Log in

Relevant bibliographies by topics / Methodist Episcopal Church in China / Journal articles

To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Methodist Episcopal Church in China.

Journal articles on the topic 'Methodist Episcopal Church in China'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 30 January 2023

Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles

Select a source type:

Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Methodist Episcopal Church in China.'

Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.

You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.

Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.

1

Volkman, Lucas P. "Church Property Disputes, Religious Freedom, and the Ordeal of African Methodists in Antebellum St. Louis: Farrar v. Finney (1855)." Journal of Law and Religion 27, no. 1 (January 2012): 83–139. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0748081400000539.

Full text

Abstract:

In October 1846, the men and women of the African Methodist Episcopal Church in St. Louis (African Church) met to consider whether they would remain with the Methodist Episcopal Church (MEC) or align with the recently-formed Methodist Episcopal Church, South (MECS). Two years earlier, in 1844, amid growing conflict over the question of slavery within the national Methodist Church, its General Conference had adopted a Plan of Separation that provided for the withdrawal of the southern Methodists and the creation of their own ecclesiastical government. The Plan provided that each Border State congregation would have the right to determine for itself by a vote of the majority with which of the two churches it would affiliate.After the southern conferences had organized the new MECS in May 1845, the trustees of the all-white Fourth Street Methodist Church (Fourth Street Church), whose quarterly conference exercised nominal authority over the African Church, informed the black congregants that they could retain their house of worship only if they voted to join the southern Methodists. Throwing caution to the wind, and putting at risk a decade-and-a-half of patient efforts to achieve formal congregational independence within the Methodist Church, the black congregants voted decisively, by a 110 to 7 margin, to remain affiliated with the Northern Conference.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

2

Richey, Russell E. "The African Methodist Episcopal Church: A History." Methodist History 59, no. 2 (January 1, 2021): 124–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/methodisthist.59.2.0124.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

3

Spencer, Jon Michael. "The Hymnody of the African Methodist Episcopal Church." American Music 8, no. 3 (1990): 274. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3052097.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

4

Yardley, Anne Bagnall. "Choirs in the Methodist Episcopal Church, 1800-1860." American Music 17, no. 1 (1999): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3052373.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

5

Spencer, Jon Michael. "The Hymnal of the Christian Methodist Episcopal Church." Black Sacred Music 3, no. 1 (March 1, 1989): 53–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10439455-3.1.53.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

6

Heatwole, Charles. "A Geography of the African Methodist Episcopal Zion Church." Southeastern Geographer 26, no. 1 (1986): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sgo.1986.0006.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

7

Thompson, Patricia. "“Father” Samuel Snowden (c. 1770–1850): Preacher, Minister to Mariners, and Anti-Slavery Activist." Methodist History 60, no. 1 (June 1, 2022): 136–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/methodisthist.60.1.0136.

Full text

Abstract:

ABSTRACT This article traces the life and ministry of the Rev. Samuel Snowden, the first Black pastor in the New England Conference of the United Methodist Church, who began his life as a slave on the eastern shore of Maryland. In 1818 he was called from Portland, Maine, to pastor the growing Black Methodist Episcopal congregation in Boston, Massachusetts. There he grew the first Black Methodist Episcopal congregation in New England and became a well-known and respected preacher and anti-slavery activist with a special ministry to Black seaman. At the end of his life, he opened his home as a refuge for fugitive slaves. Snowden’s son, Isaac Humphrey, became one of the first three Black men to enroll in Harvard Medical School.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

8

Carwardine, Richard. "Methodists, Politics, and the Coming of the American Civil War." Church History 69, no. 3 (September 2000): 578–609. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3169398.

