Journal articles on the topic 'Mexican Culinary'

AbstractThe article concerns the hybrid phenomenon of Tex-Mex cuisine which evolved in the U.S.-Mexico borderland. The history of the U.S.-Mexican border area makes it one of the world’s great culinary regions where different migrations have created an area of rich cultural exchange between Native Americans and Spanish, and then Mexicans and Anglos. The term ‘Tex-Mex’ was previously used to describe anything that was half-Texan and half-Mexican and implied a long-term family presence within the current boundaries of Texas. Nowadays, the term designates the Texan variety of something Mexican; it can apply to music, fashion, language or cuisine. Tex-Mex foods are Americanised versions of Mexican cuisine describing a spicy combination of Spanish, Mexican and Native American cuisines that are mixed together and adapted to American tastes. Tex-Mex cuisine is an example of Mexicanidad that has entered American culture and is continually evolving.

This article analyzes how UNESCO's intangible human heritage designation has led to traditional Mexican cuisine being turned into a resource for gastronomic tourism, showing how the State has commodified traditional culinary knowledge for the promotion of tourism. This promotion includes an official discourse that has been appropriated by traditional women cooks, who use these promotional events to build new culinary canons. This article enables a discussion of how traditional Mexican cuisine has become part of a global logic, and how its designation as intangible heritage articulates tension, discussion, and negotiation among food tourism industry stakeholders. Findings show a multilateral perspective of the consequences of a cultural event becoming a tourist resource, as well as its conceptualization and transformation in the framework of today's global context, which requires a more flexible approach to provide definitions.

Mexican writers of the twentieth century have often imagined cuisine to be a symbol of their national identity, a mestizo blend of Native American and Spanish influences. Salvador Novo, for example, a member of the Academia Mexicana de la Lengua and official chronicler of Mexico City, traced the beginnings of mestizaje to the “happy encounter” between corn tortillas and pork sausage that produced the first taco. The most common culinary metaphor for the Mexican nation was mole poblano (turkey in deep-brown sauce). Authors in the 1920s began attributing the origins of this dish to the convents of colonial Puebla, and in particular to Sor Andrea de la Asunción of the Dominican Santa Rosa cloister. About 1680 she supposedly combined seasonings from the Old World with chile peppers from the New in honor of Viceroy Tomás Antonio de la Cerda y Aragón. Mole thus represented Mexico’s “cosmic race,” created by divine inspiration and served up for the approval of the Spanish crown.

Global trade agreements have shaped the food system in ways that alter the availability, accessibility, affordability, and desirability of ready-to-eat foods. We assessed the time trends of ultra-processed foods purchases in Mexican households from 1984 to 2016. Cross-sectional data from 15 rounds of the National Income and Expenditure Survey (1984, 1989, 1992, 1994, 1996, 1998, 2000, 2002, 2004, 2006, 2008, 2010, 2012, 2014 and 2016) were analyzed. Food and beverage purchases collected in a daily record instrument (over seven days) were classified according to their degree of processing according to the NOVA food framework: (1) Unprocessed or minimally processed foods; (2) processed culinary ingredients; (3) processed foods; and (4) ultra-processed foods. From 1984 to 2016, the total daily energy purchased decreased from 2428.8 to 1875.4 kcal/Adult Equivalent/day, there was a decrease of unprocessed or minimally processed foods (from 69.8% to 61.4% kcal) and processed culinary ingredients (from 14.0% to 9.0% kcal), and an increase of processed foods (from 5.7% to 6.5% kcal) and ultra-processed foods (from 10.5% to 23.1% kcal). Given that ultra-processed foods purchases have doubled in the last three decades and unprocessed or minimally processed foods purchased have gradually declined, future strategies should promote the consumption of unprocessed or minimally processed foods, and discourage ultra-processed foods availability and accessibility in Mexico.

While health benefits of legume consumption are well documented, intake is well below recommendations in many Western cultures, and little is known regarding culinary use and consumer understanding of these foods. This study aimed to investigate consumption, knowledge, attitudes, and culinary use of legumes in a convenience sample of Australians. An online computer-based survey was used to gather data and demographic characteristics. Respondents (505 individuals answered in full or in part) were regular consumers of legumes (177/376 consumed legumes 2–4 times weekly). Chickpeas, green peas, and kidney beans were most often consumed, and were made into most commonly Mexican, then Indian and Middle Eastern meals. Consumers correctly identified protein and dietary fibre (37%) as key nutritional attributes. For non-consumers (7%; 34/463), taste, a lack of knowledge of how to prepare and include legumes, and the time taken to prepare, along with family preferences, hindered consumption. Participants identified the food category as “beans” rather than “legumes”, and this may have implications for dietary guidance at an individual and policy level. Addressing barriers to consumption, perhaps through food innovation, emphasizing positive health attributes, and clarification within dietary guidelines, are important considerations for increasing consumption of legumes.

