon and Uruk. The zodiac, the Metonic cycle, horoscopy, and a variety of astrological techniques are all first attested in Mesopotamia. The same goes for units, notably those divisions of space and time which are now used throughout the world (such as 60 minutes in an hour and 360° in a circle) which can be traced back to cuneiform antecedents.
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Ahmad, Khalil. "GEOGRAPHIC, HISTORIC, POLITICAL, RIPARIAN, AND SOCIO-ECONOMIC FACTORS THAT LEAD TO PAKISTAN AS A LAND OF PENTA MESOPOTAMIA." Pakistan Journal of Social Research 04, no. 01 (March 31, 2022): 330–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.52567/pjsr.v4i1.656.
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The research aims to investigate Pakistan’s geographic, historic, political, riparian, and socio-economic factors that lead to Pakistan as a Land of Penta Mesopotamia. Pakistan is situated in South Asia along the coast of Arabian Sea, bordering Afghanistan in west, China in north, Iran in southwest, Arabian Sea in South and Hindustan (India) lies in the east. Historically, the land of Pakistan has been the host of Neolithic period’s South Asian multi Indus valley civilization (IVC) that includes Gandhara, Harappan, Mehrgarh, Mohenjo-Daro, Takht-i-Bahi and Texila civilizations that emerged during 3,300 BCE to 1300 BCE. Muslim Civilizations emerged from 712 to 1857 and British colonial culture also developed from 1857-1947 in this area. The Indus valley civilization flourished parallel to the Mesopotamian civilizations. Mesopotamian civilization includes the Assyrian and Babylonian Civilization that emerged in Iraq in between the two rivers of Euphrates and Tigris from 3,100 B.C. to 332 B.C. and is referred to the “Cradle of Civilizations”. Since Mesopotamian civilization attracted all the ancient civilizations in West Asia to nourish because of its friendly ecological environments, fertile land and rich alluvium soils. Pakistan’s geography also attracted the Indus valley civilizations that emerged in the confluence of seven perennial rivers i.e. Sutlej, Ravi, Chenab, Jhelum, Indus, Swat and Kabul rivers, credited as the “Cradle of South Asian Indus valley Civilizations”. Pakistan’s strategic location in the region, her favorable ecosystem for biodiversity, favorable multi seasons, fertile land, friendly ecological conditions, rich agricultural environment, rich alluvium soils, strategic multiple riparian potentials that originate from Himalayan, Karakorum, and Hindu-Kush mountain ranges, remained lucrative for South Asian Indus valley civilizations. Pakistan’s geography also remained very attractive to the sub regions of Asia i.e. Central, South and West Asia because it has provided and has been providing the Mesopotamians agrarian transit economy to landlocked countries of Afghanistan and Central Asian States from the shortest possible sea route of Arabian Sea and visa-vi to oil rich states of Middle East via China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). Mesopotamian’s cultural, ecological, geographic, historic, riparian, socio-economic, socio-political equilibrium and similar factors are founded in the Indus valley civilizations that erect the sufficient evidence to prove that “Pakistan is a Land of Penta Mesopotamia”. Keywords: Civilizations, Confluence, Fertile land, Mesopotamia, Riparian potentials.
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Delnero, Paul. "Scholarship and Inquiry in Early Mesopotamia." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern History 2, no. 2 (July 1, 2016): 109–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/janeh-2016-0008.
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AbstractThousands of texts documenting the activities of scribes and scholars that shed light on the social context of scholarship and scientific inquiry survive from the first half of Mesopotamian history (c. 3400 bc to c. 1600 bc). Since these texts provide ample evidence that scholarship occupied a central place in Mesopotamian culture and society during the period in question, examining their content is essential to reconstructing what can be known about scientific knowledge and practice in the ancient world. In this chapter some of this evidence will be considered in order to present a modest overview of the social position and intellectual processes of knowledge acquisition and inquiry during the first phase of Mesopotamian history and to address preliminarily some of the many questions that can be asked about scholarship and inquiry in early Mesopotamia.
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Voytenko, Anton. "Why Did the Christology of the Syrians Split in Two? Historical and Cultural View (in Order to Discussion)." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 4 (2023): 222. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080024711-9.
