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Journal articles on the topic 'Mesopotamian'
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1
Ahmad, Khalil. "GEOGRAPHIC, HISTORIC, POLITICAL, RIPARIAN, AND SOCIO-ECONOMIC FACTORS THAT LEAD TO PAKISTAN AS A LAND OF PENTA MESOPOTAMIA." Pakistan Journal of Social Research 04, no. 01 (March 31, 2022): 330–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.52567/pjsr.v4i1.656.
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The research aims to investigate Pakistan’s geographic, historic, political, riparian, and socio-economic factors that lead to Pakistan as a Land of Penta Mesopotamia. Pakistan is situated in South Asia along the coast of Arabian Sea, bordering Afghanistan in west, China in north, Iran in southwest, Arabian Sea in South and Hindustan (India) lies in the east. Historically, the land of Pakistan has been the host of Neolithic period’s South Asian multi Indus valley civilization (IVC) that includes Gandhara, Harappan, Mehrgarh, Mohenjo-Daro, Takht-i-Bahi and Texila civilizations that emerged during 3,300 BCE to 1300 BCE. Muslim Civilizations emerged from 712 to 1857 and British colonial culture also developed from 1857-1947 in this area. The Indus valley civilization flourished parallel to the Mesopotamian civilizations. Mesopotamian civilization includes the Assyrian and Babylonian Civilization that emerged in Iraq in between the two rivers of Euphrates and Tigris from 3,100 B.C. to 332 B.C. and is referred to the “Cradle of Civilizations”. Since Mesopotamian civilization attracted all the ancient civilizations in West Asia to nourish because of its friendly ecological environments, fertile land and rich alluvium soils. Pakistan’s geography also attracted the Indus valley civilizations that emerged in the confluence of seven perennial rivers i.e. Sutlej, Ravi, Chenab, Jhelum, Indus, Swat and Kabul rivers, credited as the “Cradle of South Asian Indus valley Civilizations”. Pakistan’s strategic location in the region, her favorable ecosystem for biodiversity, favorable multi seasons, fertile land, friendly ecological conditions, rich agricultural environment, rich alluvium soils, strategic multiple riparian potentials that originate from Himalayan, Karakorum, and Hindu-Kush mountain ranges, remained lucrative for South Asian Indus valley civilizations. Pakistan’s geography also remained very attractive to the sub regions of Asia i.e. Central, South and West Asia because it has provided and has been providing the Mesopotamians agrarian transit economy to landlocked countries of Afghanistan and Central Asian States from the shortest possible sea route of Arabian Sea and visa-vi to oil rich states of Middle East via China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). Mesopotamian’s cultural, ecological, geographic, historic, riparian, socio-economic, socio-political equilibrium and similar factors are founded in the Indus valley civilizations that erect the sufficient evidence to prove that “Pakistan is a Land of Penta Mesopotamia”. Keywords: Civilizations, Confluence, Fertile land, Mesopotamia, Riparian potentials.
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Valk, Jonathan. "“They Enjoy Syrup and Ghee at Tables of Silver and Gold”: Infant Loss in Ancient Mesopotamia." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 59, no. 5 (November 7, 2016): 695–749. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685209-12341412.
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The present study draws on interdisciplinary research to establish an interpretative framework for an analysis of the material and textual evidence concerning infant loss in ancient Mesopotamia (c. 3000-500 bce). This approach rejects the notion that high infant mortality rates result in widespread parental indifference to infant loss, arguing instead that underlying biological and transcultural realities inform human responses to this phenomenon. With this conclusion in mind, a review of ancient Mesopotamian archaeological evidence reveals patterns of differential infant burial; while the interpretation of these patterns is uncertain, the broader contexts of infant burials in ancient Mesopotamia do not point to parental indifference, but rather the opposite. The available textual evidence in turn indicates that ancient Mesopotamians valued their infants, sought actively to protect them from harm, and mourned deeply when they died, a conclusion that is not controverted by evidence of infant exposure.
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Peled, Ilan. "The Deviant Villain." Avar: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Life and Society in the Ancient Near East 1, no. 1 (January 28, 2022): 51–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/aijls.v1i1.1529.
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This article combines theoretical and historical approaches for studying notions of heroism and villainy in ancient Mesopotamia, as reflected in royal propaganda and rhetoric. It focuses on the different manners in which Mesopotamian kings of the second and first millennia BCE constructed the image of their rivals as villains who deviate from the standard characteristics of the heroic ruler. The theoretical framework of the article is based on heroism studies, a recently-established field within the social sciences, which studies the role of heroes and villains in human society. The article utilizes these theoretical considerations for analyzing Mesopotamian royal inscriptions where the ruler’s rivals were portrayed as villains. Seven villain-archetypes are identified and discussed, each of which contrasting one or more of the typical heroic traits of the Mesopotamian ruler. By combining sociological, psychological and philological methodologies, this article offers a new perspective on ancient Mesopotamian society and culture.
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Blackham, Mark. "Further investigations as to the relationship of Samarran and Ubaid ceramic assemblages." Iraq 58 (1996): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900003144.
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The Samarran ceramic assemblage of the Mesopotamian region has long remained an enigma. With the exception of the work of Braidwood et al. and Oates, the nature of the relationship between Samarran and other contemporary Mesopotamian and Iranian styles has not been systematically explored. This paper begins by challenging contemporary perceptions of the Samarran “culture” and continues by investigating the relationship of Samarran wares to those of the Hassuna and Ubaid traditions. Comparisons among these assemblages are made by means of recent miner-alogical data from the site of Tell 'Oueili (Tell 'Awayli) in southern Mesopotamia. The Ubaid 0 ceramic assemblage at Tell 'Oueili is seen to have a substantial Samarran component, and, in light of this information, new questions arise concerning the place of this style within the region. The data provided by Courtois and Velde are used to test the following hypotheses about Samarran ceramics: [1] that they were imported to the southern Mesopotamian plain, [2] that they were locally made in southern Mesopotamia, and [3] that they are an integral and undifferentiated part of the Ubaid 0 assemblage.