The essence is the cultural and historical representation of the Mexican people and it lies in the markets, food inns, public squares but above all, in the stoves of the cooks and their families in the communities of our country, this is how the gastronomic culture of Hidalgo is not only represented by Pastes, exquisite barbecue from Actopan or the emblematic Pulque of pre-Hispanic origins. Based on ethnographic methodology, interaction was made with communities without incurring the daily activities of people. This methodology allows people from different municipalities to show the activities they do on a daily basis in their community, the cooks that participate were Ms. Porfiria Rodríguez, traditional cook of Santiago de Anaya, Ms. Cristina Martínez Cruz and Florentina, traditional mushroom collectors and cooks from the municipality of Acaxochitlán, in the town of Los Reyes, Mr. Mario Islas Palacio, of work Tlachiquero, among others, are the ones who allowed to know the traditional gastronomy. As the final phase the information processing was carried out, so the present work has as a first term to describe the current situation of the traditional cuisine of the state of Hidalgo and the transcendence that it has had in recent years

AbstractObjectiveTo identify the energy contributions of NOVA food groups in the Mexican diet and the associations between individual sociodemographic characteristics and the energy contribution of ultra-processed foods (UPF).DesignWe classified foods and beverages reported in a 24 h recall according to the NOVA food framework into: (i) unprocessed or minimally processed foods; (ii) processed culinary ingredients; (iii) processed foods; and (iv) UPF. We estimated the energy contribution of each food group and ran a multiple linear regression to identify the associations between sociodemographic characteristics and UPF energy contribution.SettingMexican National Health and Nutrition Survey 2012.SubjectsIndividuals ≥1 years old (n10 087).ResultsUnprocessed or minimally processed foods had the highest dietary energy contribution (54·0 % of energy), followed by UPF (29·8 %), processed culinary ingredients (10·2 %) and processed foods (6·0 %). The energy contribution of UPF was higher in: pre-school-aged childrenv. other age groups (3·8 to 12·5 percentage points difference (pp)); urban areasv. rural (5·6 pp); the Central and North regionsv. the South (2·7 and 8·4 pp, respectively); medium and high socio-economic statusv. low (4·5 pp, in both); and with higher head of household educational levelv. without education (3·4 to 7·8 pp).ConclusionsIn 2012, about 30 % of energy in the Mexican diet came from UPF. Our results showed that younger ages, urbanization, living in the North region, high socio-economic status and high head of household educational level are sociodemographic factors related to higher consumption of UPF in Mexico.

Diana Kennedy, culinary historian and cookbook author, explains regional Mexican cuisines to a global audience. L. Peat O'Neil interviews Kennedy and the wide-ranging discussion covers organic agriculture in Mexico, the effects of NAFTA on small farmers, rural activists and the diversity of Mexico's agricultural produce. Kennedy comments on chefs in Mexico City and contemporary Mexican cooking. Kennedy notes that progress in sustainable agriculture is slow in Mexico because of government disinterest and corruption. Kennedy discusses her many visits to the state of Oaxaca, where organic product branding as "Fair Trade organic" first was applied. Her current book project is focused on Oaxaca's regional recipes from remote areas of the state. Kennedy fosters all aspects of sustainable living. Other sources quoted include Pablo Span, a farmer-hotel owner in San Cayetano, Michoacan; and Salvador V. Garibay, a consultant with the Research Institute of Organic Agriculture (FiBL) based in Frick, Switzerland. Garibay works on organic agricultural projects in Mexico and Central America.

Tourists who visit a Mexican market to observe a butcher at work will readily notice the difference between the material cultures of meat in Mexico and the United States. Instead of thick, neatly cut steaks, wrapped in clear plastic, they will find butterflied strips of meat, corresponding to no known part of a cow, sawed with ragged edges but remarkable thinness, and hung on hooks and rods. Thick slabs calledsuaderomight be steak except for the checkerboards carved across the front, and seemingly random chunks ofretazocomplete the baroque display of craftsmanship. Although of little use in making Anglo-American roasts or steaks, these cuts are ideal for such delicacies ascarne asada(grilled meat) andmole de olla(chili pepper stew). Indeed, fajitas—skirt steak pounded thin and marinated, then seared quickly on a hot fire, and served with salsa and fresh tortillas— are nothing more than a Tex-Mex version of the standard method of cooking and eating beef in Mexico. Moreover, the differences between U.S. supermarket meat counters and Mexican artisanal market displays extend beyond national culinary preferences to reflect the historical growth of industrial supply chains. Indeed, meat provides a case study demonstrating the significance of consumer culture in shaping the development of Mexican capitalism during the dictatorship of Porfirio Díaz (1876-1911).

AbstractThe objective of this study is to provide insight into culinary systems. Each culture expresses its own identity through the way in which it transforms food into an elaborated cuisine. The phases of a cooking process start with the choice of ingredients, their preparation, their processing, how they are served, and how they are eaten. Each of these phases makes it possible to understand the semiotic and social behavior of a human group in the moment they choose to prepare and eat a particular food. Therefore, this article contains a contrastive analysis of how Mexican, Texan, and Italian cuisines show how spicy and hot food is interpreted depending on the values that ​​are given to it in regards to being considered a dish, a spice or a vegetable. It bases its analysis on the mechanisms built around the meaning of chile (“chilli”) in order to express cultural characteristics and differences. The recipes and their narrative processes, in addition to the use of color, allow the identification of parameters to describe the various cuisines through recipes books.

Abstract On a worldwide level, the dimension of tourism has been sustained and amplified by globalisation. This has facilitated not just easier travel, but also the internationalisation of food from the national kitchens. One of the interesting segments of the immaterial regional cultural heritage is the local gastronomic arts. Each destination has its own cultural vision linked to the area, region, and country which generate corresponding gastronomic identities. The link between local cuisine and national identity is deeply rooted in all ethnicities because food has forever been central to the day to day rituals. A distinctive trait of many cultures is given by the type of food and drinks we associate with them. Currently, many of these are available outside the borders, globalisation being largely responsible to the spread of food and drinks beyond the traditional cultural borders: Mexican and Italian food are very popular in the USA, Indian food in Great Britain, Chinese in the whole world. That is why local gastronomy is considered as being a vital part of culture and community and this is the reason for which it must be kept and protected. The gastronomy is an attribute of the identity of a destination: countries are usually characterised by one or two culinary plates, considered to be emblematic for the nation just like the national flag.

