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Journal articles on the topic 'Mesopotamian'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 25 July 2025

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1

Ahmad, Khalil. "GEOGRAPHIC, HISTORIC, POLITICAL, RIPARIAN, AND SOCIO-ECONOMIC FACTORS THAT LEAD TO PAKISTAN AS A LAND OF PENTA MESOPOTAMIA." Pakistan Journal of Social Research 04, no. 01 (2022): 330–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.52567/pjsr.v4i1.656.

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The research aims to investigate Pakistan’s geographic, historic, political, riparian, and socio-economic factors that lead to Pakistan as a Land of Penta Mesopotamia. Pakistan is situated in South Asia along the coast of Arabian Sea, bordering Afghanistan in west, China in north, Iran in southwest, Arabian Sea in South and Hindustan (India) lies in the east. Historically, the land of Pakistan has been the host of Neolithic period’s South Asian multi Indus valley civilization (IVC) that includes Gandhara, Harappan, Mehrgarh, Mohenjo-Daro, Takht-i-Bahi and Texila civilizations that emerged duri

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Aydoğan, İnan. "Guillermo Algaze'nin Uruk Dünya Sistemine Dair Çalışmalarına Eleştirel Bir Bakış." Septem Artes 3, no. 1 (2025): 86–105. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.15470874.

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The 4th millennium BC marks the Uruk Period in the southern Mesopotamian chronology and aligns with the Late Chalcolithic 2 to 5 phases in the northern Mesopotamian context. During the Late Chalcolithic Period, settlements in both Southern and Northern Mesopotamia developed complex socio-economic structures of varying scales and characteristics, often centred around temples or monumental buildings that arose in response to ecological and social demands. Archaeological research in these regions indicates that the system embodied by these structures played a central role in shaping daily life an

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Peled, Ilan. "The Deviant Villain." Avar: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Life and Society in the Ancient Near East 1, no. 1 (2022): 51–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/aijls.v1i1.1529.

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This article combines theoretical and historical approaches for studying notions of heroism and villainy in ancient Mesopotamia, as reflected in royal propaganda and rhetoric. It focuses on the different manners in which Mesopotamian kings of the second and first millennia BCE constructed the image of their rivals as villains who deviate from the standard characteristics of the heroic ruler. The theoretical framework of the article is based on heroism studies, a recently-established field within the social sciences, which studies the role of heroes and villains in human society. The article ut

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Valk, Jonathan. "“They Enjoy Syrup and Ghee at Tables of Silver and Gold”: Infant Loss in Ancient Mesopotamia." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 59, no. 5 (2016): 695–749. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685209-12341412.

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The present study draws on interdisciplinary research to establish an interpretative framework for an analysis of the material and textual evidence concerning infant loss in ancient Mesopotamia (c. 3000-500 bce). This approach rejects the notion that high infant mortality rates result in widespread parental indifference to infant loss, arguing instead that underlying biological and transcultural realities inform human responses to this phenomenon. With this conclusion in mind, a review of ancient Mesopotamian archaeological evidence reveals patterns of differential infant burial; while the int

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Blackham, Mark. "Further investigations as to the relationship of Samarran and Ubaid ceramic assemblages." Iraq 58 (1996): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900003144.

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The Samarran ceramic assemblage of the Mesopotamian region has long remained an enigma. With the exception of the work of Braidwood et al. and Oates, the nature of the relationship between Samarran and other contemporary Mesopotamian and Iranian styles has not been systematically explored. This paper begins by challenging contemporary perceptions of the Samarran “culture” and continues by investigating the relationship of Samarran wares to those of the Hassuna and Ubaid traditions. Comparisons among these assemblages are made by means of recent miner-alogical data from the site of Tell 'Oueili

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Nicko-Stępień, Paulina. "Choroba jako wynik działania czarownicy, bóstwa, demona lub ducha na przykładzie mezopotamskich tekstów magicznych i medycznych." Saeculum Christianum 25 (April 25, 2019): 5–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/sc.2018.25.1.