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Brown, David. "The Cuneiform Conception of Celestial Space and Time." Cambridge Archaeological Journal 10, no. 1 (April 2000): 103–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959774300000044.
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The significance to the modern world of Mesopotamian celestial divination and astronomy cannot be overstated. The names and the ‘ominous’ values assigned to the heavenly bodies by the Mesopotamians underlie Western astrology, and have also influenced Indian astrology. Many of the key features in the astronomy of Hipparchus and Ptolemy, which later passed into the astronomy of the medieval world, were borrowed from the astronomers of Babylon and Uruk. The zodiac, the Metonic cycle, horoscopy, and a variety of astrological techniques are all first attested in Mesopotamia. The same goes for units, notably those divisions of space and time which are now used throughout the world (such as 60 minutes in an hour and 360° in a circle) which can be traced back to cuneiform antecedents.
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Nicko-Stępień, Paulina. "Choroba jako wynik działania czarownicy, bóstwa, demona lub ducha na przykładzie mezopotamskich tekstów magicznych i medycznych." Saeculum Christianum 25 (April 25, 2019): 5–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/sc.2018.25.1.
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The aim of this article is to show the influence of witches, demons, ghosts, and gods on human health in Ancient Mesopotamia. Mesopotamian medicine was based on magic and considered illness to be the work of a supernatural power. Ashu and ashipu – doctors of body and soul – worked together to diagnose and help the patient. Sometimes prayers and magical rituals were necessary for a patient to get well; often, only a herbal mixture was needed. Mesopotamian magical and medical texts describe many kinds of diseases: somatic, mental, and others. Among these are: fever, headaches, leprosy, epilepsy, blindness, impotency, paralysis. This article is an effort to analyse Mesopotamian prescriptions, incantations, and medical interventions and to answer questions about the health of ancient mankind.
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Delnero, Paul. "Scholarship and Inquiry in Early Mesopotamia." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern History 2, no. 2 (July 1, 2016): 109–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/janeh-2016-0008.
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AbstractThousands of texts documenting the activities of scribes and scholars that shed light on the social context of scholarship and scientific inquiry survive from the first half of Mesopotamian history (c. 3400 bc to c. 1600 bc). Since these texts provide ample evidence that scholarship occupied a central place in Mesopotamian culture and society during the period in question, examining their content is essential to reconstructing what can be known about scientific knowledge and practice in the ancient world. In this chapter some of this evidence will be considered in order to present a modest overview of the social position and intellectual processes of knowledge acquisition and inquiry during the first phase of Mesopotamian history and to address preliminarily some of the many questions that can be asked about scholarship and inquiry in early Mesopotamia.
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Aqrawi, A. A. M. "Palygorskite in the recent fluvio-lacustrine and deltaic sediments of southern Mesopotamia." Clay Minerals 28, no. 1 (March 1993): 153–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1180/claymin.1993.028.1.15.
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Palygorskite has been widely reported as a clay phase in the Recent sediments of the northern Arabian Gulf (e.g. Aqrawi & Sadooni, 1988). It is usually thought to have originated from the sediments and soils of the Mesopotamian flood plains introduced by northwesterly (Shamal) winds (e.g. A1-Bakri et al., 1984). A1-Rawi et al. (1969) and Eswaran & Barzanji (1974) have detected palygorskite within Mesopotamian soils. This paper describes the occurrence of palygorskite in the Recent sediments of southern Mesopotamia and its possible origins will be discussed.
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Yıldırım, Ercüment. "A Comparative Approach to the Oannes Narrative in Mesopotamia and the Prometheus Myth in the Ancient Greek World." Belleten 86, no. 305 (April 1, 2022): 39–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.2022.039.
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The belief systems in Mesopotamia and Ancient Greece were based on the idea that knowledge was transferred from gods to humans. The common belief regarding the source of knowledge in both societies was somehow diferent. While Mesopotamian societies believed that knowledge was transferred from gods to humans through a being called Oannes, Ancient Greek society believed that Prometheus stole fre, which was the frst knowledge, from Zeus. As written in cuneiform scripts, coming ashore as a half-fsh and half-man creature, Oannes was thought to teach Mesopotamians various skills, ranging from building houses to agriculture. On the other hand, it is mentioned in the works of Hesiod and Aeschylus in Ancient Greece that Prometheus created humans and taught them all necessary knowledge to continue their lives. The present study compares diferent beliefs regarding the source of knowledge in two diferent societies which existed in two diferent geographical regions and time periods. Additionally, it aims to reveal the ways in which both societies shaped their world views through divine knowledge. For a closer analysis of both belief systems, Mesopotamian cuneiform scripts and Ancient Greek manuscripts were used as primary sources. After each source was examined in detail, modern interpretations of these sources were also analyzed. Finally, common points in both primary sources were identifed in order to characterize the present study based on these common points.
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Frahm, Eckart. "The Perils of Omnisignificance: Language and Reason in Mesopotamian Hermeneutics." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern History 5, no. 1-2 (October 25, 2018): 107–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/janeh-2018-0008.
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AbstractThe article discusses the Mesopotamian commentary corpus, assesses its intellectual underpinnings, explores its place within Mesopotamia’s scholarly tradition, and addresses the question of whether Mesopotamian hermeneutics should be considered a “philosophical” pursuit. It is argued that the cuneiform commentaries are characterized, on one hand, by certain limitations and, on the other, by an overabundance of interpretational opportunities, and that the answer should therefore be negative; but it is admitted that, depending on what one considers the defining features of philosophy, other views are possible.
