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Journal articles on the topic 'Mesopotamian politics'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 12 February 2022

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1

SEHGAL, MANU, and SAMIKSHA SEHRAWAT. "Scandal in Mesopotamia: Press, empire, and India during the First World War." Modern Asian Studies 54, no. 5 (2019): 1395–445. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x18000215.

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AbstractBy providing the first comprehensive account of the role of the British and Indian press in war propaganda, this article makes an intervention in the global history of the First World War. The positive propaganda early in the war, intertwined with a rhetoric of loyalism, contrasted with how the conservative British press affixed blame for military defeats in Mesopotamia upon the colonial regime's failure to effectively mobilize India's resources. Using a highly emotive and enduring trope of the ‘Mesopotamia muddle’, the Northcliffe press was successful in channelling a high degree of p

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2

Stone, Elizabeth C. "The Ur III-Old Babylonian transition: An archaeological perspective." Iraq 64 (2002): 79–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900003661.

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Mesopotamian history tends to be phrased in terms of stages: Early Dynastic city-states replaced by imperial Akkad, bureaucratic Ur III replaced by the more individualistic Isin-Larsa and Old Babylonian periods thanks to the influence of the Amorites, etc. Lost in this process is a sense of the longue durée of Mesopotamian civilization, the basic and largely unchanging aspects of its society, economy and politics. In this paper I will explore one of these transitions, that between Ur III and Isin-Larsa/Old Babylonian times, by examining the nexus between the cuneiform and archaeological record

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Valk, Jonathan. "“They Enjoy Syrup and Ghee at Tables of Silver and Gold”: Infant Loss in Ancient Mesopotamia." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 59, no. 5 (2016): 695–749. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685209-12341412.

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The present study draws on interdisciplinary research to establish an interpretative framework for an analysis of the material and textual evidence concerning infant loss in ancient Mesopotamia (c. 3000-500 bce). This approach rejects the notion that high infant mortality rates result in widespread parental indifference to infant loss, arguing instead that underlying biological and transcultural realities inform human responses to this phenomenon. With this conclusion in mind, a review of ancient Mesopotamian archaeological evidence reveals patterns of differential infant burial; while the int

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Manan, Nuraini A. "MESOPOTAMIA DAN MESIR KUNO: Awal Peradaban Dunia." Jurnal Adabiya 22, no. 1 (2020): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.22373/adabiya.v22i1.7452.

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The existence of civilization cannot be separated from the existence of human beings. Mesopotamia and Ancient Egypt were the centers of the oldest civilization in the world. Both Mesopotamia and Ancient Egypt had typical characteristics. Mesopotamian civilization was more non-physical compared to Egypt. Sciences were emphasized more in Mesopotamia, while Egypt emphasized religious aspects. Political systems in both areas were almost the same, that is, absolutism and considered the king as god. Mesopotamia was more humanist than Egypt. The effectiveness of both civilizations was determined much

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Nongbri, Brent. "Dislodging "Embedded" Religion: A Brief Note on a Scholarly Trope." Numen 55, no. 4 (2008): 440–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852708x310527.

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AbstractScholars of ancient cultures are increasingly speaking of the "embeddedness" of ancient religion — arguing that the practices modern investigators group under the heading of "religion" did not compose a well-defined category in antiquity; instead, they claim that "religion was embedded" in other aspects of ancient culture. These writers use this notion of "embeddedness" to help us see that categories post-Enlightenment thinkers often regard as distinct (such as politics, economics, and religion) largely overlapped in antiquity. The trope of "embedded religion" can, however, also produc

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6

Bokhari, Kamran Asghar. "Challenges to Democracy in the Middle East." American Journal of Islam and Society 19, no. 1 (2002): 124–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v19i1.1958.

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Many scholars have attempted to tackle the question of why democracy has seemingly failed to take root in the Islamic milieu, in general, and the pre dominantlyArab Middle East, in particular, while the rest of the world has witnessed the fall of"pax-authoritaria" especially in the wake of the demercratic revolution triggered by the failure of communism. Some view this resistance to the Third Wave, as being rooted in the Islamic cultural dynamics of the region, whereas others will ascribe it to the level of political development (or the lack thereof). An anthology of essays, Challenges to Demo

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Liverani, Mario. "Reconstructing the Rural Landscape of the Ancient Near East." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 39, no. 1 (1996): 1–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568520962600262.