Full text

Abstract:

In 1868 Ulysses S. Grant remarked that there were three great parties in the United States: the Republican, the Democratic, and the Methodist Church. This was an understandable tribute, given the active role of leading Methodists in his presidential campaign, but it was also a realistic judgment, when set in the context of the denomination's growing political authority over the previous half century. As early as 1819, when, with a quarter of a million members, “the Methodists were becoming quite numerous in the country,” the young exhorter Alfred Branson noted that “politicians… from policy favoured us, though they might be skeptical as to religion,” and gathered at county seats to listen to the preachers of a denomination whose “votes counted as fast at an election as any others.” Ten years later, the newly elected Andrew Jackson stopped at Washington, Pennsylvania, en route from Tennessee to his presidential inauguration. When both Presbyterians and Methodists invited him to attend their services, Old Hickory sought to avoid the political embarrassment of seeming to favor his own church over the fastest-growing religious movement in the country by attending both—the Presbyterians in the morning and the Methodists at night. In Indiana in the early 1840s the church's growing power led the Democrats to nominate for governor a known Methodist, while tarring their Whig opponents with the brush of sectarian bigotry. Nationally, as the combined membership of the Methodist Episcopal Church [MEC] and Methodist Episcopal Church, South [MECS] grew to over one and a half million by the mid-1850s, denominational leaders could be found complaining that the church was so strong that each political party was “eager to make her its tool.” Thus Elijah H. Pilcher, the influential Michigan preacher, found himself in 1856 nominated simultaneously by state Democratic, Republican, and Abolition conventions.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

9

Wilde, Melissa, and Hajer Al-Faham. "Believing in Women? Examining Early Views of Women among America’s Most Progressive Religious Groups." Religions 9, no. 10 (October 20, 2018): 321. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel9100321.

Full text

Abstract:

This paper examines views of women among the most prominent “progressive” American religious groups (as defined by those that liberalized early on the issue of birth control, circa 1929). We focus on the years between the first and second waves of the feminist movement (1929–1965) in order to examine these views during a time of relative quiescence. We find that some groups indeed have a history of outspoken support for women’s equality. Using their modern-day names, these groups—the United Church of Christ, the Unitarian Universalist Association, and to a lesser extent, the Society of Friends, or Quakers—professed strong support for women’s issues, early and often. However, we also find that prominent progressive groups—the Protestant Episcopal Church, the Methodist Episcopal Church, and the United Presbyterian Church—were virtually silent on the issue of women’s rights. Thus, we conclude that birth control activism within the American religious field was not clearly correlated with an overall feminist orientation.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

10

Harris, Paul W. "Dancing with Jim Crow: The Chattanooga Embarrassment of the Methodist Episcopal Church." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 18, no. 2 (March 8, 2019): 155–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781418000695.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractAfter the Civil War, northern Methodists undertook a successful mission to recruit a biracial membership in the South. Their Freedmen's Aid Society played a key role in outreach to African Americans, but when the denomination decided to use Society funds in aid of schools for Southern whites, a national controversy erupted over the refusal of Chattanooga University to admit African Americans. Caught between a principled commitment to racial brotherhood and the pressures of expediency to accommodate a growing white supremacist commitment to segregation, Methodists engaged in an agonized and heated debate over whether schools intended for whites should be allowed to exclude blacks. Divisions within the leadership of the Methodist Episcopal Church caught the attention of the national press and revealed the limits of even the most well-intentioned efforts to advance racial equality in the years after Reconstruction.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

11

Martin, S. D. "Review: Social Protest Thought in the African Methodist Episcopal Church, 1862-1939." Journal of the American Academy of Religion 71, no. 1 (March 1, 2003): 187–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jaar/71.1.187.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

12

Scott, David W. "Alcohol, Opium, and the Methodists in Singapore: The Inculturation of a Moral Crusade." Mission Studies 29, no. 2 (2012): 147–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733831-12341234.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract The Methodist Episcopal Church was strongly committed to the temperance movement in nineteenth-century America. This commitment rested on assumptions about the negative impacts of alcohol and was expressed through campaigns for personal moral reform and political prohibition. When Methodist missionaries arrived in Singapore in the late nineteenth century, they encountered a society in which opium was the most commonly abused drug. In this new context, Methodist missionaries adapted their concerns about alcohol and their methods of opposing the liquor trade and applied these concerns and methods to opium and the opium trade instead. This case study raises important questions about the inculturation of morality as an aspect of the missionary enterprise, a topic which is insufficiently addressed in literature on theological inculturation.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

13

Swinson, Daniel. "Restoring “Mr. Wesley’s Rule”: The General Conference of 1840 and Its Context." Methodist History 60, no. 1 (June 1, 2022): 1–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/methodisthist.60.1.0001.