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Veldhuis, Niek. "Intellectual History and Assyriology." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern History 1, no. 1 (February 1, 2014): 21–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/janeh-2013-0006.
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AbstractThe present article proposes to understand knowledge and knowledge traditions of ancient Mesopotamia as assets, deployed by actors in the social contexts in which they found themselves. This approach is illustrated with three examples from different periods of Mesopotamian history.
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Kurtik, Gennadij, and Alexander Militarev. "Once more on the origin of Semetic and Greek star names: an astromonic-etymological approach updated." Culture and Cosmos 09, no. 01 (June 2005): 3–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.46472/cc.0109.0203.
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The contribution is a new version of the paper "From Mesopotamia to Greece: to the Origin of Semitic and Greek Star Names" once written by a Sumerologist (L.Bobrova) and etymologist (A. Militarev), and recently revised, updated and corrected in most part by a historian of the Mesopotamian astronomy (G. Kurtik). The present paper analyzes Sumerian and Akkadian (Babylonian) names of 34 celestial bodies, and their equivalents in other Semitic languages (Arabic, Hebrew, Syrian Aramaic, and Ge`ez, or ancient Ethiopian) and in Greek and Latin. Its main goal is to demonstrate the importance of Sumerian and Babylonian celestial body names as a source of corresponding terms in other cultures, up to the conventional inventory of modern astronomy, and to reveal four strategies by which other cultures drew ideas for name-giving from the treasury of Mesopotamia's lexicon of celestial bodies. Whereas one of these strategies -- echoing, or full translation, of a Sumero-Akkadian term -- is axiomatic, the other three -- shift of meaning or interpretation of a Sumero-Akkadian term; lexical, or "material" borrowing; and, especially, folk etymology, or misinterpretation -- are understudied and practically unnoticed. The authors do not focus on such complicated matters as a historical background of Mesopotamian influence, direct or indirect, on Greek culture; a direction and routes of inter-borrowing between different speaking areas other than Akkadian and their contacts with the Greek world; a chronology of all kinds of cultural contacts and influences; probable connections between the early pre-Islamic Arabic and Babylonian traditions; or the problem of identification of Mesopotamian constellation and stars. However, the data presented may give a certain impulse to further investigation of these matters, while feasible etymologies and relations established between names can even throw some light upon debatable identification cases.
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Al Ali, Saba Sami. "Revisiting the Mesopotamian City: a Drawing of its Inhabitants' Mental- Image." Al-Nahrain Journal for Engineering Sciences 24, no. 2 (December 30, 2021): 88–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.29194/njes.24020088.
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Mesopotamian cities were formed sometime during the fourth millennium BCE, and many of them continued to be inhabited as much as 3000 years. While urban characteristics of these cities has been extensively studied, the current article is concerned with exploring the inhabitants' daily experience in the city; a subject that has not been sufficiently explored despite its importance in urban studies. The objective is to expand the understanding of the relation between the ancient city and its occupants. The paper adopts the concept of the City Image as introduced in the seminal work of Kevin Lunch "Image of The City" in investigating aspects of the Mesopotamian city that qualifies it to form a strong mental Image for her citizens, derived from the legibility of its elements and the structure they form. Using a descriptive analytical method in reviewing previous literature, the research first clarifies the shared characters of Mesopotamian cities, and addresses the stature of the city in Mesopotamians' culture. I then specify the five urban elements of the city image as categorised by Lynch; paths, nodes, edges, districts and landmarks, in addition to addressing manifestations of the citizens' urban life in the Mesopotamian city. Afterward, visualization of the citizen's daily experience through the urban fabric of the city is provided, to arrive at a conclusion of the Legibility of the mental image of the Mesopotamian city in the perception of its citizens.
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Philip, G., A. Abbu, N. Hannoun, S. Rumeidh, and B. Suleiman. "New light on North Mesopotamia in the earlier second millennium B.C.: metalwork from the Hamrin." Iraq 57 (1995): 119–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002108890000303x.
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It is typical of Mesopotamian studies that periods well supplied with documentary evidence are frequently those for which archaeological evidence is least reliable. Such is the case with the earlier part of the second millennium B.C. (Porada et al. 1992: p. 119). While the situation has improved somewhat as a result of several recent publications (Gasche 1989; Hill et al. 1989; Kepinski-Lecomte 1992), many gaps remain. The paucity of reliable data from Mesopotamia has certainly hindered attempts to understand relationships between that area and the often better documented material cultures of neighbouring regions.The present report represents an attempt to tackle one aspect of these problems by presenting a group of metal weapons of secure north Mesopotamian provenance, which can be reliably dated to the early second millennium B.C., the Old Babylonian period in particular. The material presented here is the first substantial assemblage of Mesopotamian weapons of this date to be published.
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Manan, Nuraini A. "MESOPOTAMIA DAN MESIR KUNO: Awal Peradaban Dunia." Jurnal Adabiya 22, no. 1 (July 16, 2020): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.22373/adabiya.v22i1.7452.
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The existence of civilization cannot be separated from the existence of human beings. Mesopotamia and Ancient Egypt were the centers of the oldest civilization in the world. Both Mesopotamia and Ancient Egypt had typical characteristics. Mesopotamian civilization was more non-physical compared to Egypt. Sciences were emphasized more in Mesopotamia, while Egypt emphasized religious aspects. Political systems in both areas were almost the same, that is, absolutism and considered the king as god. Mesopotamia was more humanist than Egypt. The effectiveness of both civilizations was determined much by political power and economy.
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Chalendar, Vérène. "Classement et lexique animal dans les sources cunéiformes." Altorientalische Forschungen 46, no. 1 (July 10, 2019): 114–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/aofo-2019-0008.