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The aim of this article is to show the influence of witches, demons, ghosts, and gods on human health in Ancient Mesopotamia. Mesopotamian medicine was based on magic and considered illness to be the work of a supernatural power. Ashu and ashipu – doctors of body and soul – worked together to diagnose and help the patient. Sometimes prayers and magical rituals were necessary for a patient to get well; often, only a herbal mixture was needed. Mesopotamian magical and medical texts describe many kinds of diseases: somatic, mental, and others. Among these are: fever, headaches, leprosy, epilepsy,

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Voytenko, Anton. "Why Did the Christology of the Syrians Split in Two? Historical and Cultural View (in Order to Discussion)." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 4 (2023): 222. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080024711-9.

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The author of the article comes to the conclusion that the schism in the Syrian Orient was due to different cultural and historical parameters in two areas of the region: Syria (ash-Shām) and Upper Mesopotamia. The genesis of the Dyophysite Christology (as theologia prima) took place in the areas of Upper Mesopotamia. The initial development of theology in Antioch coincided with its development in Alexandria, which, based on Platonic paradigms, moved towards Miaphysite Christological models. In the development of the Antiochian school there is a gap associated with the penetration of the Mesop

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Brown, David. "The Cuneiform Conception of Celestial Space and Time." Cambridge Archaeological Journal 10, no. 1 (2000): 103–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959774300000044.

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The significance to the modern world of Mesopotamian celestial divination and astronomy cannot be overstated. The names and the ‘ominous’ values assigned to the heavenly bodies by the Mesopotamians underlie Western astrology, and have also influenced Indian astrology. Many of the key features in the astronomy of Hipparchus and Ptolemy, which later passed into the astronomy of the medieval world, were borrowed from the astronomers of Babylon and Uruk. The zodiac, the Metonic cycle, horoscopy, and a variety of astrological techniques are all first attested in Mesopotamia. The same goes for units

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Delnero, Paul. "Scholarship and Inquiry in Early Mesopotamia." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern History 2, no. 2 (2016): 109–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/janeh-2016-0008.

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AbstractThousands of texts documenting the activities of scribes and scholars that shed light on the social context of scholarship and scientific inquiry survive from the first half of Mesopotamian history (c. 3400 bc to c. 1600 bc). Since these texts provide ample evidence that scholarship occupied a central place in Mesopotamian culture and society during the period in question, examining their content is essential to reconstructing what can be known about scientific knowledge and practice in the ancient world. In this chapter some of this evidence will be considered in order to present a mo

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Al-Yasiri, Farah Shaker. "The Architecture of Protoliterate Period." Journal of Lifestyle and SDGs Review 5, no. 3 (2025): e05190. https://doi.org/10.47172/2965-730x.sdgsreview.v5.n03.pe05190.

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Objectives: Mesopotamian architecture was characterized by important elements created by ancient builders in response to the region’s nature, the layout and formations of buildings, and the types of structural materials used in construction. Methods: The achievements of the ancient Iraqis in architecture were numerous, and their ability to innovate architectural elements was evident from early times. These innovations were identified through archaeological excavations, revealing their advanced construction techniques. Results: One of the most striking features of Mesopotamian architecture was

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Aqrawi, A. A. M. "Palygorskite in the recent fluvio-lacustrine and deltaic sediments of southern Mesopotamia." Clay Minerals 28, no. 1 (1993): 153–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1180/claymin.1993.028.1.15.

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Palygorskite has been widely reported as a clay phase in the Recent sediments of the northern Arabian Gulf (e.g. Aqrawi & Sadooni, 1988). It is usually thought to have originated from the sediments and soils of the Mesopotamian flood plains introduced by northwesterly (Shamal) winds (e.g. A1-Bakri et al., 1984). A1-Rawi et al. (1969) and Eswaran & Barzanji (1974) have detected palygorskite within Mesopotamian soils. This paper describes the occurrence of palygorskite in the Recent sediments of southern Mesopotamia and its possible origins will be discussed.