Full text

Abstract:

ABSTRACT At the General Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church in 1840, held in Baltimore, Maryland, a majority of delegates fully expected that a step would be taken that would restore the Church to its rightful place in the front ranks of the Temperance Movement. Instead, the conference became embroiled in a constitutional battle that pitted a minority of the delegates, representing different viewpoints, against a majority of delegates, also representing different viewpoints. The maneuvering in and around this conference illustrates parliamentary processes then common to the denomination, the character of antebellum Methodism, and the importance of temperance in the life of the Church.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

14

Harris, Paul W. "Separation, Inclusion, and the Development of Black Leadership in the Methodist Episcopal Church." Methodist History 56, no. 1 (October 1, 2017): 14–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/methodisthist.56.1.0014.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

15

Limbo, Ernest M., and Julius H. Bailey. "Around the Family Altar: Domesticity in the African Methodist Episcopal Church, 1865-1900." Journal of Southern History 72, no. 4 (November 1, 2006): 963. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27649282.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

16

문영걸. "The Siberia Mission of the Methodist Episcopal Church, South in Korea (1920-1931)." Christianity and History in Korea ll, no. 34 (March 2011): 121–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.18021/chk..34.201103.121.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

17

Best, W. D. "Around the Family Altar: Domesticity in the African Methodist Episcopal Church, 1865 -1900." Journal of American History 93, no. 2 (September 1, 2006): 543. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4486304.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

18

Kwon, Andrea. "The Legacy of Mary Scranton." International Bulletin of Mission Research 42, no. 2 (April 11, 2017): 162–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2396939317698778.

Full text

Abstract:

Mary Scranton was an American missionary to Korea, the first missionary sent there by the Woman’s Foreign Missionary Society (WFMS) of the Methodist Episcopal Church. During her more than two decades of service, Scranton laid the foundations for the WFMS mission in Seoul and helped to establish the wider Protestant missionary endeavor on the Korean peninsula. Her pioneering evangelistic and educational work, including the opening of Korea’s first modern school for girls, reflected Scranton’s commitment to ministering to and with Korean women.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

19

Davidson, Christina Cecelia. "Black Protestants in a Catholic Land." New West Indian Guide 89, no. 3-4 (2015): 258–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134360-08903053.

Full text

Abstract:

The African Methodist Episcopal (AME) Church, a black Church founded in the United States in 1816, was first established in eastern Haiti when over 6,000 black freemen emigrated from the United States to Hispaniola between 1824 and 1825. Almost a century later, the AME Church grew rapidly in the Dominican Republic as West Indians migrated to the Dominican southeast to work on sugar plantations. This article examines the links between African-American immigrant descendants, West Indians, and U.S.-based AME leaders between the years 1899–1916. In focusing on Afro-diasporic exchange in the Church and the hardships missionary leaders faced on the island, the article reveals the unequal power relations in the AME Church, demonstrates the significance of the southeast to Dominican AME history, and brings the Dominican Republic into larger discussions of Afro-diasporic exchange in the circum-Caribbean.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

20

McGill, Jenny. "The Legacy of Anna E. Hall, African American Missionary to Liberia." International Bulletin of Mission Research 46, no. 1 (December 22, 2021): 92–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/23969393211061193.

Full text

Abstract:

This article, which tells the life story of Anna E. Hall, highlights the significant role that this African American missionary played in Liberia for the US Methodist Episcopal Church in the early twentieth century. The latter half of the nineteenth century saw increased migration of free African Americans as ministers . . . and missionaries overseas, especially to Africa. Standing as a paragon in missionary ventures, Anna E. Hall represents one of many who were responsible for the resurgence of Christianity in Africa and provides an exemplar for missionary service.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

21

Dodson, Jualynne E. "Around the Family Altar: Domesticity in the African Methodist Episcopal Church, 1865-1900 (review)." Catholic Historical Review 93, no. 2 (2007): 452–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.2007.0161.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

22

Butner, Bonita K. "The Methodist Episcopal Church and the Education of African Americans after the Civil War." Christian Higher Education 4, no. 4 (October 2005): 265–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15363750500182596.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

23

Kim, Ha-Na. "Management of Sajikkol Mission Compound of Methodist Episcopal Church, South in Seoul before 1945." Korean Journal of Urban History 31 (November 30, 2022): 143–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.22345/kjuh.2022.11.31.143.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

24

Guenther, Alan M. "Ghazals, Bhajans and Hymns: Hindustani Christian Music in Nineteenth-Century North India." Studies in World Christianity 25, no. 2 (August 2019): 145–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2019.0254.