Se presenta el caso de estudio de la cocina del paradigma de Michoacán con el fin de mostrar cómo se produce una gran tensión en el proceso de la construcción de la existencia de una cocina nacional mexicana (efectuado por distintos entes oficiales y gubernamentales), debido a la presencia de la práctica de cocinas regionales e indígenas. Se cuestiona la tendencia de realizar trabajos científicos y descriptivos de la cocina tradicional p’urhé, tras la denominación de la cocina mexicana como patrimonio de la humanidad. Si se concibe a la falta de investigación y bibliografía como un problema u obstáculo para solo difundir y comercializar la riqueza culinaria y a los platillos tradicionales; se estaría generando simplemente conocimiento culinario utilitarista. La metodología consiste en realizar un análisis bibliográfico sobre lo que se ha escrito de la cocina del paradigma de Michoacán.

El presente artículo analiza los primeros libros de recetas mexicanas (1830-1890) y su papel en la creación de una identidad nacional. Tres aspectos permiten considerar a los primeros recetarios mexicanos como uno de los proyectos más audaces e innovadores en la construcción de la idea de “mexicanidad”: en primer lugar, la valorización de los productos nativos del país; en segundo, la legitimación del español vernáculo y la implementación de un lenguaje culinario nacional y, por último, la emergencia de una nueva manera de concebir el tiempo histórico a partir de la apropiación y la reinvención de prácticas culinarias prehispánicas.

Abstract Insects have great potential to serve as a sustainable food source owing to their notable nutritional value, high feed conversion rate, and low environmental footprint. The sharing of well-established recipes in cultures where insect consumption is normalized can facilitate new product development among cultures where consumption is resisted. In the current investigation, we traveled to both rural and urban areas of Oaxaca, Mexico and studied the collection, processing, retailing, and eating practices of edible insects such as chapulines [Sphenarium purpurascens Charpentier (Pyrgomorphidae, Orthoptera) and Melanoplus mexicanus (Saussure) (Acrididae, Orthoptera)], chicatanas [Atta mexicana (F. Smith) (Formicidae, Hymenoptera)], maguey worms [Comadia redtenbacheri (Hammerschmidt) (Cossidae, Lepidoptera)], and cochineal [Dactylopius coccus Costa (Dactylopiidae, Hemiptera)]. In rural communities where access to other animal-based foods has been limited, insects provided important nutritional value that today also translates into important economic value. Community members know the habits of the insects and are skilled at collecting them using sophisticated techniques. After collection, the insects are often toasted with or without seasonings for flavor and preservation. The processed insects are readily available in urban markets, and their importance in Oaxacan cuisine cannot be overestimated. Chapulines, chicatanas, and maguey worms are key ingredients in many spice mixes, salsas, and mole sauces. Cochineal is used as a food colorant. These insects are also found in a variety of foods, both sweet and savory, including omelets, tamales, quesadillas, chocolate truffles, and sorbets. As evidenced by the culinary uses of insects in Oaxaca, there is substantial potential for edible insects to become a delicacy in Western cultures.

La presencia de ovinos y caprinos en México es marginal, en comparación con otras partes del mundo. También es reducido su consumo en relación con la carne de res. Sin embargo, ambas especies son importantes para la tradición culinaria mexicana y para la economía campesina. Este artículo persigue dos objetivos: analizar las relaciones de trabajo en sistemas de producción ovina y caprina en México; y proponer nuevos acercamientos teórico-metodológicos para la investigación y el diseño de políticas públicas dirigidas al sector. En él se argumenta que el análisis de género de los sistemas productivos de ganadería menor permite comprender y documentar de manera más efectiva el trabajo de mujeres y hombres en la producción animal, así como las desigualdades de género en el acceso y control sobre tierras de pastoreo, insumos, servicios veterinarios y crediticios.

El trasvase de los culturemas de una lengua origen a una lengua meta es una de las cuestiones más complejas en el seno de la traducción, más aún en el ámbito de la traducción literaria. En el presente artículo abordamos un análisis comparativo de carácter traductológico de la obra mexicana Como agua para chocolate de Laura Esquivel y su traducción a francés, prestando especial atención a la traducción de los mexicanismos propios del ámbito culinario, así como a la fraseología relacionada con esta temática. Una vez realizado este estudio descriptivo, concluimos que los culturemas gastronómicos son uno de los elementos de carácter cultural más complejos de traducir, que requieren de una postura coherente por parte del traductor, en un proceso en el que intervienen otros factores como las características del encargo de traducción y la editorial.

“Lección de cocina”, de Rosario Castellanos, se construye en forma de fluir de conciencia de una recién casada mientras asa dos filetes. El discurso se entremezcla con sus propias experiencias culturales, conyugales y con el ardor de las quemaduras solares sufridas en la luna de miel. Los pensamientos se subvierten en consonancia con el propio proceso de cocción de los alimentos, que también van quemándose por su inexperiencia culinaria. Se estructura como respuesta un entretejido simbólico: carne asada como correlato de la propia carne, del coito y de la acción literaria, especialmente en lo que afectan a la identidad de la mujer. Esta triple caracterización sustenta las pautas que proponemos para el acercamiento a este relato, desde una perspectiva didáctica, que trasciende lo literario, pues cada uno de estos estratos se encuentra sazonado por la opresión de la sociedad mexicana hasta mediados del siglo XX.