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Kesecker, Nshan Thomas. "Lugalzagesi: the first emperor of Mesopotamia?" ARAMAZD: Armenian Journal of Near Eastern Studies 12, no. 1 (2018): 76–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.32028/ajnes.v12i1.893.

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In the middle of the 24th century BC, Sargon of Akkad defeated King Lugalzagesi of Uruk (c. 2350) and established Sargonic rule over Mesopotamia. His successors, Rimush, Manishtusu and Naramsin would expand and consolidate Sargon’s gains, until the crumbling of the state under Sharkalisharri. The deeds of the Sargonic Dynasty were acknowledged to the point that Sargon and Naramsin were immortalised in the historical literary tradition of Mesopotamia (and Anatolia) for millennia. However, several questions regarding the political history of Early Dynastic (c. 2900-2350) and Sargonic (c. 2350-22

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Yıldırım, Ercüment. "A Comparative Approach to the Oannes Narrative in Mesopotamia and the Prometheus Myth in the Ancient Greek World." Belleten 86, no. 305 (2022): 39–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.2022.039.

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The belief systems in Mesopotamia and Ancient Greece were based on the idea that knowledge was transferred from gods to humans. The common belief regarding the source of knowledge in both societies was somehow diferent. While Mesopotamian societies believed that knowledge was transferred from gods to humans through a being called Oannes, Ancient Greek society believed that Prometheus stole fre, which was the frst knowledge, from Zeus. As written in cuneiform scripts, coming ashore as a half-fsh and half-man creature, Oannes was thought to teach Mesopotamians various skills, ranging from buildi

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Frahm, Eckart. "The Perils of Omnisignificance: Language and Reason in Mesopotamian Hermeneutics." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern History 5, no. 1-2 (2018): 107–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/janeh-2018-0008.

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AbstractThe article discusses the Mesopotamian commentary corpus, assesses its intellectual underpinnings, explores its place within Mesopotamia’s scholarly tradition, and addresses the question of whether Mesopotamian hermeneutics should be considered a “philosophical” pursuit. It is argued that the cuneiform commentaries are characterized, on one hand, by certain limitations and, on the other, by an overabundance of interpretational opportunities, and that the answer should therefore be negative; but it is admitted that, depending on what one considers the defining features of philosophy, ot

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Veldhuis, Niek. "Intellectual History and Assyriology." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern History 1, no. 1 (2014): 21–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/janeh-2013-0006.

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AbstractThe present article proposes to understand knowledge and knowledge traditions of ancient Mesopotamia as assets, deployed by actors in the social contexts in which they found themselves. This approach is illustrated with three examples from different periods of Mesopotamian history.

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Kurtik, Gennadij, and Alexander Militarev. "Once more on the origin of Semetic and Greek star names: an astromonic-etymological approach updated." Culture and Cosmos 09, no. 01 (2005): 3–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.46472/cc.0109.0203.

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The contribution is a new version of the paper "From Mesopotamia to Greece: to the Origin of Semitic and Greek Star Names" once written by a Sumerologist (L.Bobrova) and etymologist (A. Militarev), and recently revised, updated and corrected in most part by a historian of the Mesopotamian astronomy (G. Kurtik). The present paper analyzes Sumerian and Akkadian (Babylonian) names of 34 celestial bodies, and their equivalents in other Semitic languages (Arabic, Hebrew, Syrian Aramaic, and Ge`ez, or ancient Ethiopian) and in Greek and Latin. Its main goal is to demonstrate the importance of Sumeri

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Al Ali, Saba Sami. "Revisiting the Mesopotamian City: a Drawing of its Inhabitants' Mental- Image." Al-Nahrain Journal for Engineering Sciences 24, no. 2 (2021): 88–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.29194/njes.24020088.

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Mesopotamian cities were formed sometime during the fourth millennium BCE, and many of them continued to be inhabited as much as 3000 years. While urban characteristics of these cities has been extensively studied, the current article is concerned with exploring the inhabitants' daily experience in the city; a subject that has not been sufficiently explored despite its importance in urban studies. The objective is to expand the understanding of the relation between the ancient city and its occupants. The paper adopts the concept of the City Image as introduced in the seminal work of Kevin Lunc

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Baker, Robin. "Thomas/Twin in the Fourth Gospel and the Gospel of Thomas: The Mesopotamian Background of an Early Christian Motif." Religions 16, no. 2 (2025): 151. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel16020151.