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AbstractThe reconstruction of ancient Near Eastern history has mainly concentrated on urban (and especially palace) environments, leaving the rural landscape outside these analyses. Recent advances in archaeological and palaeobotanical fields greatly help in the recovery of the general outlines of rural exploitation in Mesopotamia and the surrounding regions; yet they cannot but miss the details of the individual exploitation units (fields and orchards), whose size and shape can be reconstructed on the basis of textual data such as cadastral texts (and other administrative recordings) and lega

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8

Dolce, Rita. "The “head of the enemy” in the sculptures from the palaces of Nineveh: An example of “cultural migration”?" Iraq 66 (2004): 121–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900001716.

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The choice of this subject originates from the fact that the area of research to which I have been devoting myself recently includes the figurative cultures of Mesopotamia and Syria in the Early Dynastic and the Early Syrian periods, specifically in the field of war. Some of the data resulting from this research focus on the representation of the “head of the enemy”, which appears repeatedly in the documentation of the second millennium BC in Syria but so far seems to be absent in contemporary Mesopotamia. Despite the evident difference between the forms of representation from these two areas,

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9

Garrison, Mark B. "Politics, Religion, and Cylinder Seals: A Study of Mesopotamian Symbolism in the Second Millennium B.C. By Jeanne Nijhowne. BAR International Series 772. Oxford: British Archaeological Reports, 1999. Pp. vi + 126. £37." Journal of Near Eastern Studies 62, no. 4 (2003): 306–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/380369.

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10

Yoffee, Norman. "T. PATRICK CULBERT: An appreciation." Ancient Mesoamerica 14, no. 1 (2003): 49–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536103132075.

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Pat Culbert's scholarship and teaching are marked by both an insistence on rigorous attention to data and a gentleness and humaneness in which scholarly inquiry should flourish. I discuss in this paper one aspect of his research—the size and degree of political integration of Maya polities—by means of a comparison with Mesopotamian examples.

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Schwemer, Daniel. "Ritual and Politics in Ancient Mesopotamia." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions 7, no. 1 (2007): 109–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156921207781375169.

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12

Richardson, Seth. "Mesopotamian Political History: The Perversities." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern History 1, no. 1 (2014): 61–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/janeh-2013-0005.

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AbstractThis essay outlines approaches and problems in writing ancient Mesopotamian political history. A brief review of Assyriological studies is contrasted to political history generally. What follows are six points of theory which present problems and opportunities for moving these studies forward, based on a refocus away from the state; the strategic use of ambiguity by political entities; the role of social forgetting; the productive use of absences of evidence; a renewed effort at period history; and an appraisal of environmental explanations of historical change.

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13

Ristvet, Lauren. "Travel and the Making of North Mesopotamian Polities." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 361 (February 2011): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5615/bullamerschoorie.361.0001.

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14

Al Faruqi, Ismail, and Lamya’ Al Faruqi. "The Cultural Atlas of Islam." American Journal of Islam and Society 3, no. 1 (1986): 169–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v3i1.2768.

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This magnifrcent book, published by Macmillan a month after the Faruqis’deaths, presents the entire world view of Islam-its beliefs, traditions, institutions,and its place in the cultures in which it has taken mot. THE CULTURALATLAS OF ISLAM is not only a comprehensive introduction to the Islamicexperience in history and the modern world. It is an authoritative and deeplyfelt statement of the faith of Islam, written for those of all faiths. Isma‘il andLois Lamya’ al Faruqi’s book is, in fact, Islam explaining itself.Rich with more than 300 photographs, drawings, and other illustrations,and wit

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15

SAMUR, HAKAN. "The Mesopotamian Euro-Region." Politics & Policy 38, no. 2 (2010): 307–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2010.00239.x.

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16

Parker, Ned. "Machiavelli in Mesopotamia." World Policy Journal 26, no. 1 (2009): 17–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/wopj.2009.26.1.17.

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17

Fuente del Pilar, José Javier. "Pedro Teixeira y su viaje por Mesopotamia." Arbor CLXXX, no. 711/712 (2005): 627–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/arbor.2005.i711/712.463.

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18

Powell, Marvin. "Money in Mesopotamia." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 39, no. 3 (1996): 224–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568520962601225.

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AbstractAlthough contemporary preconceptions about what money is or is not sometimes evoke doubt about the existence of money in ancient Mesopotamia, it seems clear that it did exist. Money was substance oriented, and coins, when they finally appear are weighed like any other valuable metal. The most common money substances were barley as cheap money and silver as the more expensive, but other substances were also used. As to the forms or shapes in which money circulated, a number of words in the ancient languages can be identified that probably refer to these forms, but their specific appeara

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19

Syk, Andrew. "THE 1917 MESOPOTAMIA COMMISSION." RUSI Journal 154, no. 4 (2009): 94–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071840903216544.