Full text

Abstract:

When American missionaries from the Methodist Episcopal Church arrived in India in the middle of the nineteenth century, they very soon published hymn-books to aid the Christian church in worship. But these publications were not solely the product of American Methodists nor simply the collection of foreign songs and music translated into Urdu. Rather, successive editions demonstrate the increasing participation of both foreigners and Indians, of missionaries from various denominations, of both men and women, and of even those not yet baptised as Christians. The tunes and poetry included were in both European and Indian forms. This hybrid nature is particularly apparent by the end of the century when the Methodist press published a hymn-book containing ghazals and bhajans in addition to hymns and Sunday school songs. The inclusion of a separate section of ghazals was evidence of the influence of the Muslim culture on the worship of Christians in North India. This mixing of cultures was an essential characteristic of the hymnody produced by the emerging church in the region and was used in both evangelism and worship. Indian and foreign evangelists relied on indigenous music to draw hearers and to communicate the Christian gospel.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

25

Ranger, Terence, and James T. Campbell. "Songs of Zion. The African Methodist Episcopal Church in the United States and South Africa." Journal of Religion in Africa 27, no. 4 (November 1997): 426. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1581911.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

26

Kunnie, Julian E., and James T. Campbell. "Songs of Zion: The African Methodist Episcopal Church in the United States and South Africa." African Studies Review 40, no. 2 (September 1997): 215. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/525164.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

27

Kachun, Mitch, and Lawrence S. Little. "Disciples of Liberty: The African Methodist Episcopal Church in the Age of Imperialism, 1884-1916." Journal of American History 88, no. 2 (September 2001): 667. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2675170.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

28

Gregg, Robert, and James T. Campbell. "Songs of Zion: The African Methodist Episcopal Church in the United States and South Africa." Journal of American History 83, no. 2 (September 1996): 638. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2945017.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

29

Watson, R. L., and James T. Campbell. "Songs of Zion: The African Methodist Episcopal Church in the United States and South Africa." International Journal of African Historical Studies 30, no. 1 (1997): 144. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/221554.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

30

Close, Stacey. "Songs of Zion: The African Methodist Episcopal Church in the United States and South Africa." History: Reviews of New Books 24, no. 3 (April 1996): 138. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1996.9951344.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

31

Teasdale, Mark R. "Growth or Declension: Methodist Historians’ Treatment of the Relationship Between the Methodist Episcopal Church and the Culture of the United States." Theological Librarianship 3, no. 2 (December 15, 2010): 34–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.31046/tl.v3i2.163.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

32

Schneider, A. Gregory. "A Conflict of Associations: The National Camp-Meeting Association for the Promotion of Holiness Versus the Methodist Episcopal Church." Church History 66, no. 2 (June 1997): 268–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3170658.

Full text

Abstract:

Hiram Mattison was fighting mad. Some of the holiness people in the Methodist Episcopal church had pulled a fast one. Early in 1867 the New York Preachers' Meeting had hosted a series of speeches on the question, “What are the best methods for promoting the experience of perfect love?” The discussion had been, in the words of one participant, “lengthy and pungent.” Mattison, a seminary professor and long-time opponent of the holiness movement, had weighed in with his professional theological polemics against the movement's doctrine and methods of promotion. He had expected that all the speeches would be published in a single volume. But the proponents of perfect love surreptitiously had withdrawn their manuscripts from the Methodist book room and had them published and copyrighted on their own. The original plan to publish a two-sided debate had been thus defeated, and the advocates of perfect love had scooped their opposition. What a move for people who professed to have attained Christian perfection, said Mattison. It must have paid well, he added, for three editions had been issued in just a few weeks.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

33

Bulthuis, Kyle T. "Preacher Politics and People Power: Congregational Conflicts in New York City, 1810–1830." Church History 78, no. 2 (May 28, 2009): 261–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640709000481.