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The author of the article comes to the conclusion that the schism in the Syrian Orient was due to different cultural and historical parameters in two areas of the region: Syria (ash-Shām) and Upper Mesopotamia. The genesis of the Dyophysite Christology (as theologia prima) took place in the areas of Upper Mesopotamia. The initial development of theology in Antioch coincided with its development in Alexandria, which, based on Platonic paradigms, moved towards Miaphysite Christological models. In the development of the Antiochian school there is a gap associated with the penetration of the Mesopotamian ('dividing') Christology there. The Antiochenes formed a new intellectual relay, switched to Aristotelian paradigms, which turned out to be the most adequate 'tool' for rationalizing Mesopotamian Christology. As this relay developed, another significant transformation took place: the transition from Arian triadology to Nicene one. Mesopotamian Christology received a new impetus here, which made it possible to detail the 'dividing' Christology and formulate it in terms of strict dyophysitism. After the Council of Ephesus, there was a fairly rapid displacement of strict dyophysitism into the area of its initial genesis – Upper Mesopotamia. The Mesopotamian Syrians received Christological models, rationalized within the Aristotelian paradigms, which later became the basis for the doctrine of the Church of the East. The events after the Councils of Ephesus and Chalcedon associated with the formation of Miaphysite church structures on the territory of Syria could be regarded as the return to the basic parameters of its 'natural' historical and cultural development.
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Nur Heriyanto, Dodik Setiawan. "The Use of Immunity Doctrine in Commercial Activities in Mesopotamia and Ancient Greece." Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 6, s2 (July 1, 2017): 95–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ajis-2018-0033.
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Abstract This study traces the history of the formation of immunities concept and its application in commercial activities in ancient Mesopotamia and Greece. The doctrine of immunity is discussed based on the historical process starting from the myth, concept, and its implementation in the commercial/trade activities. By using historical approach, this study shows that in Mesopotamia and Greece, traders or merchants enjoyed absolute immunity due to their position as the representative of their King or polis in which their commercial acts and diplomatic mission were combined. In Mesopotamia, merchants enjoyed the full confidence of the King, and one would not be wrong to suppose that in such enterprises commercial activity and diplomatic mission were combined. Compared to the Mesopotamian practices that granted all traders with the status of immunity from public obligations, in ancient Greece only traders with honorific conditions could enjoy the status of proxenos.
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Blackham, Mark. "Further investigations as to the relationship of Samarran and Ubaid ceramic assemblages." Iraq 58 (1996): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900003144.
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The Samarran ceramic assemblage of the Mesopotamian region has long remained an enigma. With the exception of the work of Braidwood et al. and Oates, the nature of the relationship between Samarran and other contemporary Mesopotamian and Iranian styles has not been systematically explored. This paper begins by challenging contemporary perceptions of the Samarran “culture” and continues by investigating the relationship of Samarran wares to those of the Hassuna and Ubaid traditions. Comparisons among these assemblages are made by means of recent miner-alogical data from the site of Tell 'Oueili (Tell 'Awayli) in southern Mesopotamia. The Ubaid 0 ceramic assemblage at Tell 'Oueili is seen to have a substantial Samarran component, and, in light of this information, new questions arise concerning the place of this style within the region. The data provided by Courtois and Velde are used to test the following hypotheses about Samarran ceramics: [1] that they were imported to the southern Mesopotamian plain, [2] that they were locally made in southern Mesopotamia, and [3] that they are an integral and undifferentiated part of the Ubaid 0 assemblage.
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Veldhuis, Niek. "Intellectual History and Assyriology." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern History 1, no. 1 (February 1, 2014): 21–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/janeh-2013-0006.
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AbstractThe present article proposes to understand knowledge and knowledge traditions of ancient Mesopotamia as assets, deployed by actors in the social contexts in which they found themselves. This approach is illustrated with three examples from different periods of Mesopotamian history.
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Van De Mieroop, Marc. "Mesopotamia’s Bronze Age as a Cosmopolitan Age." Old World: Journal of Ancient Africa and Eurasia 3, no. 1 (October 16, 2023): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26670755-20230008.
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Abstract The key term of this volume is bronze: in its basic meaning it is an alloy of two metals, copper and tin, even if there are other combinations, such as arsenical bronze. In Mesopotamia, the area I will discuss here, every form of bronze shared a common characteristic, however. To make bronze it was necessary to bring together two metals with origins in separate and distant places. The sources changed over time, but in Mesopotamia itself bronze was never the product of elements found in the same location. The outcome was something special, a compound stronger and deemed to be more appealing than its separate components. My discussion here will not be about metallurgy or material culture, however, but about literate culture, which in the Mesopotamian Bronze Age, I argue, showed a similar amalgamation of elements from sources that were geographically distinct. We can see bronze as a metaphor for literate culture in Mesopotamia.
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Lucarelli, Rita. "Towards a Comparative Approach to Demonology in Antiquity: The Case of Ancient Egypt and Mesopotamia." Archiv für Religionsgeschichte 14, no. 1 (September 2013): 11–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/arege-2012-0002.