En este trabajo se abordan aspectos culturales del consumo de insectos con fines alimenticios en México y el mundo; particularmente se analiza la entomofagia en la época prehispánica y nuestros días, así como las causas por las cuales ha disminuido el consumo de estos artrópodos. Se explica porqué se ha creado una aversión hacia los insectos en diversos países y algunas regiones de México. Se reflexiona acerca del valor nutritivo de los insectos y las distintas culturas que han hecho posible que sobreviva esta práctica culinaria en el centro y sur del territorio nacional, algunas formas de preparar platillos basados en insectos, así como los problemas que enfrenta actualmente esta costumbre alimenticia entre los mexicanos y sus perspectivas.

En el capítulo “Mole” de Nowness, Chapters of food, Enrique Olvera, un chef mexicano “de moda”, afirma que el mole sabe a mole, no a la suma de sus ingredientes, ya que cuando los reúnes, todos renuncian a sí mismos. El mole, si bien es mole, lo es justamente porque todos sus ingredientes cooperan dando sabor y porque basta sumergir la yema de un dedo en la mezcla para reparar en cada uno de ellos. Decir que el mole sabe a mole es abstraer la complejidad de sus sabores y ello incluye los sabores culturales que su confección envuelve. En Oaxaca, los moles forman parte crucial de la cultura alimentaria de sus pueblos y cada uno posee una configuración particular que rebasa lo culinario. Por tanto, un mole es la condensación de múltiples relaciones sociales que coexisten más allá de folclorismos que fetichizan, encantan y matan. En este texto, a partir de mi trabajo etnográfico de casi dos décadas en el estado de Oaxaca, proporciono una lectura antropológica del video “Mole”, retomando la importancia de la comensalidad y lo textil en el estado para resaltar que un ambiguo tratamiento de contenidos socioculturales termina siendo nocivo para eso que llamamos “nuestro patrimonio cultural”.

El taller Arte y Educación, que generamos en colaboración con estudiantes indígenas de la Universidad Pedagógica Nacional, es una propuesta de modelo educativo que incorpora nociones de arte contemporáneo, tales como la creación colectiva y el énfasis en la experiencia del proceso más que en el objeto final, para reconocer la legitimidad de cosmovisiones no occidentales que definen la forma en que diversas culturas entienden y aplican la educación, el derecho y la salud. Las demandas actuales de los movimientos indígenas reclaman el reconocimiento político y jurídico de sus identidades étnicas para participar en la organización del estado mexicano, y así, entre otros logros, buscan diseñar un modelo educativo a partir de sus necesidades para favorecer el desarrollo, mantenimiento y actualización de sus tradiciones. Por lo que el taller pretende brindar la seguridad a los futuros maestros indígenas de que son capaces de generar conocimientos a partir de lo que son y aprovechar esas diferencias para comunicar algo que nadie más puede hacer. El presente texto narra el diseño de varios platos del buen comer que responden a la tradición culinaria y alimentos endémicos de la regiones originarias de los participantes.A oficina Arte e Educação, que geramos em colaboração com estudantes indígenas da Universidade Pedagógica Nacional, é uma proposta do modelo educativo que incorpora noções da arte contemporânea, tais como a criação coletiva e a ênfase na experiência do processo mais que no objeto final, para reconhecer a legitimidade de cosmovisões não ocidentais que definem a forma em que diversas culturas compreendem e exercem a educação, o direito e a saúde. As demandas atuais dos movimentos indígenas reclamam o reconhecimento político e jurídico de suas identidades étnicas para participar na organização do estado mexicano e assim, entre outros objetivos, procuram desenhar um modelo educativo a partir de suas necessidades para favorecer o desenvolvimento, a manutenção e a atualização de suas tradições. Por isso a oficina tenta dar, aos futuros professores indígenas, a segurança de que podem gerar conhecimento a partir do que são e aproveitar essas diferenças para comunicar algo que ninguém mais pode fazer. O presente texto narra o desenho de vários pratos do bom comer que respondem à tradição culinária e aos alimentos endêmicos das regiões originárias dos participantes.

Illicium is an ancient genus and member of the earliest diverging angiosperms known as the Amborellales, Nymphaeales, and Austrobaileyales (ANA) grade. These adaptable, broadleaf evergreen shrubs, including ≈40 species distributed throughout Asia and North America, are valued for diverse culinary, medicinal, and ornamental applications. The study of cytogenetics of Illicium can clarify various discrepancies and further elucidate chromosome numbers, ploidy, and chromosome and genome size evolution in this basal angiosperm lineage and provide basic information to guide plant breeding and improvement programs. The objectives of this study were to use flow cytometry and traditional cytology to determine chromosome numbers, ploidy levels, and relative genome sizes of cultivated Illicium. Of the 29 taxa sampled, including ≈11 species and one hybrid, 2C DNA contents ranged from 24.5 pg for Illicium lanceolatum to 27.9 pg for Illicium aff. majus. The genome sizes of Illicium species are considerably higher than other ANA grade lineages indicating that Illicium went through considerable genome expansion compared with sister lineages. The New World sect. Cymbostemon had a slightly lower mean 2C genome size of 25.1 pg compared with the Old World sect. Illicium at 25.9 pg, providing further support for recognizing these taxonomic sections. All taxa appeared to be diploid and 2n = 2x = 28, except for Illicium floridanum and Illicium mexicanum which were found to be 2n = 2x = 26, most likely resulting from dysploid reduction after divergence into North America. The base chromosome number of x = 14 for most Illicium species suggests that Illicium are ancient paleotetraploids that underwent a whole genome duplication derived from an ancestral base of x = 7. Information on cytogenetics, coupled with phylogenetic analyses, identifies some limitations, but also considerable potential for the development of plant breeding and improvement programs with this genus.