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This study examines the Thomas/twin motif in the Gospels of John and Thomas, which plays a significant role in each. By analyzing the motif’s meaning, deployment, and development in the two Gospels against Mesopotamian models, this study brings a fresh perspective to the much-debated topic of the Gospel of Thomas’s place of origin. This study demonstrates that Thomas betrays a knowledge of cuneiform polyvalence and argues that this corroborates the historical tradition that it originated in Mesopotamia. The findings also support the claim that the work is theologically sophisticated despite it

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Philip, G., A. Abbu, N. Hannoun, S. Rumeidh, and B. Suleiman. "New light on North Mesopotamia in the earlier second millennium B.C.: metalwork from the Hamrin." Iraq 57 (1995): 119–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002108890000303x.

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It is typical of Mesopotamian studies that periods well supplied with documentary evidence are frequently those for which archaeological evidence is least reliable. Such is the case with the earlier part of the second millennium B.C. (Porada et al. 1992: p. 119). While the situation has improved somewhat as a result of several recent publications (Gasche 1989; Hill et al. 1989; Kepinski-Lecomte 1992), many gaps remain. The paucity of reliable data from Mesopotamia has certainly hindered attempts to understand relationships between that area and the often better documented material cultures of

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Manan, Nuraini A. "MESOPOTAMIA DAN MESIR KUNO: Awal Peradaban Dunia." Jurnal Adabiya 22, no. 1 (2020): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.22373/adabiya.v22i1.7452.

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The existence of civilization cannot be separated from the existence of human beings. Mesopotamia and Ancient Egypt were the centers of the oldest civilization in the world. Both Mesopotamia and Ancient Egypt had typical characteristics. Mesopotamian civilization was more non-physical compared to Egypt. Sciences were emphasized more in Mesopotamia, while Egypt emphasized religious aspects. Political systems in both areas were almost the same, that is, absolutism and considered the king as god. Mesopotamia was more humanist than Egypt. The effectiveness of both civilizations was determined much

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Alstola, Tero, Paola Corò, Rocio Da Riva, et al. "Sources at the end of the cuneiform era." Studia Orientalia Electronica 11, no. 2 (2023): 5–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.23993/store.129801.

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The aim of this article is to discuss several groups of sources which are of special interest regarding the question of Mesopotamian identities after 539 bce, towards the end of the use of cuneiform writing. In this late period, several languages and scripts were in use in Mesopotamia; therefore, groups of Akkadian, Aramaic, Greek, and Sumerian texts are discussed. The scripts used are Aramaic letters, cuneiform, and the Greek alphabet. A scholar who is interested in late Mesopotamian identities needs to take all these documents into account. This article aims at giving a brief overview on ava

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Bahshaliyev, Veli, Nezahat Ceylan, Elmar Bakhshaliyev, Heyran Hasanova, and Ziniyet Memmedova. "AN UBAID SETTLEMENT IN THE SOUTH CAUCASUS – BÜLÖVKAYA (NAKHCHİVAN, AZERBAIJAN)." Amisos 10, no. 18 (2025): 13–32. https://doi.org/10.48122/amisos.1631186.

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The discovery of samples of material culture associated with Mesopotamia in the South Caucasus raised great debate among scholarly community. Some group of scholar’s claim that traces of Mesopotamian cultures in the South Caucasus link to economic and cultural relationship, and whereas others see this spread of Mesopotamian cultures the result of migration. Newly discovered pottery from Bülövkaya provides new insight into the relationship between the South Caucasus and Northern Mesopotamia. Research shows that painted and simple ceramics from the Bülövkaya settlement can be considered a local

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Shelestin, Vladimir. "On the Typology of the Serpent-like Monsters Fighting Against the Hero in the Near Eastern Iconography of the 3rd — First Half 1st Millennia BC." ISTORIYA 14, no. 2 (124) (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840017716-6.