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Abstract This essay provides a general introduction to demonology in antiquity as well as a focus on ancient Egypt and Mesopotamia. It is also meant as an introduction to those papers which were originally presented at the international conference titled “Evil Spirits, Monsters and Benevolent Protectors: Demonology in Ancient Egypt and Mesopotamia,” held on April 23, 2012 at the Institute for the Study of the Ancient World of New York University, contained in the first section of this volume. Questions of the definition and function of demons in ancient Egyptian and Mesopotamian civilizations are raised and discussed in light of a comparative approach to the study of ancient religions.
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Verderame, Lorenzo. "Slavery in Third-Millennium Mesopotamia." Journal of Global Slavery 3, no. 1-2 (January 31, 2018): 13–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2405836x-00301003.
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Abstract Third-millennium Mesopotamia has provided an impressive quantity of sources for the study of ancient slavery, among them a collection of standards (the so-called Laws of Ur-Namma). Despite the volume of documents, Mesopotamian slavery remains elusive in its general traits. This is partly due to the nature of the sources, but also to the approaches and interpretations of modern scholars. Slavery in ancient Mesopotamia has been the focus of several studies in the 1960s and 1970s that interpreted the sources using comparative approaches and Marxist analyses. Since then, the topic has seldom been revisited. In this article, I present the status quaestionis with an overview of the available sources and related studies, together with a sketch of the different types of bonded and forced labor in the Neo-Sumerian period (21st cent. BCE).
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Alstola, Tero, Paola Corò, Rocio Da Riva, Sebastian Fink, Michael Jursa, Ingo Kottsieper, Martin Lang, et al. "Sources at the end of the cuneiform era." Studia Orientalia Electronica 11, no. 2 (May 16, 2023): 5–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.23993/store.129801.
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The aim of this article is to discuss several groups of sources which are of special interest regarding the question of Mesopotamian identities after 539 bce, towards the end of the use of cuneiform writing. In this late period, several languages and scripts were in use in Mesopotamia; therefore, groups of Akkadian, Aramaic, Greek, and Sumerian texts are discussed. The scripts used are Aramaic letters, cuneiform, and the Greek alphabet. A scholar who is interested in late Mesopotamian identities needs to take all these documents into account. This article aims at giving a brief overview on available textual material and where to find it. The topics of these texts vary from administrative documents to highly literary texts. The authors discuss Aramaic inscriptions, legal and administrative cuneiform texts, the astronomical diaries, the Seleucid Uruk scholarly texts, the late Babylonian priestly literature, Emesal cult-songs from the Hellenistic period, the Graeco-Babyloniaca (clay tablets containing cuneiform and Greek), and finally Greek inscriptions from Mesopotamia.
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Kinsella, Ali. "Mesopotamia." World Literature Today 92, no. 4 (2018): 74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wlt.2018.0141.
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Kipling, Rudyard. "Mesopotamia." World Policy Journal 22, no. 3 (2005): 146. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/07402775-2005-4007.
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Ramadan, H., F. Abdulla, and E. Al-Shimmery. "Mesopotamia." Practical Neurology 9, no. 3 (May 15, 2009): 176–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/jnnp.2009.177220.
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الأنصاري, داليا. "الزواج في مجتمع بلاد الرافدين في ضوء النصوص المسمارية." Abgadiyat 3, no. 1 (November 25, 2008): ٣٢—٤٥. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138609-00301011.
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Families in the Mesopotamian society are based on strong relations, such as marriage, which is accepted by traditions, customs and laws. Many marriage contracts were authenticated on muddy boards (tablets). Marriage is a social, legislative and legal union between man and woman, its aim is to produce children, to establish a family and create social, economic relations that will have an effect on the future. The impact of these relations will affect many of the families that have a direct relationship between the husband and the wife. The economic situations, the social status and the intellectual aspects of the Mesopotamian society have contributed to identifying the marriage system. Although there is no sufficient information about the first aspects of marriage in Mesopotamia, it may be affected by different phases which affect also primitive unions before they were civilized. Through studying the legal items and analyzing the daily documents of marriage, it is revealed that its rules were developed and made complicated in Mesopotamia and they did not differ from the rules of marriage in the Eastern communities of our present time. Marriage has specific rituals according to customs and traditions. Marriage rituals differ according to those prevalent in each community; depending on the environmental circumstances and the social and culture aspects of the community. The agricultural communities are similar to the community of Mesopotamia; marriage in the rural community is a necessary demand up till now, aiming at bringing children to the world or motivating women to help men in their work, such as sowing the land.
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Hansen, S. "Technical and Social Innovations: A New Field of Research." Archaeology, Ethnology & Anthropology of Eurasia 47, no. 3 (September 21, 2019): 27–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.17746/1563-0110.2019.47.3.027-037.