Full text

Abstract:

The 1812 Methodist Episcopal Church general conference in New York City proved contentious. In his journal entry of May 17, Bishop Francis Asbury recorded that the conference participants hotly debated the power of the denomination's bishops, particularly regarding their unchecked right to appoint lesser ministers to positions of authority. While spirited, the disagreements did not deeply divide the contestants. That evening Asbury ate dinner with seventeen ministers, many of whom had fought on opposite sites. Asbury commented, “We should thank God we are not at war with each other, as are the Episcopalians, with the pen and the press as their weapons of warfare.”

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

34

Park, SaeAm. "A Study of Learning Korean by the early Protestant missionaries - Focusing on the Methodist Episcopal Church -." Journal of the International Network for Korean Language and Culture 13, no. 3 (December 31, 2016): 119–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.15652/ink.2016.13.3.119.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

35

Martin, S. D. "Review: Disciples of Liberty: The African Methodist Episcopal Church in the Age of Imperialism, 1884-1916." Journal of the American Academy of Religion 71, no. 1 (March 1, 2003): 187–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jaar/71.1.187-a.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

36

Dodson, Jualynne E. "Julius H. Bailey, Around the Family Altar: Domesticity in the African Methodist Episcopal Church 1865-1900." Journal of African American History 91, no. 4 (October 2006): 476–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/jaahv91n4p476.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

37

Kim-Cragg, David Andrew. "“We Take Hold of the White Man’s Worship with One Hand, but with the Other Hand We Hold Fast Our Fathers’ Worship”: The Beginning of Indigenous Methodist Christianity and Its Expression in the Christian Guardian, Upper Canada circa 1829." Religions 14, no. 2 (January 20, 2023): 139. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14020139.

Full text

Abstract:

With more and more evidence coming to light of the cultural genocide inflicted by settler Christians upon Indigenous peoples through the residential school system, it is hard to see how Christian and Indigenous identities can hold together in the current Canadian context. Nevertheless, many in the Indigenous community within Canada continue to call themselves Christian, and Indigenous Christians continue to provide important leadership for the Canadian church. This phenomenon cannot be properly understood or appreciated without knowledge of the longstanding tradition of Indigenous Christianity and its origins. Beginning in 1829, Indigenous leadership within the Methodist Episcopal church in Upper Canada used the Christian Guardian to tell the story of their work among Indigenous communities. These Indigenous accounts of mission work provide a window into how early Indigenous converts to Methodism understood their faith and its meaning within the context of Canadian colonial Christianity, an understanding that differed in significant ways from that of their settler co-religionists. The early Indigenous narrative found in the settler Methodist publication emphasized Indigenous leadership, Indigenous language and the compatibility of Indigenous and Christian spiritual teachings. This study provides an important perspective which confirms and challenges contemporary views on Indigenous Christianity in Canada and helps to reimagine the past, present and future of Christianity in postcolonial contexts.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

38

Tam, David. "A Perfect Church on Earth – The New Discovery of an Ancient Church Site in Tangchao Dun, China." International Journal of Sino-Western Studies 21 (December 9, 2021): 207–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.37819/ijsws.21.151.

Full text

Abstract:

Archaeologists have recently announced the discovery of a 7-9th Century church site in Tangchao Dun, 115 km north of Turpan, Xinjiang, China. From the two site photos released, it is evident that the church was a rare and perfect bema church belonging to an episcopal or archiepiscopal see of the Church of the East in the region.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

39

Welch, Ian. "Lydia Mary Fay and the Episcopal Church Mission in China." International Bulletin of Missionary Research 36, no. 1 (January 2012): 33–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/239693931203600111.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