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Abstract This paper deals with the methodological issues involved in reconstructing Mesopotamian zoological knowledge, and also with the difficult task of identifying species from the information provided by the cuneiform sources. Through the case study of the animal designated by the sumerogram ur.ki, for which the dictionaries suggest various identifications – dog, badger, or even worm – we explore the Mesopotamian vision of fauna, which already seems to attest to an organized conceptual system elaborated by Mesopotamian scholars concerning their natural environment. We also examine the manipulation of the lexical documentation related to zoological « taxonomy », and lexical matters, which though broadly used, requires extreme caution. ur.ki provides a perfect case study, since it is already attested in the Old Babylonian forerunner to the lexical list ur5.ra = ḫubullu, and remains documented in the later version of this list, but also in some scholarly texts. It allows a chronological survey that aims at retracing the understanding of a sumerogramm and considering the question of the evolution of zoological knowledge in Mesopotamia.
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Iqbal, Saira. "Impact of Environment on Architecture of Mesopotamia with Respect to the Use of Materials, Tools and Mode of Construction." Academic Research Community publication 1, no. 1 (September 18, 2017): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.21625/archive.v1i1.111.
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Through architectural and engineering skills, humanity leaves its mark upon the earth. Urbanization started from Mesopotamia in west Asia where the Mesopotamian societies flourished. They evolved into various landscapes from the metal-rich highlands and elevations of southeastern Turkey to the Syrian deserts, from the woodmen of the Levant to the bogs of southern Iraq. Mesopotamian civilization, along with its architecture, survived more than three thousand years. The architecture of the Mesopotamian civilization is not only portentous in its outlook and proficient in planning, but it’s also considered rational and technical with respect to its environment.The civilization was very first of its kind, having technology and urban settlements that laid the foundation of future modern settlements. It considered the region's environment and climate as pivotal in the development of its culture and architecture.This study discusses how the people, consciously or unconsciously, shaped the land or landscape around them in relation to their environment. This study is both basic and applied, according to architectural research methods. By content, the research in this article is according to the process of design and construction and the data in this research will be analyzed morphologically and technically. The Mesopotamian people used mud bricks, aqueducts, wooden beams, Archimedes screw, courtyard and tripartite houses. The study in this article proves that all these constructions and the techniques used were according to their environmental and climatic conditions.
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Reid, John Nicholas. "The Birth of the Prison: The Functions of Imprisonment in Early Mesopotamia." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern History 3, no. 2 (February 23, 2018): 81–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/janeh-2017-0008.
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AbstractWhile the terms prison and prisoner are frequently used in translations and studies based on the texts from early Mesopotamia (ca. 3200–1595 B.C., according to Middle Chronology), Although “early Mesopotamia” is not ideal as a descriptor, it is employed here in the same way as Postgate (1992: xxi–xxiii). The term is used to refer to Southern Mesopotamia from Late Uruk until the first fall of Babylon, or circa 3200–1595 B.C. Despite this, the Mari evidence will be summarized and referenced at certain points in the article. While the focus of this study is in on the early Mesopotamian evidence, occasional references are made to select relevant material from other periods to add depth and perspective to the discussion. the contextual evidence relating to these terms has not been assembled and organized to determine the nature of the so-called prisons of the period, together with any points of continuity and discontinuity with the modern terminology. When done, it may be concluded that prisons in early Mesopotamia do not share a one-to-one correspondence with the various manifestations of prisons in the modern Western world. Although prisons in early Mesopotamia functioned in broader ways than modern examples, I argue that significant functional overlap also exists. These similarities directly relate to theoretical and definitional criteria employed in historical discussions about prisons, demonstrating that the Mesopotamian evidence belongs in a world history of prisons.
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Ossendrijver, Mathieu. "A Simulation-Based View on Mesopotamian Computational Practices." Claroscuro. Revista del Centro de Estudios sobre Diversidad Cultural, no. 20 (December 30, 2021): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.35305/cl.vi20.66.
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It is argued that iterative computations which are attested in Mesopotamian and other ancient sources can be productively analyzed and interpreted in a simulation-based framework. Ancient Mesopotamia present us with a rich body of textual evidence for computational practices over a period of more than three millennia. This paper is concerned with Mesopotamian iterative computations of empirical phenomena, where each iteration updates the values of certain quantities from one state to the next state. It will be argued that these computations can be fruitfully interpreted in the so-called simulation-based framework, which was recently developed by philosophers of science in order to better account for the role of simulations in modern science. This is exemplified on the basis of a text from the Ur III period (2100–2000 BCE) about the growth of a cow herd. Other Mesopotamian sources with iteratively computed sequences, in particular various types of mathematical tables, are ignored here, because they do not directly correspond to any phenomena. Section 1 briefly addresses some developments in the philosophy and historiography of science in order to introduce the simulation-based framework. Section 2 discusses the textual example. Section 3 contains the conclusions.
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de Fátima Rosa, Maria. "The Importance of the Mediterranean in the Syro-Mesopotamian Kingdom of Mari in the Amorite Period." Mediterranean Studies 30, no. 1 (June 1, 2022): 3–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/mediterraneanstu.30.1.0003.
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ABSTRACT Since the dawn of Mesopotamian history, the Mediterranean Sea has been considered a natural frontier, both feared and admired as the Great Sea. With the settlement of the Amorites in Mesopotamia, whose cradle was thought of as the “Land of the Sea,” that is, the Mediterranean shore, the importance of this natural element became notorious. The voyages of the sovereigns of the Amorite Syro-Mesopotamian kingdom of Mari—Yahdun-Lim, Samsi-Addu, and Zimri-Lim—to the Mediterranean coast, which this article analyzes in detail, attest to this importance. These journeys were previously studied by Abraham Malamat, among others. But due to the absence of a monumental record to attest to the displacement of Zimri-Lim, the importance of the latter as well as the connection between them have not been thoroughly examined. This article does so.
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Cavigneaux, A., and Mark E. Cohen. "Mesopotamian Lamentations." Journal of the American Oriental Society 113, no. 2 (April 1993): 251. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/603029.