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The paper gives the typology of the serpent-like monster images in the art of Western Asia of 3rd — first half 1st millennia BC. We’ve studied 14 such images, beginning with the Early Dynastic seals and ending with the Neo-Babylonian amulet, by comparison of 10 parameters, and established four main types of similar monsters: 7-headed, 2-headed with 2 paws, 1-headed with 2 paws and 1-headed legless one. 7- and 1-headed monsters are typical for Mesopotamian tradition, whereas 2-headed for (Eastern) Anatolian one. The Mesopotamian monsters could get two forelegs thanks to the interactions between

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Chalendar, Vérène. "Classement et lexique animal dans les sources cunéiformes." Altorientalische Forschungen 46, no. 1 (2019): 114–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/aofo-2019-0008.

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Abstract This paper deals with the methodological issues involved in reconstructing Mesopotamian zoological knowledge, and also with the difficult task of identifying species from the information provided by the cuneiform sources. Through the case study of the animal designated by the sumerogram ur.ki, for which the dictionaries suggest various identifications – dog, badger, or even worm – we explore the Mesopotamian vision of fauna, which already seems to attest to an organized conceptual system elaborated by Mesopotamian scholars concerning their natural environment. We also examine the mani

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Iqbal, Saira. "Impact of Environment on Architecture of Mesopotamia with Respect to the Use of Materials, Tools and Mode of Construction." Academic Research Community publication 1, no. 1 (2017): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.21625/archive.v1i1.111.

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Through architectural and engineering skills, humanity leaves its mark upon the earth. Urbanization started from Mesopotamia in west Asia where the Mesopotamian societies flourished. They evolved into various landscapes from the metal-rich highlands and elevations of southeastern Turkey to the Syrian deserts, from the woodmen of the Levant to the bogs of southern Iraq. Mesopotamian civilization, along with its architecture, survived more than three thousand years. The architecture of the Mesopotamian civilization is not only portentous in its outlook and proficient in planning, but it’s also c

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Reid, John Nicholas. "The Birth of the Prison: The Functions of Imprisonment in Early Mesopotamia." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern History 3, no. 2 (2018): 81–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/janeh-2017-0008.

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AbstractWhile the terms prison and prisoner are frequently used in translations and studies based on the texts from early Mesopotamia (ca. 3200–1595 B.C., according to Middle Chronology), Although “early Mesopotamia” is not ideal as a descriptor, it is employed here in the same way as Postgate (1992: xxi–xxiii). The term is used to refer to Southern Mesopotamia from Late Uruk until the first fall of Babylon, or circa 3200–1595 B.C. Despite this, the Mari evidence will be summarized and referenced at certain points in the article. While the focus of this study is in on the early Mesopotamian ev

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Costache, Teodora. "Temps, espace, mémoire dans la culture mésopotamienne." Revista CICSA online, Serie Nouă, no. 4 (2018): 4–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.31178/cicsa.2018.4.1.

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Time and space were the core of the Mesopotamian civilization. They were the principles by which the Mesopotamians guided themselves, be they kings or simple citizens of the Empire. Time was considered to be a primordial element, being treated with the utmost respect, and, was perceived in a counter-intuitive way, as if the past was the future, and vice-versa. Time allowed the Mesopotamians to be one of the first history-oriented civilization, as they always used the events in the past to avoid mistakes in the present, and in the same time to pay respect to their ancestors. For them, time was

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Ossendrijver, Mathieu. "A Simulation-Based View on Mesopotamian Computational Practices." Claroscuro. Revista del Centro de Estudios sobre Diversidad Cultural, no. 20 (December 30, 2021): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.35305/cl.vi20.66.