40

Gautom, Priyanka, Jamie H. Thompson, Cheryl A. Johnson, Jennifer S. Rivelli, and Gloria D. Coronado. "Abstract A102: Developing faith-based messaging and materials for colorectal cancer screening: Application of boot camp translation within the African Methodist Episcopal Church." Cancer Epidemiology, Biomarkers & Prevention 32, no. 1_Supplement (January 1, 2023): A102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1158/1538-7755.disp22-a102.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract Introductory sentences: We use boot camp translation (BCT), a validated community based participatory strategy, to elicit input from African Methodist Episcopal (AME) congregants, leadership, and healthcare systems in Atlanta, Georgia to create culturally appropriate and locally relevant colorectal cancer (CRC) faith-based screening messages and materials for AME church communities. Brief description of pertinent experimental procedures: In the United States, CRC is the third-leading cause of cancer death and disproportionately impacts African Americans, highlighting the need for timely screening within this community. African American adults have higher annual rates of new CRC cases and are diagnosed with CRC at younger ages when compared to White adults. Regular CRC screening is pertinent to increasing the chance of early diagnosis and survival, however, African Americans are less likely to get screened for CRC than Whites. Church-based educational programs have been successful in promoting cancer screening, including CRC screening, in various racial and ethnic groups. Churches can serve as key partners in delivering health information as they are among the most trusted institutions within the African American community. As part of a collaboration among the American Cancer Society, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, AME churches and Atlanta-based healthcare systems, we will apply BCT to develop and disseminate messaging to promote CRC screening within the AME community. The BCT session aims are twofold: 1) to identify the role of the church in bringing CRC information to the AME community and 2) to define the content and format of effective faith-based CRC messages tailored for the AME community. Summary of new, unpublished data: The BCT workshops will occur in July 2022.Statement of conclusions: We anticipate preliminary findings and materials to be ready by September 2022. Citation Format: Priyanka Gautom, Jamie H. Thompson, Cheryl A. Johnson, Jennifer S. Rivelli, Gloria D. Coronado. Developing faith-based messaging and materials for colorectal cancer screening: Application of boot camp translation within the African Methodist Episcopal Church [abstract]. In: Proceedings of the 15th AACR Conference on the Science of Cancer Health Disparities in Racial/Ethnic Minorities and the Medically Underserved; 2022 Sep 16-19; Philadelphia, PA. Philadelphia (PA): AACR; Cancer Epidemiol Biomarkers Prev 2022;31(1 Suppl):Abstract nr A102.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

41

Seraile, William, and Annetta Louise Gomez-Jefferson. "In Darkness with God: The Life of Joseph Gomez, a Bishop in the African Methodist Episcopal Church." Journal of American History 87, no. 2 (September 2000): 743. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2568902.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

42

Martin, Sandy Dwayne, and Annetta Louise Gomez-Jefferson. "In Darkness with God: The Life of Joseph Gomez, A Bishop in the African Methodist Episcopal Church." Journal of Southern History 67, no. 2 (May 2001): 482. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3069915.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

43

Harvey, Louis Charles. "Book Review: … Songs of Zion: The African Methodist Episcopal Church in the United States and South Africa." Missiology: An International Review 26, no. 2 (April 1998): 225–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009182969802600238.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

44

ENGEL, ELISABETH. "Southern Looks? A History of African American Missionary Photography of Africa, 1890s–1930s." Journal of American Studies 52, no. 2 (May 2018): 390–417. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002187581700192x.

Full text

Abstract:

This article traces and analyzes the missionary photography of the African Methodist Episcopal Church (AME), the most important independent black American institution that began to operate in colonial South Africa at the onset of the politics of racial segregation in the 1890s. It argues that AME missionary photography presents a neglected archive, from which a history of black photographic encounters and a subaltern perspective on the dominant visual cultures of European imperialism and Christian missions in Africa can be retrieved. Focussing in particular on how AME missionaries deployed tropes of the culturally refined “New Negro” and the US South in their visual description of South Africa, this article demonstrates that photography was an important tool for black subjects to define their image beyond the representations of black inferiority that established visual traditions constructed.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

45

Eggers, Austin F. "The Impact of the American Revolution on James O'Kelly's Understanding of Ecclesial Governance in the Methodist Episcopal Church." Journal of Religious History 46, no. 1 (January 7, 2022): 61–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9809.12826.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