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Monroe, M. Willis. "Mesopotamian astrology." Religion Compass 13, no. 6 (May 27, 2019): e12318. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/rec3.12318.
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Yuste, Piedad. "Mesopotamian mathematics." Metascience 19, no. 2 (April 7, 2010): 225–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11016-010-9401-8.
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Berlinches Ramos, Carmen. "Urban Levantine Dialectal Features and the Levantine-Mesopotamian Dialect Continuum in the Light of the Dialect of Damascus." Arabica 66, no. 5 (November 14, 2019): 506–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700585-12341544.
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Abstract The Levantine-Mesopotamian dialect continuum is the result of important linguistic contacts through the centuries, and the existence of an Aramaic substrate in both areas. The linguistic situation in the Levant today is extremely heterogeneous. Among the different vernaculars spoken there, Damascus Arabic has established itself as the model urban Levantine variety. Therefore, it is commonly heard in the media and easily understandable for speakers of other varieties of Arabic, inside and outside Syria. This paper examines fourteen linguistic features of Damascus Arabic related to phonology, morphology, and syntax. Moreover, it compares them with urban varieties of the Levant and Mesopotamia (qǝltu), thus providing further evidence for the Levantine-Mesopotamian dialectal continuum. It also confirms the close relationship between different Levantine varieties—particularly the urban ones. Finally, it shows the difficulty in setting linguistic hallmarks for both the entire Levant and the Syro-Lebanese region, to which Damascus Arabic belongs.
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Fijałkowska, Lena. "At the Dawn of Legal History: Teaching Law in Ancient Mesopotamia." Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Iuridica 99 (June 30, 2022): 51–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/0208-6069.99.04.
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The article presents an outline of legal teaching in ancient Mesopotamia, with emphasis on the available sources and the difficulties they present. Though our knowledge of this topic is still fragmentary, for several periods the scribal curriculum can be reconstructed, as well as the place of legal education therein. The innate conservatism of Mesopotamian culture notwithstanding, it turns out that the latter managed to produce surprisingly skilled and creative legal professionals.
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Kurtik, Gennady E. "muluz3, mul dGula, and the Early History of Mesopotamian Constellations." Journal for the History of Astronomy 50, no. 3 (August 2019): 339–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021828619853676.
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This article is devoted to cuneiform sources shedding light on history of Mesopotamian constellations muluz3 (“The Goat”) located in the area of modern Lyra, mul d Gula, a goddess connected with muluz3, and mulur.gi7 (“The Dog”) located in Hercules. In the eyes of ancient Mesopotamians, these constellations were bound by complex relationships that were changing in course of time. Gula was the goddess of the Goat constellation, and the Dog was a sacred animal of Gula. In the Neo-Assyrian period, Gula’s anthropomorphic image was considered to be a figure of the constellation muluz3, while figures of other constellations with animal names always corresponded to their names. It is shown in the article that originally (at the end of the third and the beginning of the second millennium b.c.) there were only two constellations (muluz3 and mulur.gi7) out of three mentioned above singled out in the Mesopotamian sky. The goddess Gula became associated with the constellation muluz3 only in the second half of the second millennium b.c.
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Kruger, Paul Albertus. "A World Turned on its Head in ancient Near Eastern Prophetic Literature: A Powerful Strategy to Depict Chaotic Scenarios." Vetus Testamentum 62, no. 1 (2012): 58–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853311x613764.
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Abstract This contribution argues that the notion of inversion often functions as a key literary principle in the repertoire of some ancient Near Eastern (Mesopotamian and Syro-Palestinian) “prophetic” scenarios of chaos: the world of chaos is portrayed as the direct reverse of the ideal world. Selected examples from Mesopotamia (e.g. the Marduk Prophecy) and Syro-Palestine (the Balaam inscription and various passages from the Hebrew Bible) are offered to illustrate this idea.
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Singkoh, Elia, Milton Thorman Pardosi, and Alvyn Cesarianto Hendriks. "Penglihatan Binokular Pneumatologi: Kajian Socio-Historis Perspektif Mesopotamia dan Ibrani Kuno." EPIGRAPHE: Jurnal Teologi dan Pelayanan Kristiani 6, no. 2 (November 30, 2022): 195. http://dx.doi.org/10.33991/epigraphe.v6i2.377.
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The Hebrew scriptures contain rich material on pneumatology. Cultural context greatly influenced the construction of dogmatics in biblical times, but the study of pneumatology from a social and historical point of view received less attention. This study aims to explore the social context of the meaning of spirits in the ancient Mesopotamian and Hebrew eras. Through a socio-historical approach, the pneumatology construction plot of the ancient Hebrews can be known, where its development also influences the construction of New Testament theology and can be used as a reference for the development of dogmatics at the end of time. Methods This research uses a qualitative descriptive approach. The mingling of the ancient Hebrews with the Mesopotamians influenced the ancient Hebrews' presuppositions for the articulation of pneumatology and its everyday use. The widespread and transcendental use of pneumatology occurred as a result of the initial conceptual fragility and articulation that developed from the Mesopotamians, thus influencing the perspective of ancient Hebrew pneumatology on daily implementation. The diversity of pneumatological articulations in ancient Hebrew literature is not a contradiction but a multiplicity of words that emerges from the socio-historical aspect.AbstrakKitab suci Ibrani berisi materi yang kaya tentang pneumatologi. Konteks budaya sangat mempengaruhi konstruksi dogmatika di zaman Alkitab, namun kajian pneumatologi dari sudut pandang sosial dan sejarah kurang mendapat perhatian. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengeksplorasi konteks sosial pemaknaan roh di era Mesopotamia dan Ibrani kuno. Melalui pendekatan socio-historis, alur konstruksi pneumatologi bangsa Ibrani kuno dapat diketahui, di mana perkembangannya turut mempengaruhi konstruksi teologi Perjanjian Baru dan dapat dijadikan acuan pengembangan dogmatika di akhir zaman. Metode Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif-deskriptif. Berbaurnya bangsa Ibrani kuno dengan bangsa Mesopotamia mempengaruhi presuposisi orang Ibrani kuno terhadap artikulasi pneumatologi serta penggunaannya sehari-hari. Penggunaan pneumatologi yang luas dan transcendental terjadi akibat rempuhan konseptual awal serta artikulasi yang berkembang dari bangsa Mesopotamia sehingga mempengaruhi perspektif pneumatologi orang Ibrani kuno terhadap implementasi sehari-hari. Diversitas artikulasi pneumatologi dalam literatur Ibrani kuno bukan merupakan kontradiksi melainkan multiplisitas kata yang mencuat dari aspek socio-historis.