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20

Hudson, Michael. "Mesopotamia and Classical Antiquity." American Journal of Economics and Sociology 59, no. 5 (2000): 3–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1536-7150.00083.

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21

Malul, Meir. "The Mesopotamian paranymph and his role." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 32, no. 1 (1989): 241–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852089x00097.

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22

Veenhof, K. R. "Ancient Mesopotamia and Jesho." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 36, no. 2 (1993): 120–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852093x00119.

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23

Harris, Rivkah. "The Conflict of Generations in Ancient Mesopotamian Myths." Comparative Studies in Society and History 34, no. 4 (1992): 621–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500018016.

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Recent years have brought a proliferation of studies on the family on such topics as household composition, marriage patterns, childbearing practices, and life-cycle transitions. Scholars in ancient near eastern studies have contributed mainly to the legal and economic aspects of family history. Frequently the work done has centered on philological questions. The cuneiform data on the Mesopotamian family, accidental and all too often limited, is spread over a period of some three thousand years. Nevertheless it is time to broaden the focus despite the inherent problems. In this essay, I treat

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24

Kadhim, M. M. Najat Khair Allah. "The Assyrian Emperor ShalmaneserIII (858-824 BC), his biography and achievements." ALUSTATH JOURNAL FOR HUMAN AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 224, no. 2 (2018): 301–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.36473/ujhss.v224i2.282.

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In the previous researchs, in which we studied an important figure in the history of Mesopotamia, the king's character, the Assyrian king led the Assyrian empire in a period known as the modern Assyrian period in the first section, This king took control of the purposes of the neighboring countries and annexed them to the limits of his power and give them to governors who are subject to his orders and that the policy goals and great achievements focused on the empire in various aspects of economic, political, social. It also contributed to the spread of Mesopotamia in those countries where eff

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25

Paulette, Tate. "Inebriation and the early state: Beer and the politics of affect in Mesopotamia." Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 63 (September 2021): 101330. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jaa.2021.101330.

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26

Richardson, Seth. "Obedient Bellies: Hunger and Food Security in Ancient Mesopotamia." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 59, no. 5 (2016): 750–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685209-12341413.

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This essay argues that a broad survey of the evidence for hunger in ancient Mesopotamia shows that, while it was relatively rare in fact (if familiar enough in theory), the political management of hunger by early states points to its use in simulating their positions, in rhetoric and ideology, as providers of security and political membership as a rational economic choice. In fact, the social marginalization and moral pejorativization of the hungry points to these protections as “security theater” rather than security in fact.

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27

Malul, Meir. "Susapinnu: The Mesopotamian Paranymph and His Role." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 32, no. 3 (1989): 241. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3631998.

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28

Reviv, Hanoch. "Kidinnu Observations on Privileges of Mesopotamian Cities." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 31, no. 3 (1988): 286. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3632010.

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29

Reviv, Hanoch. "Kidinnu: Observations On Privileges of Mesopotamian Cities." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 31, no. 3 (1988): 286–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852088x00133.

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30

Gorelick, Leonard, and A. John Gwinnett. "Minoan versus Mesopotamian Seals: Comparative methods of Manufacture." Iraq 54 (1992): 57–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900002485.

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In a previous article we reported a study of Ancient Mesopotamian cylinder seals. The purpose was to provide insights, based on experimental evidence for the change from stone to metal drills in seal manufacture. These findings were correlated to earlier research in which the proportion of medium and hard stone seals (Mohs 5–7) e.g. hematite, quartz, etc. to those of soft stones (Mohs 1–3) e.g. steatite, marble, etc. was documented. The time span encompassed the beginning of cylinder seal history at Uruk (4% medium and hard stone seals) at the end of the 4th millennium B.C. through the Sasania

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31

Strakes, Jason. "Current Political Complexities of the Iraqi Turkmen." Iran and the Caucasus 13, no. 2 (2009): 365–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338410x12625876281505.

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AbstractThe Turkmen population of Iraq is a significant factor in linking the greater Caucasus region to Northern Mesopotamia. However, in the post-Saddam Hussein era, much conventional discourse has identified them as a politically and culturally marginalised group in relation to the Arab and Kurdish majorities. This study presents an alternative assessment of the Turkmen situation based on a survey of changes in the Iraqi political context over the past decade. This is applied in order to determine the precedents for Turkmen democratic activity in northern Iraq, as well as impediments to acc

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Kraus, Nicholas. "The Weapon of Blood: Politics and Intrigue at the Decline of Akkad." Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und vorderasiatische Archäologie 108, no. 1 (2018): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/za-2018-0001.