46

Ashcraft, William M. "Songs of Zion: The African Methodist Episcopal Church in the United States and South Africa. James T. Campbell." Journal of Religion 77, no. 3 (July 1997): 475–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/490039.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

47

Pinn, Anthony B. "Disciples of Liberty: The African Methodist Episcopal Church in the Age of Imperialism, 1884-1916. Lawrence S. Little." Journal of Religion 81, no. 4 (October 2001): 648–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/490954.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

48

Geysbeek, Tim. "From Sasstown to Zaria: Tom Coffee and the Kru Origins of the Soudan Interior Mission, 1893–1895." Studies in World Christianity 24, no. 1 (April 2018): 46–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2018.0204.

Full text

Abstract:

This article 1 underscores the key role that Tom Coffee, an ethnic Kru migrant from Sasstown, Liberia, played in founding the Soudan Interior Mission (SIM). Coffee journeyed with Walter Gowans and Thomas Kent up into what is now northern Nigeria in 1894 to help establish SIM. Gowans and Kent died before they reached their destination, the walled city of Kano. SIM's other co-founder, Rowland Bingham, did not travel with his friends, and thus lived to tell his version of their story. By using materials written in the 1890s and secondary sources published more recently, this work provides new insights into SIM's first trip to Africa. The article begins by giving background information about the Kru and Sasstown and the impact that the Methodist Episcopal Church had on some of the people who lived in Sasstown after it established a mission there in 1889. Coffee's likely connection with the Methodist Church would have helped him understand the goal and strategy of his missionary employers. The article then discusses the journey Coffee and the two SIM missionaries took up into the hinterland. The fortitude that Coffee showed as he travelled into the interior reflects the ethos of his heritage and town of origin. Coffee represents just one of millions of indigenous peoples – the vast number whose stories are now not known – who worked alongside expatriate missionaries to establish Christianity around the world. It is fitting, during SIM's quasquicentennial, to tell this story about this African who helped the three North American missionaries establish SIM.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

49

Klassen, Pamela E. "The Robes of Womanhood: Dress and Authenticity among African American Methodist Women in the Nineteenth Century." Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 14, no. 1 (2004): 39–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.2004.14.1.39.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractScholars of American religion are increasingly attentive to material culture as a rich source for the analysis of religious identity and practice that is especially revealing of the relationships among doctrine, bodily comportment, social structures, and innovation. In line with this focus, this article analyses the ways nineteenth-century African American Methodist women turned to dress as a tool to communicate religious and political messages. Though other nineteenth-century Protestants also made use of the communicative powers of dress, African American women did so with a keen awareness of the ways race trumped clothing in the semiotic system of nineteenth-century America. Especially for women entering into public fora as preachers and public speakers, dress could act as a passport to legitimacy in an often hostile setting, but it was not always enough to establish oneself as a Christian lady. Considering the related traditions of plain dress and respectability within the African Methodist Episcopal (AME) church, this essay finds that AME women cultivated respectability and plainness within discourses of authenticity that tried—with some ambivalence—to use dress as a marker of the true soul beneath the fabric. Based primarily on the autobiographical and journalistic writings of women such as Jarena Lee, Amanda Berry Smith, Hallie Q. Brown, and Frances Ellen Watkins Harper, as well as accounts from AME publications such as the Christian Recorder and the Church Review, and other church documents, the essay also draws on the work of historians of African American women and historians of dress and material culture. For nineteenth-century AME women, discourses of authenticity could be both a burden and a resource, but either way they were discourses that were often remarkably critical, both of selfmotivation and of cultural markers of class, race, and gender in a world that made a fetish of whiteness.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

50

Parrish, Alex Gunter. "“Educator and Civilizer”: The Woman’s Home Missionary Society of the Methodist Episcopal Church and the Education of Indigenous Alaskans1." Methodist History 56, no. 1 (October 1, 2017): 47–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/methodisthist.56.1.0047.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

We offer discounts on all premium plans for authors whose works are included in thematic literature selections. Contact us to get a unique promo code!