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The grand narrative of cultural developments claims that all technical achievements in prehistory stemmed from urban centres in Mesopotamia and Egypt. But current studies, for instance on the oldest wagons, have opened up space for alternative working hypotheses and models: modern radiocarbon dating of complexes that revealed the cited innovations, e.g. the oldest wagons, functional metal tools, and an advanced copper metallurgy, which predate their fi rst appearance in Mesopotamia, questions the role of this region in the development of technology. Possibly Mesopotamian cities operated rather as a melting pot of numerous innovations obtained from different areas, which were then re-combined and placed into a different context. The North Caucasus, in particular the Early Bronze Age Maykop culture, is an exemplary candidate for such an interactive process in technical developments. The Maykop culture has been known in research for 120 years, and its genesis is supposed to have originated in Mesopotamia. This is an archaeological narrative meant to explain the high technical state of the Maykop culture. In the light of the new chronology based on a relatively small number of radiocarbon dates, a re-examination and alternative models are necessary. It is obvious that this culture developed a highly innovative potential in metalworking and sheep breeding and fulfi lled an important function as mediator in knowledge transfer between the Eurasian steppe and Upper Mesopotamia. Recent aDNA studies support this view.
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Aqrawi, A. A. M. "Palygorskite in the recent fluvio-lacustrine and deltaic sediments of southern Mesopotamia." Clay Minerals 28, no. 1 (March 1993): 153–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1180/claymin.1993.028.1.15.
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Palygorskite has been widely reported as a clay phase in the Recent sediments of the northern Arabian Gulf (e.g. Aqrawi & Sadooni, 1988). It is usually thought to have originated from the sediments and soils of the Mesopotamian flood plains introduced by northwesterly (Shamal) winds (e.g. A1-Bakri et al., 1984). A1-Rawi et al. (1969) and Eswaran & Barzanji (1974) have detected palygorskite within Mesopotamian soils. This paper describes the occurrence of palygorskite in the Recent sediments of southern Mesopotamia and its possible origins will be discussed.
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Yıldırım, Ercüment. "A Comparative Approach to the Oannes Narrative in Mesopotamia and the Prometheus Myth in the Ancient Greek World." Belleten 86, no. 305 (April 1, 2022): 39–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.2022.039.
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The belief systems in Mesopotamia and Ancient Greece were based on the idea that knowledge was transferred from gods to humans. The common belief regarding the source of knowledge in both societies was somehow diferent. While Mesopotamian societies believed that knowledge was transferred from gods to humans through a being called Oannes, Ancient Greek society believed that Prometheus stole fre, which was the frst knowledge, from Zeus. As written in cuneiform scripts, coming ashore as a half-fsh and half-man creature, Oannes was thought to teach Mesopotamians various skills, ranging from building houses to agriculture. On the other hand, it is mentioned in the works of Hesiod and Aeschylus in Ancient Greece that Prometheus created humans and taught them all necessary knowledge to continue their lives. The present study compares diferent beliefs regarding the source of knowledge in two diferent societies which existed in two diferent geographical regions and time periods. Additionally, it aims to reveal the ways in which both societies shaped their world views through divine knowledge. For a closer analysis of both belief systems, Mesopotamian cuneiform scripts and Ancient Greek manuscripts were used as primary sources. After each source was examined in detail, modern interpretations of these sources were also analyzed. Finally, common points in both primary sources were identifed in order to characterize the present study based on these common points.
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Higgins, Ryan S. "The Good, the God, and the Ugly: The Role of the Beloved Monster in the Ancient Near East and the Hebrew Bible." Interpretation: A Journal of Bible and Theology 74, no. 2 (April 2020): 132–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020964319896307.
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Ancient Near Eastern texts teem with horrifying and grotesque beings that pose some significant threat to the cosmos, humanity, and its institutions. Adopting Noël Carroll’s definition, such beings are monsters: interstitial not only physiologically and ontologically, but also cosmically and morally. This essay takes a comparative and literary approach to beloved monsters in Ugaritic, Mesopotamian, and Hebrew Bible texts. It suggests that in Ugarit and Mesopotamia, such monsters play a crucial role in advancing the goals of antipathic heroes while maintaining the integrity of sympathetic deities. It then considers the beloved monster in the Hebrew Bible and its interpretations. Finally, the essay makes note of the phenomenon’s transformation in contemporary speculative fiction. The essay argues that the beloved monster in Ugarit and Mesopotamia keeps together a fragmented cosmos, while in the Hebrew Bible it refracts through the facets in a prismatic God.
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Fijałkowska, Lena. "At the Dawn of Legal History: Teaching Law in Ancient Mesopotamia." Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Iuridica 99 (June 30, 2022): 51–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/0208-6069.99.04.
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The article presents an outline of legal teaching in ancient Mesopotamia, with emphasis on the available sources and the difficulties they present. Though our knowledge of this topic is still fragmentary, for several periods the scribal curriculum can be reconstructed, as well as the place of legal education therein. The innate conservatism of Mesopotamian culture notwithstanding, it turns out that the latter managed to produce surprisingly skilled and creative legal professionals.