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Lucarelli, Rita. "Towards a Comparative Approach to Demonology in Antiquity: The Case of Ancient Egypt and Mesopotamia." Archiv für Religionsgeschichte 14, no. 1 (September 2013): 11–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/arege-2012-0002.
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Abstract This essay provides a general introduction to demonology in antiquity as well as a focus on ancient Egypt and Mesopotamia. It is also meant as an introduction to those papers which were originally presented at the international conference titled “Evil Spirits, Monsters and Benevolent Protectors: Demonology in Ancient Egypt and Mesopotamia,” held on April 23, 2012 at the Institute for the Study of the Ancient World of New York University, contained in the first section of this volume. Questions of the definition and function of demons in ancient Egyptian and Mesopotamian civilizations are raised and discussed in light of a comparative approach to the study of ancient religions.
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Miglio, Adam E. "Imagery and Analogy in Psalm 58:4-9." Vetus Testamentum 65, no. 1 (January 28, 2015): 114–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685330-12341187.
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This article treats the images and logic of Ps 58:4-9. Drawing on Stanley Tambiah’s work on “performative analogies,” it compares the images of serpents and unborn children as well as the ways in which these images are used in Ps 58 with incantations from Syro-Mesopotamia. It focuses on the similarities between Ps 58 and Syro-Mesopotamian incantatory traditions, emphasizing how the latter serves as a catalyst for understanding Ps 58 as a YHWHistic religio-magical expression.
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Sołtysiak, Arkadiusz. "The Bull of Heaven in Mesopotamian Sources." Culture and Cosmos 05, no. 02 (October 2001): 3–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.46472/cc.0205.0203.
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This paper deals with the imagery of the constellation Taurus in the cultures of ancient Mesopotamia. The constellation appears explicitly in the well-known story about Gilgamesh, in which the Bull of Heaven attacks Gilgamesh on the order of Inanna, the deity associated with the planet Venus. It can be argued from other sources that, as early as the 3rd millennium BCE, the Bull was particularly related to this goddess and to An, the god of heaven, both of whom were worshipped in the city of Uruk, itself ruled by Gilgamesh according to Mesopotamian tradition. The Bull of Heaven was represented pictorially in association with the gate of the heavenly palace of An. The later traditions and the iconography of the Bull of Heaven are also explored in the paper.
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Reynolds, F. S., and Wayne Horowitz. "Mesopotamian Cosmic Geography." Journal of the American Oriental Society 121, no. 1 (January 2001): 131. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/606753.
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Brinkman, J. A., and Jean-Jacques Glassner. "Glassner's Mesopotamian Chronicles." Journal of the American Oriental Society 115, no. 4 (October 1995): 667. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/604734.
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POSSEHL, Gregory L. "Indus-Mesopotamian trade." Iranica Antiqua 37 (February 1, 2002): 325–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/ia.37.0.127.
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Crocker, Richard L. "Mesopotamian Tonal Systems." Iraq 59 (1997): 189. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4200443.
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Crocker, Richard L. "Mesopotamian tonal systems." Iraq 59 (1997): 189–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900003417.
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In his article “Babylonian Music Again”, O. R. Gumey provides a welcome update on research on the tablets concerning music of the ancient Near East. Gurney's article also has a corrective effect on a rambunctious article by Martin West that appeared shortly before. Gurney seems to me to have the musical system almost right. West, while he seems to understand the system, presents it in ways that I find illogical, and that I fear will be confusing or misleading. Furthermore, while some of West's conclusions exceed the span of even my own irresponsible imagination, some of his other conclusions seem unnecessarily restrictive, conservative, or simply old-fashioned. Here I want to assert limits of the kind and extent of musical conclusions that we can expect to draw from the available data, but also to explore the kinds of ideas that we can entertain without fear of restriction by those same data.Gurney as well as West report with approval a new reading proposed by Th. J. H. Krispijn. There is more to be said about this reading and about its effect on our understanding of ancient Near Eastern music. Krispijn's new reading is for the text UET VII 74, for which Gurney now gives an updated transliteration (p. 102). I reproduce here Gurney's paradigms for the instructions in Chapters I (ll. 1–12) and II (ll. 13–20) of UET VII 74.(1–12) If the sammu is (tuned as) X and the (interval) Y is not clear, you tighten the string N and then Y will be clear. Tightening.(13–20) If the sammu is (tuned as) X and you have played an (unclear) interval Y, you loosen the string N and the sammu will be (in the tuning) Z. [Loosening].When first interpreting this text twenty-five years ago, it was assumed that Chapter I involved loosening the strings one by one, thus shifting the whole tuning gradually downwards; and in Chapter II, tightening the strings one by one, with the reverse effect. As we then read the text, it did not specify tightening or loosening, and so the choice was arbitrary. Gurney (p. 102) blames the choice on the assumption that the text referred to the harp, whose longest and lowest string was identified as “front”, therefore (according to Nabnītu XXXII) the “first”.