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It is argued that iterative computations which are attested in Mesopotamian and other ancient sources can be productively analyzed and interpreted in a simulation-based framework. Ancient Mesopotamia present us with a rich body of textual evidence for computational practices over a period of more than three millennia. This paper is concerned with Mesopotamian iterative computations of empirical phenomena, where each iteration updates the values of certain quantities from one state to the next state. It will be argued that these computations can be fruitfully interpreted in the so-called simula

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Cihad, Sara, Emad Al-Heety, and Wathiq Abdulnaby. "Relocation and Magnitude for Earthquakes in the Outer Arabian Platform of Iraq." Iraqi Geological Journal 56, no. 1B (2023): 198–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.46717/igj.56.1b.15ms-2023-2-23.

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In this study, a large seismological dataset from the Mesopotamian Network (MP) and the Iranian Seismological Center (IRSC) was analyzed to relocate earthquakes with magnitude Mw ≥ 4 for the period between August 2014 and April 2021 that occurred in the Outer Arabian Platform of Iraq. The Computer Programs in Seismology (CPS) wrer used for this purpose. The iterative method was applied to relocate earthquakes. The magnitude of these earthquakes was also calculated using MbLG. The results of relocating 222 earthquakes are presented in this study. The results show that using seismic stations fro

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de Fátima Rosa, Maria. "The Importance of the Mediterranean in the Syro-Mesopotamian Kingdom of Mari in the Amorite Period." Mediterranean Studies 30, no. 1 (2022): 3–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/mediterraneanstu.30.1.0003.

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ABSTRACT Since the dawn of Mesopotamian history, the Mediterranean Sea has been considered a natural frontier, both feared and admired as the Great Sea. With the settlement of the Amorites in Mesopotamia, whose cradle was thought of as the “Land of the Sea,” that is, the Mediterranean shore, the importance of this natural element became notorious. The voyages of the sovereigns of the Amorite Syro-Mesopotamian kingdom of Mari—Yahdun-Lim, Samsi-Addu, and Zimri-Lim—to the Mediterranean coast, which this article analyzes in detail, attest to this importance. These journeys were previously studied

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Topaloğlu, Yasin, and Murat Kılıç. "An Analysis of the Gods and Heroes in Ancient Mesopotamian Art." Art and Interpretation, no. 44 (September 25, 2024): 41–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.47571/sanatyorum.1522971.

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Mesopotamia, the region between the Euphrates and Tigris rivers, was home to many civilizations such as Sumer-Akkadian, Babylonia, and Assyria. Mesopotamian culture is based on a common religious view and consists of theocratic states ruled first by priest-kings. Mesopotamia is one of the crucial geographies where history is illuminated by art. This art reflects the feelings and thoughts of people and provides important clues about their world. The Sumerians' invention of writing was a significant development, but other developments and innovations in Mesopotamia also affected ancient societie

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Berlinches Ramos, Carmen. "Urban Levantine Dialectal Features and the Levantine-Mesopotamian Dialect Continuum in the Light of the Dialect of Damascus." Arabica 66, no. 5 (2019): 506–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700585-12341544.

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Abstract The Levantine-Mesopotamian dialect continuum is the result of important linguistic contacts through the centuries, and the existence of an Aramaic substrate in both areas. The linguistic situation in the Levant today is extremely heterogeneous. Among the different vernaculars spoken there, Damascus Arabic has established itself as the model urban Levantine variety. Therefore, it is commonly heard in the media and easily understandable for speakers of other varieties of Arabic, inside and outside Syria. This paper examines fourteen linguistic features of Damascus Arabic related to phon

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SCHUMANN, Andrew, and Vladimir SAZONOV. "The Long Path of Nanāia from Mesopotamia to Central and South Asia." STUDIA ANTIQUA ET ARCHAEOLOGICA 27, no. 2 (2021): 279–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.47743/saa-2021-27-2-4.

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In this paper we show that the Mesopotamian goddess Nanāia had some attributes (such as ‘warrior goddess’ and ‘sitting on a tiger/lion/standing with a lion/lions’) which were preserved in her worship from the period of Ur III (the second millennium BC) in Mesopotamia up to the period of the Kuṣāṇas and Kūšānšāhs (from the 1st century AD to the late 4th century AD), and even up to the period of later Nomadic dynasties of Northern India, such as the Kidarites and Hephthalites (from the 4th century AD to the 8th century AD) in Central and South \ Asia. In later stages we detect early Hindu images

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Fijałkowska, Lena. "At the Dawn of Legal History: Teaching Law in Ancient Mesopotamia." Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Iuridica 99 (June 30, 2022): 51–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/0208-6069.99.04.