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Foster, Benjamin R., and Susan Pollock. "Ancient Mesopotamia." American Journal of Archaeology 104, no. 2 (April 2000): 378. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/507460.
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Nicko-Stępień, Paulina. "Choroba jako wynik działania czarownicy, bóstwa, demona lub ducha na przykładzie mezopotamskich tekstów magicznych i medycznych." Saeculum Christianum 25 (April 25, 2019): 5–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/sc.2018.25.1.
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The aim of this article is to show the influence of witches, demons, ghosts, and gods on human health in Ancient Mesopotamia. Mesopotamian medicine was based on magic and considered illness to be the work of a supernatural power. Ashu and ashipu – doctors of body and soul – worked together to diagnose and help the patient. Sometimes prayers and magical rituals were necessary for a patient to get well; often, only a herbal mixture was needed. Mesopotamian magical and medical texts describe many kinds of diseases: somatic, mental, and others. Among these are: fever, headaches, leprosy, epilepsy, blindness, impotency, paralysis. This article is an effort to analyse Mesopotamian prescriptions, incantations, and medical interventions and to answer questions about the health of ancient mankind.
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Liverani, Mario. "Reconstructing the Rural Landscape of the Ancient Near East." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 39, no. 1 (1996): 1–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568520962600262.
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AbstractThe reconstruction of ancient Near Eastern history has mainly concentrated on urban (and especially palace) environments, leaving the rural landscape outside these analyses. Recent advances in archaeological and palaeobotanical fields greatly help in the recovery of the general outlines of rural exploitation in Mesopotamia and the surrounding regions; yet they cannot but miss the details of the individual exploitation units (fields and orchards), whose size and shape can be reconstructed on the basis of textual data such as cadastral texts (and other administrative recordings) and legal texts (related to the transfer of landed properties). Continuing the author's earlier work on the shape of fields in Ur III (ca. 2100-2000 B.C.), based on cadastral documents from Lagash province in lower Mesopotamia, this article examines, by way of ‘gross’ generalization and occasional exemplification, the entire history of the Mesopotamian landscape from the first administrative landscape in “late-Uruk” documents (ca. 3000 B.C.), down to the Neo-Babylonian documents of the Archaemenid period (ca. 500 B.C.).
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Altan, O. "HOW THE HUMAN NEEDS EVOLVING INTO SDGS – MIRACLE OF THE RIVERS." International Archives of the Photogrammetry, Remote Sensing and Spatial Information Sciences XLVIII-1/W2-2023 (December 13, 2023): 531–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/isprs-archives-xlviii-1-w2-2023-531-2023.
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Abstract. Over 7000 years ago, great civilizations started by settlements around the great rivers of the Near East. One of them is the Area called Mesopotamia. The region is broadly defined to include now eastern Syria, south-eastern Turkey, and Iraq. In the narrow sense, Mesopotamia is between Euphrates and Tigris rivers. The world of mathematics and astronomy owes much to the Babylonians—for instance, the sexagesimal system for the calculation of time and angles, which is still practical because of the multiple divisibility of the number 60; the Greek day of 12 "double-hours"; and the zodiac and its signs. The region was the center of a culture whose influence extended throughout the Middle East and the Indus Valley, Fare East, Egypt, and the Mediterranean.In this paper, we will describe how different cultures ate influenced by the Mesopotamian civilization and their way of Life in harmony with Nature and, later, how we had to take care of our current needs in compliance with Nature.
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Kruger, Paul Albertus. "A World Turned on its Head in ancient Near Eastern Prophetic Literature: A Powerful Strategy to Depict Chaotic Scenarios." Vetus Testamentum 62, no. 1 (2012): 58–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853311x613764.
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Abstract This contribution argues that the notion of inversion often functions as a key literary principle in the repertoire of some ancient Near Eastern (Mesopotamian and Syro-Palestinian) “prophetic” scenarios of chaos: the world of chaos is portrayed as the direct reverse of the ideal world. Selected examples from Mesopotamia (e.g. the Marduk Prophecy) and Syro-Palestine (the Balaam inscription and various passages from the Hebrew Bible) are offered to illustrate this idea.
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Miglio, Adam E. "Imagery and Analogy in Psalm 58:4-9." Vetus Testamentum 65, no. 1 (January 28, 2015): 114–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685330-12341187.
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This article treats the images and logic of Ps 58:4-9. Drawing on Stanley Tambiah’s work on “performative analogies,” it compares the images of serpents and unborn children as well as the ways in which these images are used in Ps 58 with incantations from Syro-Mesopotamia. It focuses on the similarities between Ps 58 and Syro-Mesopotamian incantatory traditions, emphasizing how the latter serves as a catalyst for understanding Ps 58 as a YHWHistic religio-magical expression.