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Abstract By the end of the reign of Šar-kali-šarrī, the hegemony that Akkad held over southern Mesopotamia was weakening. The governors of Sumer began to assert their independence and break free from Akkad’s control, and the Gutium presence posed a significant threat to Akkad’s power. The present article includes a copy, edition, and commentary of an unpublished Sargonic letter, specifically concerned with the political machinations occurring during this period of upheaval in the Late Akkadian period. Of particular interest are references to the governors of Umma and Adab, the ensi-ship of Gut

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33

Popplewell, Richard. "British intelligence in Mesopotamia 1914–16." Intelligence and National Security 5, no. 2 (1990): 139–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02684529008432050.

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34

Ulrichsen, Kristian Coates. "The British occupation of Mesopotamia, 1914–1922." Journal of Strategic Studies 30, no. 2 (2007): 349–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402390701248780.

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35

Helle, Sophus. "The Return of Mess O’Potamia: Time, Space, and Politics in Modern Uses of Ancient Mesopotamia." Postcolonial Studies 19, no. 3 (2016): 305–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13688790.2016.1264250.

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36

Dale, Gareth. "‘Marketless Trading in Hammurabi’s Time’: A Re-appraisal." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 56, no. 2 (2013): 159–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685209-12341299.

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Abstract In this article I revisit Karl Polanyi’s writings on ancient Mesopotamia. I begin by situating them in the context of his general approach to trade, markets and money in the ancient world. Next, I reconstruct his major theses on Mesopotamia, drawing upon his published works as well as unpublished documents in the Karl Polanyi and Michael Polanyi archives. Finally, I provide a critical assessment of the merits and demerits of his contribution, with reference to Assyriological research published in the decades that have elapsed since his death in 1964.

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37

Monroe, Burt L., and Philip A. Schrodt. "Introduction to the Special Issue: The Statistical Analysis of Political Text." Political Analysis 16, no. 4 (2008): 351–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/mpn017.

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Text is arguably the most pervasive—and certainly the most persistent—artifact of political behavior. Extensive collections of texts with clearly recognizable political—as distinct from religious—content go back as far as 2500 BCE in the case of Mesopotamia and 1300 BCE for China, and 2400-year-old political discussions dating back to the likes of Plato, Aristotle, and Thucydides are common fare even in the introductory study of political thought. Political tracts were among the earliest productions following the introduction of low-cost printing in Europe—fueling more than a few revolutions a

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38

Morales, Helen. "Marrying Mesopotamia: Female Sexuality and Cultural Resistance in Iamblichus' Babylonian Tales." Ramus 35, no. 1 (2006): 78–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x0000093x.

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Iamblichus'Babylonian Tales, whose extravagant adventures of female homoeroticism, extreme violence and mistaken identity sit uneasily alongside those told in the so-called ‘ideal’ Greek novels, is a work largely ignored by scholars of the ancient novel, or relegated to discussions of ‘fringe literature’ We are not helped by the fact that the novel survives only in fragments and through the critical summary by the Byzantine scholar Photius, in his collection of epitomes calledBibliotheca. This article attempts a fresh analysis ofBabylonian Tales, taking as its starting point the sexual relatio

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Debié, Muriel. "Syriac Historiography and Identity Formation." Church History and Religious Culture 89, no. 1 (2009): 93–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187124109x408014.

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AbstractHistoriographical texts are here read as literary compositions of their time, providing us with various elements of the process of identity construction or reconstruction. The first West Syrian historical texts were produced in the sixth century, when the history of what would become the Syrian Orthodox Church began. An examination of contemporary sources and myths of origins shows that the ethnic origins of the Abgarid dynasty played no part in Syrian 'ethnogenesis', but that there existed a notion of Syro-Mesopotamian origins, closely related to a supposed homeland, that of Aram. An

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40

Hamilton, Caleb R. "Experiencing Power, Generating Authority: Cosmos, Politics, and the Ideology of Kingship in Ancient Egypt and Mesopotamia." History: Reviews of New Books 43, no. 3 (2015): 105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2015.1032052.

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41

Simpson, St J. "Christians at Nineveh in Late Antiquity." Iraq 67, no. 1 (2005): 285–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002108890000139x.