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Jones, Philip, and Wayne Horowitz. "Mesopotamian Cosmic Geography." Jewish Quarterly Review 91, no. 3/4 (January 2001): 485. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1455570.
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Rost, Stephanie, Abdulamir Hamdani, and Steven George. "Traditional Dam Construction in Modern Iraq: A Possible Analogy for Ancient Mesopotamian Irrigation Practices." Iraq 73 (2011): 201–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900000164.
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Lack of archaeological and comparative ethnographic data has limited our ability to interpret textual information that refers to ancient Mesopotamian irrigation works. This paper presents ethnographic data from modern Iraq regarding the construction, use and maintenance of a traditional irrigation system. Because traditional construction methods make use of organic materials similar to those available in the past, the data presented in this paper are considered to provide a set of analogies that can assist the interpretation of textual evidence and hence lead to a better understanding of irrigation practices in ancient Mesopotamia.
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Nur Heriyanto, Dodik Setiawan. "The Use of Immunity Doctrine in Commercial Activities in Mesopotamia and Ancient Greece." Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 6, s2 (July 1, 2017): 95–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ajis-2018-0033.
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Abstract This study traces the history of the formation of immunities concept and its application in commercial activities in ancient Mesopotamia and Greece. The doctrine of immunity is discussed based on the historical process starting from the myth, concept, and its implementation in the commercial/trade activities. By using historical approach, this study shows that in Mesopotamia and Greece, traders or merchants enjoyed absolute immunity due to their position as the representative of their King or polis in which their commercial acts and diplomatic mission were combined. In Mesopotamia, merchants enjoyed the full confidence of the King, and one would not be wrong to suppose that in such enterprises commercial activity and diplomatic mission were combined. Compared to the Mesopotamian practices that granted all traders with the status of immunity from public obligations, in ancient Greece only traders with honorific conditions could enjoy the status of proxenos.
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Compareti, Matteo. "On an Enigmatic Deity with a Dragon on a Chorasmian Silver Bowl from Dagestan." Iran and the Caucasus 26, no. 2 (June 17, 2022): 129–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20220202.
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At least five specimens constituting the small group of Chorasmian silver vessels present an image of the Mesopotamian goddess Nana who was very popular in pre-Islamic Central Asia. One silver bowl found in Dagestan at present kept in the State Hermitage Museum is embellished with the image of a deity sitting on a dragon whose identity is not clear. Scholars considered this deity to be a woman because of her clean-shaven face, long hair and garments. However, Kushan rulers had been representing on their coins one Zoroastrian god as a woman since the 2nd century A.D. He was Tir, the god of the planet Mercury who had connections to the Avestan rain god Tishtrya. Despite the problematic associations between Tir and Tishtrya, Central Asian peoples had superimposed this Zoroastrian god to Mesopotamian Nabu who was the patron of scribes and the original “husband” of Nana. Nabu’s symbolic animal was a dragon that is very similar to the one on the Chorasmian bowl from Dagestan. Most likely, Chorasmian artists kept reproducing on their metalwork iconographic elements that originated in Mesopotamia after adapting them to their own religious and cultural sphere.
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Daneshmand, Parsa. "Extispicy and Consensus Decision-Making in Ancient Mesopotamia." DABIR 9, no. 1 (November 30, 2022): 67–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/29497833-00901009.
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This essay scrutinizes the relationship between the procedure of extispicy and the concept of decision-making in ancient Mesopotamian assemblies. The term ‘procedure of extispicy’ refers to consulting the gods for decisions and questions, observing organs of a sacrificial animal, recognizing and decoding omen features on the organs, and rendering a final answer. Given the explicitness of Mesopotamian texts, according to which extispicy is the outcome of the counsels of the gods in the divine assembly on a specific question, it follows that the features appearing on the sacrificial animal reflect the views of the gods. This corresponds to the characteristics of decision-making by assemblies and councils, which has been common at both the divine and human levels in Mesopotamia. This argument is reinforced by the fact that the final answer of extispicy, unlike some divinatory methods, which are based on numbers and mathematics, is determined by the largest possible percentage of binary decision-making processes (yes/no) reflecting the procedure of achieving a consensus decision through unanimity or super-majority. However, super-majority in extispicy could be affected by a veto sign, proving another parallel with the procedure of consensus decision-making.
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Stone, Elizabeth C. "Chariots of the Gods in Old Babylonian Mesopotamia (c. 2000–1600 BC)." Cambridge Archaeological Journal 3, no. 1 (April 1993): 83–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959774300000731.
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The distribution of designs on Mesopotamian terracottas can provide clues to the relationship between symbols and meaning at different localities. Unlike other Mesopotamian terracottas whose iconography reflects pan-Mesopotamian beliefs, the designs on model chariots are site-specific. While Mesopotamian religious symbols should probably be interpreted as representing aspects of divine power rather than individual deities, combinations of symbols serve to identify particular gods. When these are found on model chariots, they can be related to the titular deities of the specific city in which they were found. Examination of the findspots of these objects, especially those from Mashkanshapir, suggests a possible link between model chariots and the centralizing institutions of the city.
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Bhayro, Siam. "The Reception of Mesopotamian and Early Jewish Traditions in the Aramaic Incantation Bowls." Aramaic Studies 11, no. 2 (2013): 187–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455227-13110210.
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This article presents several examples of how the Aramaic incantation bowls from late-antique Mesopotamia receive and use earlier traditions preserved in Mesopotamian cuneiform and Jewish alphabetic sources, with a view to demonstrating the importance of the bowls when discussing the earlier process of ‘Aramaic cultural mediation’. Four ways in which the bowls receive the earlier traditions are discussed (formulaic, terminological, conceptual and methodological), which help us appreciate what we should be looking for in other contexts. The clear reception of motifs from 11Q11 in the incantation bowls allows us to bridge the gap between the earlier cuneiform sources and the later incantation bowls.