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The article presents an outline of legal teaching in ancient Mesopotamia, with emphasis on the available sources and the difficulties they present. Though our knowledge of this topic is still fragmentary, for several periods the scribal curriculum can be reconstructed, as well as the place of legal education therein. The innate conservatism of Mesopotamian culture notwithstanding, it turns out that the latter managed to produce surprisingly skilled and creative legal professionals.

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Cavigneaux, A., and Mark E. Cohen. "Mesopotamian Lamentations." Journal of the American Oriental Society 113, no. 2 (1993): 251. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/603029.

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Monroe, M. Willis. "Mesopotamian astrology." Religion Compass 13, no. 6 (2019): e12318. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/rec3.12318.

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Yuste, Piedad. "Mesopotamian mathematics." Metascience 19, no. 2 (2010): 225–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11016-010-9401-8.

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Kurtik, Gennady E. "muluz3, mul dGula, and the Early History of Mesopotamian Constellations." Journal for the History of Astronomy 50, no. 3 (2019): 339–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021828619853676.

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This article is devoted to cuneiform sources shedding light on history of Mesopotamian constellations muluz3 (“The Goat”) located in the area of modern Lyra, mul d Gula, a goddess connected with muluz3, and mulur.gi7 (“The Dog”) located in Hercules. In the eyes of ancient Mesopotamians, these constellations were bound by complex relationships that were changing in course of time. Gula was the goddess of the Goat constellation, and the Dog was a sacred animal of Gula. In the Neo-Assyrian period, Gula’s anthropomorphic image was considered to be a figure of the constellation muluz3, while figure

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Kruger, Paul Albertus. "A World Turned on its Head in ancient Near Eastern Prophetic Literature: A Powerful Strategy to Depict Chaotic Scenarios." Vetus Testamentum 62, no. 1 (2012): 58–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853311x613764.

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Abstract This contribution argues that the notion of inversion often functions as a key literary principle in the repertoire of some ancient Near Eastern (Mesopotamian and Syro-Palestinian) “prophetic” scenarios of chaos: the world of chaos is portrayed as the direct reverse of the ideal world. Selected examples from Mesopotamia (e.g. the Marduk Prophecy) and Syro-Palestine (the Balaam inscription and various passages from the Hebrew Bible) are offered to illustrate this idea.

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Lucarelli, Rita. "Towards a Comparative Approach to Demonology in Antiquity: The Case of Ancient Egypt and Mesopotamia." Archiv für Religionsgeschichte 14, no. 1 (2013): 11–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/arege-2012-0002.

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Abstract This essay provides a general introduction to demonology in antiquity as well as a focus on ancient Egypt and Mesopotamia. It is also meant as an introduction to those papers which were originally presented at the international conference titled “Evil Spirits, Monsters and Benevolent Protectors: Demonology in Ancient Egypt and Mesopotamia,” held on April 23, 2012 at the Institute for the Study of the Ancient World of New York University, contained in the first section of this volume. Questions of the definition and function of demons in ancient Egyptian and Mesopotamian civilizations

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Singkoh, Elia, Milton Thorman Pardosi, and Alvyn Cesarianto Hendriks. "Penglihatan Binokular Pneumatologi: Kajian Socio-Historis Perspektif Mesopotamia dan Ibrani Kuno." EPIGRAPHE: Jurnal Teologi dan Pelayanan Kristiani 6, no. 2 (2022): 195. http://dx.doi.org/10.33991/epigraphe.v6i2.377.