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The mound of Kuyunjik contains the longest known archaeological sequence of occupation in Mesopotamia, spanning all periods from the sixth millennium BC until at least the thirteenth century AD. The prehistoric periods have been comprehensively studied by Gut (1995, 2002) and the general sequence of excavation, occupation and principal architectural finds reviewed by Reade (2000), yet despite a few exceptions (Curtis 1976, 1995; Reade 1998, 1999, 2001; Simpson 1996), the pottery and other finds from the Seleucid period onwards have thus far attracted surprisingly little study. For these period

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Gottwald, Norman K., and Dale Launderville. "Piety and Politics: The Dynamics of Royal Authority in Homeric Greece, Biblical Israel, and Old Babylonian Mesopotamia." Journal of Biblical Literature 123, no. 3 (2004): 540. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3268049.

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Seri, Andrea, and Dale Launderville. "Piety and Politics: The Dynamics of Royal Authority in Homeric Greece, Biblical Israel, and Old Babylonian Mesopotamia." Journal of the American Oriental Society 124, no. 1 (2004): 134. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4132171.

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Nielson, Lisa. "GENDER AND THE POLITICS OF MUSIC IN THE EARLY ISLAMIC COURTS." Early Music History 31 (2012): 235–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261127912000010.

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Until the ninth century, the role of the professional musician in pre-Islamic Arabia and Mesopotamia was primarily fulfilled by women. Men were socially prohibited from working as musicians, though some transgressed gender and social boundaries by adopting feminine dress and playing ‘women's’ instruments. With the advent of Islam, patronage of qiyān (singing girls), mukhannathūn (effeminates) and later, male musicians, did not substantially change. During the early Abbasid era (750–950 ce), however, their collective visibility in court entertainments was among several factors leading to debate

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Crowley, P. T. "Operational Lessons of the Mesopotamia Campaign, 1914–18." Defence Studies 4, no. 3 (2004): 335–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1470243042000344795.

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Foster, Benjamin R. "Recent Studies of the Role of Writing in Mesopotamian Civilization*." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 56, no. 3 (2013): 494–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685209-12341316.

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47

Ristvet, Lauren. "Legal and archaeological territories of the second millennium BC in northern Mesopotamia." Antiquity 82, no. 317 (2008): 585–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00097246.

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Defining territories and settlement hierarchies is a primary goal of archaeological survey, involving the mapping of different-sized settlements on the ground. However it may not always work, owing to the particular land use or political strategies anciently employed. With the aid of cuneiform documents from Tell Leilan, Syria, the author shows how the settlements found by archaeological survey in northern Mesopotamia actually relate to a number of intersecting authorities, with a hold on major tracts of pasture as well as on arable land and cities. These insights from the Near East have impor

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48

Crawford, Harriet. "Mesopotamia and the Gulf: The history of a relationship." Iraq 67, no. 2 (2005): 41–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900001339.

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The economic relationship between Mesopotamia and the Gulf is a long one which spans millennia, rather than just a few centuries, and which took many forms. Indeed, it can be suggested that the changing nature of this relationship reflects the economic and social changes taking place in southern Iraq and of the related changes in Dilmun. There was an increasing demand by Mesopotamia for both raw materials and exotica from the sixth millennium, when we have the earliest evidence for a relationship, until the annexation of Dilmun by the Kassites in the mid-second millennium. This increasing dema

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49

West, M. "Review: Piety and Politics: The Dynamics of Royal Authority in Homeric Greece, Biblical Israel, and Old Babylonian Mesopotamia." Journal of Semitic Studies 50, no. 2 (2005): 361–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jss/fgi045.

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Pozzer, Katia Maria Paim. "WORTH 5 SILVER SHEKELS: SLAVERY IN MESOPOTAMIAN'S PRIVATE ARCHIVES." Heródoto: Revista do Grupo de Estudos e Pesquisas sobre a Antiguidade Clássica e suas Conexões Afro-asiáticas 1, no. 1 (2016): 149–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.31669/herodoto.v1i1.30.

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We propose a reflection about the theme of slavery, from the study of the archives of an important businessman in the city of Larsa, in the south Mesopotamian, named Ubar-Šamaš, during the reign of King Rîm-Sîn (1822-1763 BCE). This merchant exercised relevant economic activities, such as buying and selling land in urban and rural areas, silver loans and slave trade. In paleobabylonian society, slave labor did not occupy an important role in the economy, and the conditions of the trade of servantswere directly linked to political conditions, such as war and its economic and social consequences

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