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Peled, Ilan. "The Deviant Villain." Avar: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Life and Society in the Ancient Near East 1, no. 1 (January 28, 2022): 51–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/aijls.v1i1.1529.
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This article combines theoretical and historical approaches for studying notions of heroism and villainy in ancient Mesopotamia, as reflected in royal propaganda and rhetoric. It focuses on the different manners in which Mesopotamian kings of the second and first millennia BCE constructed the image of their rivals as villains who deviate from the standard characteristics of the heroic ruler. The theoretical framework of the article is based on heroism studies, a recently-established field within the social sciences, which studies the role of heroes and villains in human society. The article utilizes these theoretical considerations for analyzing Mesopotamian royal inscriptions where the ruler’s rivals were portrayed as villains. Seven villain-archetypes are identified and discussed, each of which contrasting one or more of the typical heroic traits of the Mesopotamian ruler. By combining sociological, psychological and philological methodologies, this article offers a new perspective on ancient Mesopotamian society and culture.
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Shelestin, Vladimir. "On the Typology of the Serpent-like Monsters Fighting Against the Hero in the Near Eastern Iconography of the 3rd — First Half 1st Millennia BC." ISTORIYA 14, no. 2 (124) (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840017716-6.
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The paper gives the typology of the serpent-like monster images in the art of Western Asia of 3rd — first half 1st millennia BC. We’ve studied 14 such images, beginning with the Early Dynastic seals and ending with the Neo-Babylonian amulet, by comparison of 10 parameters, and established four main types of similar monsters: 7-headed, 2-headed with 2 paws, 1-headed with 2 paws and 1-headed legless one. 7- and 1-headed monsters are typical for Mesopotamian tradition, whereas 2-headed for (Eastern) Anatolian one. The Mesopotamian monsters could get two forelegs thanks to the interactions between these traditions that opens new horizons for studying the cultural interaction between Asia Minor and Mesopotamia.
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Daneshmand, Parsa. "Extispicy and Consensus Decision-Making in Ancient Mesopotamia." DABIR 9, no. 1 (November 30, 2022): 67–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/29497833-00901009.
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This essay scrutinizes the relationship between the procedure of extispicy and the concept of decision-making in ancient Mesopotamian assemblies. The term ‘procedure of extispicy’ refers to consulting the gods for decisions and questions, observing organs of a sacrificial animal, recognizing and decoding omen features on the organs, and rendering a final answer. Given the explicitness of Mesopotamian texts, according to which extispicy is the outcome of the counsels of the gods in the divine assembly on a specific question, it follows that the features appearing on the sacrificial animal reflect the views of the gods. This corresponds to the characteristics of decision-making by assemblies and councils, which has been common at both the divine and human levels in Mesopotamia. This argument is reinforced by the fact that the final answer of extispicy, unlike some divinatory methods, which are based on numbers and mathematics, is determined by the largest possible percentage of binary decision-making processes (yes/no) reflecting the procedure of achieving a consensus decision through unanimity or super-majority. However, super-majority in extispicy could be affected by a veto sign, proving another parallel with the procedure of consensus decision-making.
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Kornienko, T. V. "On the Interpretation of Stelae in the Cult Complexes of Northern Mesopotamia During the Pre-Pottery Neolithic." Archaeology, Ethnology & Anthropology of Eurasia 46, no. 4 (December 23, 2018): 13–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.17746/1563-0102.2018.46.4.013-021.
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On the basis of interdisciplinary and semiotic approaches, the paper interprets the meaning of vertical stelae/pillars/ pilasters at the cult complexes of Northern Mesopotamia during the transition to the Neolithic. General trends in the content of the rituals practiced at the initial stage of sedentism are described. One of the central ideas was that of procreation/ fertility/prosperity. Monumental stelae, pillars, and pilasters of sacral complexes of that time in Upper Mesopotamia, while representing zoo-anthropomorphic divine patrons, might have another meaning, referring to the male procreative force. The shift to sedentism likely contributed to the formation of the cult of deities associated with specific locations and human groups. The ancestor cult was related to the groups’ totems, as evidenced by Northern Mesopotamian totemic beliefs typical of the hunting-gathering societies and differing from those practiced by the early farmers. Certain religious innovations, while being transformed, regularly appear in later cultures of the Ancient Near East, and are attested by both the archaeological evidence and written sources.
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Faisal Mosa Al Nawab, Ruwaida. "The art of adornment and make-up in the ancient civilizations of Mesopotamia and the old country of Yemen as a model." Al-Academy, no. 106 (December 15, 2022): 149–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.35560/jcofarts106/149-166.