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The Hebrew scriptures contain rich material on pneumatology. Cultural context greatly influenced the construction of dogmatics in biblical times, but the study of pneumatology from a social and historical point of view received less attention. This study aims to explore the social context of the meaning of spirits in the ancient Mesopotamian and Hebrew eras. Through a socio-historical approach, the pneumatology construction plot of the ancient Hebrews can be known, where its development also influences the construction of New Testament theology and can be used as a reference for the developmen

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الأنصاري, داليا. "الزواج في مجتمع بلاد الرافدين في ضوء النصوص المسمارية". Abgadiyat 3, № 1 (2008): ٣٢—٤٥. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138609-00301011.

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Families in the Mesopotamian society are based on strong relations, such as marriage, which is accepted by traditions, customs and laws. Many marriage contracts were authenticated on muddy boards (tablets). Marriage is a social, legislative and legal union between man and woman, its aim is to produce children, to establish a family and create social, economic relations that will have an effect on the future. The impact of these relations will affect many of the families that have a direct relationship between the husband and the wife. The economic situations, the social status and the intellec

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Jo Ann, Scurlock. "Insights from selected ancient Mesopotamian medicinal plants: an opinion piece." Journal of Plant Science and Phytopathology 7, no. 2 (2023): 020–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.29328/journal.jpsp.1001101.

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This paper is grounded in a series of medical texts that survive from ancient Mesopotamia. It seeks to show the relevance of these texts for the modern researcher. Key findings are that the ancient Mesopotamian physician had already discovered many of the herbal treatments currently being verified by modern science. Armed with what these ancient texts tell us, we are in a position to offer advice on ways to ensure the most effective use of and avoid the dangers presented by selected medicinal plants.

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Miglio, Adam E. "Imagery and Analogy in Psalm 58:4-9." Vetus Testamentum 65, no. 1 (2015): 114–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685330-12341187.

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This article treats the images and logic of Ps 58:4-9. Drawing on Stanley Tambiah’s work on “performative analogies,” it compares the images of serpents and unborn children as well as the ways in which these images are used in Ps 58 with incantations from Syro-Mesopotamia. It focuses on the similarities between Ps 58 and Syro-Mesopotamian incantatory traditions, emphasizing how the latter serves as a catalyst for understanding Ps 58 as a YHWHistic religio-magical expression.

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Sołtysiak, Arkadiusz. "The Bull of Heaven in Mesopotamian Sources." Culture and Cosmos 05, no. 02 (2001): 3–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.46472/cc.0205.0203.

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This paper deals with the imagery of the constellation Taurus in the cultures of ancient Mesopotamia. The constellation appears explicitly in the well-known story about Gilgamesh, in which the Bull of Heaven attacks Gilgamesh on the order of Inanna, the deity associated with the planet Venus. It can be argued from other sources that, as early as the 3rd millennium BCE, the Bull was particularly related to this goddess and to An, the god of heaven, both of whom were worshipped in the city of Uruk, itself ruled by Gilgamesh according to Mesopotamian tradition. The Bull of Heaven was represented

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Reynolds, F. S., and Wayne Horowitz. "Mesopotamian Cosmic Geography." Journal of the American Oriental Society 121, no. 1 (2001): 131. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/606753.

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Brinkman, J. A., and Jean-Jacques Glassner. "Glassner's Mesopotamian Chronicles." Journal of the American Oriental Society 115, no. 4 (1995): 667. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/604734.

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POSSEHL, Gregory L. "Indus-Mesopotamian trade." Iranica Antiqua 37 (February 1, 2002): 325–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/ia.37.0.127.

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Crocker, Richard L. "Mesopotamian Tonal Systems." Iraq 59 (1997): 189. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4200443.

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Crocker, Richard L. "Mesopotamian tonal systems." Iraq 59 (1997): 189–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900003417.

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In his article “Babylonian Music Again”, O. R. Gumey provides a welcome update on research on the tablets concerning music of the ancient Near East. Gurney's article also has a corrective effect on a rambunctious article by Martin West that appeared shortly before. Gurney seems to me to have the musical system almost right. West, while he seems to understand the system, presents it in ways that I find illogical, and that I fear will be confusing or misleading. Furthermore, while some of West's conclusions exceed the span of even my own irresponsible imagination, some of his other conclusions s

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