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Verderame, Lorenzo. "Slavery in Third-Millennium Mesopotamia." Journal of Global Slavery 3, no. 1-2 (January 31, 2018): 13–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2405836x-00301003.
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Abstract Third-millennium Mesopotamia has provided an impressive quantity of sources for the study of ancient slavery, among them a collection of standards (the so-called Laws of Ur-Namma). Despite the volume of documents, Mesopotamian slavery remains elusive in its general traits. This is partly due to the nature of the sources, but also to the approaches and interpretations of modern scholars. Slavery in ancient Mesopotamia has been the focus of several studies in the 1960s and 1970s that interpreted the sources using comparative approaches and Marxist analyses. Since then, the topic has seldom been revisited. In this article, I present the status quaestionis with an overview of the available sources and related studies, together with a sketch of the different types of bonded and forced labor in the Neo-Sumerian period (21st cent. BCE).
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Higgins, Ryan S. "The Good, the God, and the Ugly: The Role of the Beloved Monster in the Ancient Near East and the Hebrew Bible." Interpretation: A Journal of Bible and Theology 74, no. 2 (April 2020): 132–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020964319896307.
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Ancient Near Eastern texts teem with horrifying and grotesque beings that pose some significant threat to the cosmos, humanity, and its institutions. Adopting Noël Carroll’s definition, such beings are monsters: interstitial not only physiologically and ontologically, but also cosmically and morally. This essay takes a comparative and literary approach to beloved monsters in Ugaritic, Mesopotamian, and Hebrew Bible texts. It suggests that in Ugarit and Mesopotamia, such monsters play a crucial role in advancing the goals of antipathic heroes while maintaining the integrity of sympathetic deities. It then considers the beloved monster in the Hebrew Bible and its interpretations. Finally, the essay makes note of the phenomenon’s transformation in contemporary speculative fiction. The essay argues that the beloved monster in Ugarit and Mesopotamia keeps together a fragmented cosmos, while in the Hebrew Bible it refracts through the facets in a prismatic God.
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Mouck, Tom. "ANCIENT MESOPOTAMIAN ACCOUNTING AND HUMAN COGNITIVE EVOLUTION." Accounting Historians Journal 31, no. 2 (December 1, 2004): 97–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.2308/0148-4184.31.2.97.
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Recent archaeological evidence supports the claim that the first system of writing and the first use of abstract numerical representation evolved from the clay token accounting system of ancient Mesopotamia. Writing and other abstract symbol systems have subsequently transformed human cognitive capacities within only few millennia, a time period too short for any substantial changes in our biologically-evolved brains. This paper uses Merlin Donald's theory of human cognitive and cultural evolution [in Origins of the Modern Mind; 1991] to identify the role played by ancient accounting in these evolutionary processes. Specifically, it is argued that this early accounting system paved the way for writing by instigating revolutionary cognitive structures for processing visual/symbolic artifacts and establishing a primitive but very powerful form of external memory (external to the brain). The paper also explores the role that accounting systems continue to play in the provision of “cognitive scaffolding” with respect to our organizational and institutional environments, and provides a cursory overview of the pioneering developments of ancient Mesopotamian accounting in this regard.
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AlMaarofi, Sama, Ali Douabul, and Hamid Al-Saad. "Mesopotamian Marshlands: Salinization Problem." Journal of Environmental Protection 03, no. 10 (2012): 1295–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/jep.2012.310147.
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WORTHINGTON, M. "Aspects of Mesopotamian Witchcraft." Bibliotheca Orientalis 61, no. 3 (August 1, 2004): 259–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/bior.61.3.2015568.
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Stone, Elizabeth, and Marc van de Mieroop. "The Ancient Mesopotamian City." American Journal of Archaeology 103, no. 3 (July 1999): 544. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/506982.
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ALHUDEEB, Faeza Abdulameer Nayyef. "WOMEN IN MESOPOTAMIAN CIVILIZATION." International Journal of Education and Language Studies 2, no. 04 (December 1, 2021): 10–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2791-9323.4-2.2.
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The ancient Mesopotamia had ancient civilizations such as Babylonian and Sumerian, which provided many civilizational achievements, such as laws and legislation, which urged respect for women's rights and other legislations to protect such laws, such as the reforms of Prince Urkagina and the law of Hammurabi, which emphasis on some women's rights and dignity and curb violations of men's abuse. However, in most agricultural civilizations, especially the Mesopotamian, the status of women has declined in a patriarchal society. Men direct all aspects of life with their different diversities, make major decisions, and women have to obey this masculine authority. Father, or husband after marriage and family formation. Despite this, the status of women in Mesopotamia was much better than that of other ancient civilizations such as Greek and the Roman. Sumerian women had more rights than women had in the Akkadian, Babylonian and Assyrian cultures. A Sumerian woman can own real estate, run a business alongside her husband, and can be a priest, a writer, a doctor,or act as a judge. It is a tribute to the representatives of the earthly Gods, and it is a source of pride for them. Service of the girls in the temples is also a pride for their fathers. Babel was unique in the way she treated women's rights and status. Babylonian society retained the traditions of the motherly era, and women often took precedence over men. Women were also allowed to enjoy different levels of independense, but they were always subject to men. The laws of Hammurabi presented first model of the laws in the entire ancient world. The status of women in the old Babylonian law has reached an important amount of social, human and legislative progress. Legislation on marriage, its forms, divorce, cases, abuse and marital irregularities, incest and adultery. As for the status of women in the Assyrians, their social status has declined compared to their status in the Sumerian and Babylonian civilizations. They were considered to be the property of men, and they have the right to deprive them of everything they own. Assyrians were also among the oldest religious peoples who subjected women to hijab and included head and face jackets. Only free women were permitted to wear headscarves, while odalisque wore hijab when they went out with their master.