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This research sheds light on those discrepancies in the use of ornaments, adornment and perfumes, as well as the art of cosmetics, in two important civilizations, namely, the Mesopotamian civilization as the earlier civilization, and the civilization of Yemen, which represents the first Arab civilization. Through the foregoing, our research includes two topics, the first topic included the history of the use of decorations, ornaments and perfumes in the civilization of Mesopotamia, while the second topic included the study of ornaments, adornment and cosmetic art in the ancient civilization of Yemen. And then the research came out with a number of conclusions that the researcher considers very important to highlight the differences and formal methods for the use of adornment, ornaments and cosmetic art between the two civilizations above, and at the end of the research included a list of sources and references adopted by the researcher, which was characterized by the richness of its information about the civilization of Mesopotamia, and said about the ancient civilization of Yemen.
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Philip, G., A. Abbu, N. Hannoun, S. Rumeidh, and B. Suleiman. "New light on North Mesopotamia in the earlier second millennium B.C.: metalwork from the Hamrin." Iraq 57 (1995): 119–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002108890000303x.
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It is typical of Mesopotamian studies that periods well supplied with documentary evidence are frequently those for which archaeological evidence is least reliable. Such is the case with the earlier part of the second millennium B.C. (Porada et al. 1992: p. 119). While the situation has improved somewhat as a result of several recent publications (Gasche 1989; Hill et al. 1989; Kepinski-Lecomte 1992), many gaps remain. The paucity of reliable data from Mesopotamia has certainly hindered attempts to understand relationships between that area and the often better documented material cultures of neighbouring regions.The present report represents an attempt to tackle one aspect of these problems by presenting a group of metal weapons of secure north Mesopotamian provenance, which can be reliably dated to the early second millennium B.C., the Old Babylonian period in particular. The material presented here is the first substantial assemblage of Mesopotamian weapons of this date to be published.
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SCHUMANN, Andrew, and Vladimir SAZONOV. "The Long Path of Nanāia from Mesopotamia to Central and South Asia." STUDIA ANTIQUA ET ARCHAEOLOGICA 27, no. 2 (2021): 279–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.47743/saa-2021-27-2-4.
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In this paper we show that the Mesopotamian goddess Nanāia had some attributes (such as ‘warrior goddess’ and ‘sitting on a tiger/lion/standing with a lion/lions’) which were preserved in her worship from the period of Ur III (the second millennium BC) in Mesopotamia up to the period of the Kuṣāṇas and Kūšānšāhs (from the 1st century AD to the late 4th century AD), and even up to the period of later Nomadic dynasties of Northern India, such as the Kidarites and Hephthalites (from the 4th century AD to the 8th century AD) in Central and South \ Asia. In later stages we detect early Hindu images of Nanāia presented as Durgā as well as early Hindu images of the divine couple Oešo and Nanāia presented as Umāmaheśvara. So, the standard Indian iconographic motif of Durgā could be traced back to the Mesopotamian goddess Nanāia.
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Jo Ann, Scurlock. "Insights from selected ancient Mesopotamian medicinal plants: an opinion piece." Journal of Plant Science and Phytopathology 7, no. 2 (June 8, 2023): 020–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.29328/journal.jpsp.1001101.
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This paper is grounded in a series of medical texts that survive from ancient Mesopotamia. It seeks to show the relevance of these texts for the modern researcher. Key findings are that the ancient Mesopotamian physician had already discovered many of the herbal treatments currently being verified by modern science. Armed with what these ancient texts tell us, we are in a position to offer advice on ways to ensure the most effective use of and avoid the dangers presented by selected medicinal plants.
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Rost, Stephanie, Abdulamir Hamdani, and Steven George. "Traditional Dam Construction in Modern Iraq: A Possible Analogy for Ancient Mesopotamian Irrigation Practices." Iraq 73 (2011): 201–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900000164.
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Lack of archaeological and comparative ethnographic data has limited our ability to interpret textual information that refers to ancient Mesopotamian irrigation works. This paper presents ethnographic data from modern Iraq regarding the construction, use and maintenance of a traditional irrigation system. Because traditional construction methods make use of organic materials similar to those available in the past, the data presented in this paper are considered to provide a set of analogies that can assist the interpretation of textual evidence and hence lead to a better understanding of irrigation practices in ancient Mesopotamia.
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Schumann, Andrew, and Vladimir Sazonov. "Mesopotaamia jumalanna Nanāia mõjudest Kesk- ja Lõuna-Aasias." Mäetagused 85 (April 2023): 121–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.7592/mt2023.85.schumann_sazonov.