Durante 2012-2015 se seleccionaron, evaluaron biométricamente, purificaron y se caracterizaron morfológicamente en planta y grano las líneas de arroz FL07562-7P-3-3P-2P-M-150pZa-250pZa-0Za y FL08224-3P-2-1P-3P-M-150pZa-250pZa-0Za. Por su elevado y estable potencial de rendimiento, tanto en la vertiente del Pacífico como del Golfo de México, en 2016 se propuso su liberación y registro ante el Servicio Nacional de Inspección y Certificación de Semillas (SNICS) como nuevas variedades Pacífico FL15 (registro ARZ-026-010716) y Golfo FL 16 (registro ARZ-025-010716), y en 2018 fueron asignados los números 1871 y 1872 de título de obtentor, respectivamente. Ambas variedades son resistentes al complejo sogata-VHB (virus de la hoja blanca) y a enfermedad endémica ‘quema del arroz’ (Pyricularia oryzae), y son moderadamente resistentes a la enfermedad ‘grano manchado’ causada por Helminthosporium oryzae en asociación con otros patógenos. El grano de ambas variedades es extra largo con excelente calidad molinera y buena calidad culinaria. Se produjo semilla básica y en octubre de 2016 se entregaron al Consejo Mexicano del Arroz, AC., 2.42 t de Pacífico FL 15 y 2.1 t de Golfo FL 16, y en otoño-invierno 2016-2017 se inició un programa de producción de semillas registradas y certificadas, para la siembra en áreas arroceras de la vertiente de océano Pacífico y las planicies del Golfo de México. Con estas variedades los arroceros contribuiran con 300 000 t de arroz de grano extra largo que demanda la población.

La raza de maíz Cacahuacintle (MC) está confinada en nichos ecológicos específicos y ha sido mínimamente estudiada a nivel intra-racial en sus aspectos de calidad para pozole, no obstante que su uso culinario específico en la gastronomía mexicana lo ubica como una opción agrícola rentable para los agricultores de los Valles Altos de México. El objetivo del estudio fue identificar poblaciones sobresalientes en calidad para pozole (CPP) en colectas de maíz Cacahuacintle de Valles Altos de Puebla (MCVAP). Se utilizaron poblaciones de MCVAP, poblaciones de MC del Estado de México, y como testigos para calidad, una población de maíz Cónico y otra de maíz Ancho. La caracterización morfológica y física de grano se aplicó en todas las poblaciones; la evaluación de la calidad para pozole, contenido de amilosa y propiedades de formación de pasta (PFP) sólo en poblaciones seleccionadas por forma de grano y en los testigos. La forma de grano predominante fue redondeada globosa (86%), que es la típica del maíz Cacahuacintle. Los valores promedio de las variables físicas del grano en las poblaciones de MC fueron: peso de mil granos de 540.6 g, peso hectolítrico de 60.5 kg hL-1, y color de grano con 83.8% de ref lectancia. El grupo formado por las poblaciones CPue-00473,00 474,00477 y 00487 se consideró como de mejor calidad para pozole, por presentar equilibrio en las variables de calidad consideradas. El contenido de amilosa no mostró correlación significativa con ninguna de las variables tecnológicas analizadas. Sin embargo, el perfil viscoamilográfico mostró una clara diferencia entre los maíces Cacahuacintle y el maíz Ancho.

La tortilla forma parte de la identidad culinaria de los mexicanos que viven en México o en el extranjero; es un componente básico de los antojitos, acompaña a los platillos festivos y es un suministro consuetudinario en la comida. Desde la época colonial, españoles, indios y mexicanos produjeron en el norte del país una cultura culinaria, hoy conocida como tex-mex, que ha sido recreada por las olas constantes de migrantes, y aunque en México fue rechazada, en Estados Unidos y en el imaginario global es reconocida como mexicana, de la que la tortilla de maíz o de trigo es un elemento identificador. A medida que las innovaciones en la comida rápida aumentan, la tortilla se ha convertido en un objeto comestible para el consumo global, desarraigado del patrimonio culinario de origen; como sucede en Shanghai, China, el caso analizado aquí. Palabras clave: tortillas; comida tex-mex; identidad culinaria; globalización de la comida; totopos. AbstractThe tortilla is part of the culinary identity of Mexicans, whether they live in the country or abroad. The tortilla is the basic ingredient of Mexican snacks, it is served along with the festive dishes, and it is a customary companion at the Mexican eating table. Since colonial times, Spaniards, Indians and Mexicans produced in the old north of Mexico a regional culinary culture known nowadays as Tex-Mex, which has been recreated by the constant waves of Mexican immigrants. Although in Mexico Tex-Mex food was rejected, in the United States and the global imaginary is recognized as Mexican, where the tortilla either of corn or wheat is an identifier. As innovations in the fast food increase, the tortilla has become an edible object for global consumption uprooted from the culinary heritage that gave it birth; such is the case of tortillas in Shanghai, China analyzed here. Key words: tortillas; Tex-Mex food; culinary identity; food globalization; wraps; tortilla chips.