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In this paper we have traced some basic attributes belonging to the Mesopotamian goddess Nanāia, from their origin in the period of Ur III (2112–2004 BC) in ancient Mesopotamia up to the period of the Kuṣāṇas and Kūšānšāhs (from the 1st century AD to the late 4th century AD) in Central and South Asia, and up to the period of their successors – the Kidarites and Hephthalites. We have shown that there was a smooth transformation of these attributes of Nanāia to the standard Indian iconographic motif of Durgā.
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Powell, Marvin. "Money in Mesopotamia." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 39, no. 3 (1996): 224–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568520962601225.
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AbstractAlthough contemporary preconceptions about what money is or is not sometimes evoke doubt about the existence of money in ancient Mesopotamia, it seems clear that it did exist. Money was substance oriented, and coins, when they finally appear are weighed like any other valuable metal. The most common money substances were barley as cheap money and silver as the more expensive, but other substances were also used. As to the forms or shapes in which money circulated, a number of words in the ancient languages can be identified that probably refer to these forms, but their specific appearance remains, in most cases, unknown.
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MEINERTZHAGEN, R. "Notes from Mesopotamia." Ibis 56, no. 3 (April 3, 2008): 387–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1474-919x.1914.tb04077.x.
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Lawler, A. "Dealing With Mesopotamia." Science 316, no. 5833 (June 7, 2007): 1827b. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.316.5833.1827b.
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Parker, Ned. "Machiavelli in Mesopotamia." World Policy Journal 26, no. 1 (2009): 17–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/wopj.2009.26.1.17.
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Peer, René van. "Munir Bashir: Mesopotamia." Cahiers de musiques traditionnelles 17 (2004): 383. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40240542.
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Cobb, Peter J., and Juuso H. Nieminen. "Immersing in Mesopotamia." Near Eastern Archaeology 86, no. 3 (September 1, 2023): 240–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/725775.
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Cihad, Sara, Emad Al-Heety, and Wathiq Abdulnaby. "Relocation and Magnitude for Earthquakes in the Outer Arabian Platform of Iraq." Iraqi Geological Journal 56, no. 1B (February 28, 2023): 198–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.46717/igj.56.1b.15ms-2023-2-23.
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In this study, a large seismological dataset from the Mesopotamian Network (MP) and the Iranian Seismological Center (IRSC) was analyzed to relocate earthquakes with magnitude Mw ≥ 4 for the period between August 2014 and April 2021 that occurred in the Outer Arabian Platform of Iraq. The Computer Programs in Seismology (CPS) wrer used for this purpose. The iterative method was applied to relocate earthquakes. The magnitude of these earthquakes was also calculated using MbLG. The results of relocating 222 earthquakes are presented in this study. The results show that using seismic stations from the Mesopotamian Network and the Iranian Seismological Center enhance the earthquake locations due to the good geographical distribution of stations and closer epicentral distances. In addition, using the proper velocity model is important, especially for earthquakes located in the Mesopotamia Plain.
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Kurtik, Gennadij, and Alexander Militarev. "Once more on the origin of Semetic and Greek star names: an astromonic-etymological approach updated." Culture and Cosmos 09, no. 01 (June 2005): 3–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.46472/cc.0109.0203.
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The contribution is a new version of the paper "From Mesopotamia to Greece: to the Origin of Semitic and Greek Star Names" once written by a Sumerologist (L.Bobrova) and etymologist (A. Militarev), and recently revised, updated and corrected in most part by a historian of the Mesopotamian astronomy (G. Kurtik). The present paper analyzes Sumerian and Akkadian (Babylonian) names of 34 celestial bodies, and their equivalents in other Semitic languages (Arabic, Hebrew, Syrian Aramaic, and Ge`ez, or ancient Ethiopian) and in Greek and Latin. Its main goal is to demonstrate the importance of Sumerian and Babylonian celestial body names as a source of corresponding terms in other cultures, up to the conventional inventory of modern astronomy, and to reveal four strategies by which other cultures drew ideas for name-giving from the treasury of Mesopotamia's lexicon of celestial bodies. Whereas one of these strategies -- echoing, or full translation, of a Sumero-Akkadian term -- is axiomatic, the other three -- shift of meaning or interpretation of a Sumero-Akkadian term; lexical, or "material" borrowing; and, especially, folk etymology, or misinterpretation -- are understudied and practically unnoticed. The authors do not focus on such complicated matters as a historical background of Mesopotamian influence, direct or indirect, on Greek culture; a direction and routes of inter-borrowing between different speaking areas other than Akkadian and their contacts with the Greek world; a chronology of all kinds of cultural contacts and influences; probable connections between the early pre-Islamic Arabic and Babylonian traditions; or the problem of identification of Mesopotamian constellation and stars. However, the data presented may give a certain impulse to further investigation of these matters, while feasible etymologies and relations established between names can even throw some light upon debatable identification cases.