The marine mollusc, commonly called sea cockroach or chiton Chiton articulatus, is a mollusc belonging to the group known as Polyplacophora because its shell is composed of eight individual plates. This mollusc inhabits the rocky intertidal shore of the Mexican Tropical Pacific, where it is endemic. It has ecological, but also economic, importance. Ecologically, it is the preferred food of the snail Plicopurpura pansa, a protected species, in the cultural heritage of the country. Additionally, it is a basibiont (generates substrate for other individuals) that maintains the biodiversity of the Region. Economically, it has changed from artisanal consumption to become a culinary tourist attraction, offered at restaurants as an exotic and aphrodisiac dish, in tourist places like Huatulco or Acapulco. Despite being an exploited resource for decades, little is known about its life history. The Mexican Authorities have not yet recognised this mollusc as a fishing resource, so that it does not have any law that controls its extraction, sale and consumption, putting at risk the recruitment, survival and permanence of this species. The goal of this project is the preservation and support for the management of the species. The Project "Quiton del Pacifico Tropical Mexicano" seeks to provide the biological, ecological, reproductive, genetic, anatomical and morphometric bases of the populations of Chiton articulatus. The project was structured in four stages: 1) field sampling and obtaining samples, 2) disclosure and presentation of the project, 3) inclusion of students at the undergraduate and graduate level, 4) application of results. The inclusion and recognition of C. articulatus as a fishing resource will achieve impact at the national and regional level through the implementation of laws that regulate its fishing, as well as its inclusion in management and food security policies. Additionally, this Mexican Chiton Project is currently replicating with chiton species in Galapagos, Ecuador.

Chilhuacle negro chili (Capsicum annuum L.) is an ancient Mexican landrace that is deeply linked to the culinary heritage of the country. Due to the high profitability and uniqueness of this crop, the “Universidad Autónoma del Estado de Morelos”, is one of the Mexican institutions exploring its production in controlled environments. In the summer of 2018, the production of chilhuacle negro plants was seriously affected by an unidentified pathogen causing fruit rot, which reduced its quality, yield and market value. Therefore, the main objective of this work was to study and characterize the fruit microbiota, which could help reveal the causal agent of this disease. Using DNA metabarcoding coupled with Illumina and nanopore sequencing technologies, both healthy and infected chili fruit, along with greenhouse bioaerosols, were collected and analyzed. We also explored the bacterial and fungal microbiota using microbiological techniques to isolate some of the culturable bacterial and fungal species. Our results suggest that the seedborne fungus Alternaria alternata is activated during the maturation stage of chilhuacle negro fruit, triggering a microbiome imbalance which may in turn enable the establishment of other opportunistic pathogenic fungi during fruit decay, such as Mucor sp. To our knowledge, this is the first study of the chilhuacle negro chili microbiome, which can shed some light on our understanding of one of the main diseases that affect this valuable crop.

This article focuses on the project of sustaining cultural diversity within global cities’ intimate spaces. Specifically, it sketches the culinary histories of an Anglo-Australian woman (who, in 1968, settled permanently in Mexico) and her male partner (who grew up in Mexico; his mother Mexican, his father Cantonese). Drawing on the tools of ‘borderwork’ (Hodge and O’Carroll), the argument positions culturally diverse landscapes of ‘Sydney’, ‘China’ and ‘Mexico City’ as distinct yet overlapping geographies. Meanwhile, analysis of curious moments in the couple’s intersecting histories contributes much fluidity to this cartography. In the process, a company of hungry ghosts appears at the dinner table – ghosts of diversity, diaspora and cosmopolitanism; nostalgia and memory; gender and ethnicity; home and belonging. The article concludes that even when borderwork is conducted amiably behind closed doors, it relies on contradictions for cultural sustenance. At the same time, its tensions resonate with possibilities for creative practice.

Introduction What French food is would seem to be an unproblematic idea. Depending on one’s taste and familiarity, a croissant, or snails, might spring to mind. Those who are a little more intimate with French cuisine might suggest the taste of a coq au vin or ratatouille, and fewer still might suggest tarte flambée or cancoillotte. Whatever the relative popularity of the dish or food, the French culinary tradition is arguably so familiar and, indeed, loved around the world that almost everyone could name one or two French culinary objects. Moreover, as the (self-proclaimed) leader of Western cuisine, the style and taste epitomised by French cuisine and the associated dining experience are also arguably some of the most attractive aspects of French gastronomy. From this perspective, where French cuisine appears to be so familiar to the non-French, seeking to define what constitutes a French meal could seem to be an inane exercise. Nonetheless, in 2010, the Mission Française du Patrimoine et des Cultures Alimentaires (not officially translated), under the aegis of the French Ministry of Culture and Communication, put forward the nomination file “The Gastronomic Meal of the French” to UNESCO, defining in clear terms a particular image of French taste, in a bid to have the meal recognised as part of the Representative List of Intangible Cultural Heritage. With the number of specifically culinary elements protected by UNESCO more than doubling with the 2013 session of the Intergovernmental Committee for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage, and with a further two in line for protection in the 2014 session, it would seem that an examination of these protected culinary traditions is in order. Rather than focusing on the problems associated with creating an intangible heritage list (Kurin; Smith and Akagawa), this article proposes an analysis of one nomination file, “The Gastronomic Meal of the French,” and the ideas which structure it. More specifically, this article will investigate how the idea of taste is deployed in the document from two different yet interconnected points of view. That is, taste as the faculty of discerning what is aesthetically excellent, and taste in its more literal gustative sense. This study will demonstrate how these two ideas of taste are used to create a problematic notion of French culinary identity, which by focusing on the framework of local (terroir) taste seeks to define national taste. By specifically citing local food stuffs (produits du terroir) and practices as well as French Republicanism in the formation of this identity, I argue that the nomination file eschews problems of cultural difference. As a result, “non-French food” and the associated identities it embodies, inherent in contemporary multicultural societies such as France with its large immigrant population, are incorporated into a cohesive, singular, culinary identity. French taste, then, is represented as uniform and embodied by the shared love of the French “art of good eating and drinking”. “Intangible” Versus “Tangible” Cultural Heritage: A Brief Overview The Intangible Cultural Heritage list was created to compliment UNESCO’s Tangible Cultural Heritage, that is, the famous World Heritage, list, which focuses on places of unique heritage. The Intangible Cultural Heritage list, for its part, concentrates on: traditions or living expressions inherited from our ancestors and passed on to our descendants, such as oral traditions, performing arts, social practices, rituals, festive events, knowledge and practices concerning nature and the universe or the knowledge and skills to produce traditional crafts (“What is Intangible Cultural Heritage?”) An examination of the elements which have been admitted to UNESCO’s Representative List of Intangible Cultural Heritage shows that there is a clear preference for traditional dances and songs. The culinary plays a very small role in the almost 300 elements currently protected by UNESCO. With the recent inscription of several additional, specifically culinary elements in December 2013, the number has more doubled but still remains low at ten elements. Out of the ten, only two of them seek to protect a cooking style: the “Mediterranean Diet” and “Traditional Mexican cuisine—ancestral, ongoing community culture, the Michoacán paradigm.” The other elements are specific culinary objects, such as Gingerbread from Northern Croatia, or culinary events, for instance the “Commemoration feast of the finding of the True Holy Cross of Christ in Ethiopia.” “The Gastronomic Meal of the French” belongs to the latter category, however is somewhat different since it is not an annual event and can take place at any time of the year as it is not related to a season or historical event. What really distinguishes the French document from the others on the list, however, is its emphasis on the idea of taste, which connects it to a long history of writing about taste in French cuisine, including of course Brillat-Savarin’s Physiology of Taste. In order to describe exactly what constitutes “The Gastronomic Meal of the French,” the authors refer frequently to two coextensive conceptions of taste, proposing that the taste of the meal is both a question of flavor and the aesthetic qualities of the diner as a whole. Whilst these ideas concerning the place of taste in French gastronomy appear to share numerous similarities to those elaborated in Brillat-Savarin’s work, I will focus on the way the conceptions of taste discussed in the dossier are used to formulate French identity. Taste: An Aesthetic Judgment, An Art When considering “The Gastronomic Meal of the French,” the closeness of the two ideas of aesthetic taste and gustative taste is perhaps clearer in French: the French verb dresser can be used to describe setting the table, an important aspect of the gastronomic meal, and arranging food on a plate. This link to aesthetics is important and in the nomination file the Gastronomic Meal of the French is taken as representative of the height of the French “art of good eating and drinking.” In the terms of the document the authors define the meal as “a festive meal bringing people together for an occasion to enjoy the art of good eating and drinking” (“Nomination file” 3). In evoking art here, they stress the importance that aesthetics play in the design of this meal. For them, the culinary art of the gastronomic meal involves both aesthetic and gustative concerns, since in order for the guests to savour the meal, the hosts must think as much about the delectability of their dishes as the classic French taste they must demonstrate in their table decoration and discussion about the food which they prepare. The participants’ conversation about the food during the meal and their comportment at the table are important elements of this taste, since they reinforce and aestheticize the dining experience. Moreover, both the host and guests must use “codified gestures” and certain expressions to discuss what they are eating and drinking so as to display by means of specific vocabulary that they are enjoying the meal (5). The art of conversation, then, is important in accomplishing one of the goals of the gastronomic meal, that being to share “the pleasure of taste” (8). The nomination file lists the gastronomic meal’s specific rites as involving the “setting [of] a beautiful table, the order of courses, food and wine pairing, [and] conversation about the dishes” (3). By listing these elements in this order, the authors highlight that aesthetic and gustative concerns are interrelated and equally important. What is more, just as the decoration of a table and conversing about the dishes could be seen to be arts in the largest sense of the term, so too should “the order of the courses” and the “food and wine pairing” be understood to be a question of aesthetic judgment. In other words, the role of these rites in the gastronomic meal is as much to reinforce the sophisticated aesthetics of the hosts’ meal as to delight the taste buds of the guests. The prominent role of the aestheticization of taste in the gastronomic meal is made even clearer elsewhere in the document when the authors specify how the table should be laid for a gastronomic meal. They write that this should be done according to the: classic French taste, based on symmetry that fans out from the centre and including a tablecloth, artistically folded napkins, objects whose shapes are appropriate for each course and designed to enhance tastes; and, depending on the circumstance, between two and five glasses, several plates and utensils, and sometimes a written menu. (5) Here the aesthetics of the table are not simply meant to be appreciated visually, but supposed to support and “enhance tastes”. The two forms of taste, then, are clearly complementary ingredients in the successful hosting of a gastronomic meal and hosts should pay equal attention to both. The authors state that the extra care paid to the aesthetics of the meal is meant to honour the guests and differentiate the meal from a standard, everyday meal (5). Since the two ideas of taste intersect, it naturally follows that the choice of the culinary products for the meal also contributes to the goal of creating a special dining experience. Taste as Gustative Experience, The Terroir For the authors, the French palate is not unified by a canon of specific dishes, but a shared “vision of eating well” (3). This collective vision encompasses several different ideas, including the structure of the meal, the recipes used and the choice of products. Just as with the aesthetic concerns above regarding table arrangements, the authors are quite particular about the configuration of the meal. For them, the gastronomic meal must respect the same structure: beginning with the apéritif (drinks before the meal) and ending with liqueurs, containing in between at least four successive courses, namely a starter, fish and/or meat with vegetables, cheese and dessert, the courses possibly numbering five or six depending on the occasion. (5) The structure of the meal is supposed to highlight the quality of the good products that the host has obtained and exhibit how their flavours go well together (5). In terms of the exact recipes used in the meal, the host might call upon a “repertoire of codified recipes” (3) in order to honour the shared “vision of eating well”. So deeply ingrained is this shared vision in the French psyche that the authors do not need to specify what the recipes are, and even go so far as to claim that the unknown list is “constantly growing” (5). This undefined catalogue of recipes and shared “vision of eating well,” then, arguably represent a banal form of national culinary identity, since these culinary practices constitute a “form of life, which is daily lived” (Billig 69) by the nation without being specified. More important than the recipes, however, is the “search for good products” (3). The hunt for good products begins with seeking out “local food products available at markets […] since they have a high cultural value” (6). The authors argue that the importance attached to these products symbolises the French commitment to non-standardised food products and “quality in terms of taste, nutrition and food safety” (6). The height of gustative taste is represented by the use of these local food products (produits du terroir) since they provide evidence of the hosts’ “knowledge of the characteristics of local production areas” (2). Just as above with the aesthetic concerns of the meal, when discussing one idea of taste, the other is never far away. In this case, the hosts’ knowledge of the local products, used in crafting the gustative experience, is meant to contribute the art of conversation which takes place during the meal. The hosts’ gustative and aesthetic tastes are on display and under analysis at every point in the meal. For the authors of the nomination file, then, French gustative taste is ruled by the idea of terroir. Successfully holding a gastronomic meal means that the hosts must be intimately familiar with France’s geography and the local products of France and use this knowledge to choose the right products. All of these very specific ideas concerning the aesthetic and gustative tastes illustrated in the document, then, raise interesting questions about inclusion and exclusion in the notion of French culinary identity they embody. Whose Taste Is It? So far I have argued that taste is the central preoccupation of the nomination file, which governs both aesthetic and gustative choices a host makes when organizing and holding a gastronomic meal. This discussion has elided some of the questions raised by the document’s definitions of taste, most notably the problem of whose taste is defined by the document. One possible response to this question is provided in quite clear terms by the document itself, when the authors talk about the antecedent of the current meal. For them, the meal evolved out of the values exemplified by “the high-society meal, transmitted through revolutionary France [and which] inspired working-class practices” (5). This reference to revolutionary French values reveals how the authors’ arguments about taste are informed by the values of the French Republic, a powerful notion in discussions about French national identity. As numerous critics have contended, the status of France as a republic significantly impacts on how national identity is constructed (McCaffrey), since it is conceived of through the idea of citizenship. Put simply, being a French citizen means that, for the state, one’s position as a citizen takes precedence over any cultural particularisms or clan and family solidarities (Jennings). To put it another way, whilst the individual person displays specificities, the citizen demonstrates the universal values held by all citizens of the French state (Schnapper). Citizenship is a political matter and any aspect of one’s private life is irrelevant to the state’s treatment of its citizens. In ignoring any particularisms that a citizen may have, French Republicanism seeks to universalise all values held by its citizens, simultaneously providing a common shared identity and a means to exclude anyone who fails to commit to these ideals. As Jennings has pointed out elsewhere, these Republican ideals have an interesting effect on how one considers French national identity in the contemporary diverse society that is France, since “despite an astonishing level of cultural and ethnic diversity, France has seen itself as and has sought to become a monocultural society” (575). In terms of the French culinary practices discussed here the associated problems with French Republicanism are clear, for such a “mono-culinary” representation of French foodways would potentially lead to significant portions of the population being left out of any such definition. Given the document’s reference to the Republic, the universalizing force displayed in the nomination file cannot simply be considered the result of the structure of UNESCO’s bureaucratic file, but should instead be understood as the expression of French Republican ideas of identity. Here it is the quality of local ingredients (produits du terroir) which characterise the universal pleasure of taste and the appreciation of local farming practices (terroirs) that the authors seek to elevate in the face of any imported tastes concurrently practised in France. The fact that the universal claims made in the French document are specific to it, and not inherent of UNESCO’s form, is evident when examining other nomination files, such as the traditional Mexican cuisine dossier. Whilst the Mexican dossier argues that the cuisine offers a “comprehensive cultural model” (4), its authors talk instead of communities whose identities display “distinct yet shared features, all of them together [making] for a flourishing cuisine throughout the country” (12). The Mexican file, thus, recognises that diversity is an integral part of its culinary model. For the French dossier, on the other hand, the Republican ideas are made patent by the authors’ insistence upon the homogenous nature of these culinary practices and tastes. They assert, for instance, that the meal is a “very popular practice, with which all French people are familiar” (3); that it displays a “homogeneity in the whole community” (3); that it embodies a “social practice […] associated with a shared vision of eating well” (3); and that it is part of a “shared history and that it carries the values on which French culture is based” (5). The authors also reference a small survey to support this supposition in which an incredible 95.7 per cent of respondents consider “the gastronomic meal to be part of their heritage and identity” (10). Furthermore they claim that the gastronomic meal transcends local customs, generations, social class and opinions, and adapts to religious and philosophical beliefs. Its values take in diversity and strengthen feelings of belonging for participants in the gastronomic meal. (5) This quotation demonstrates the Republic’s ability to transform the particular into the general, the individual into citizen. Here this transformative ability is seen in the authors’ assertion that the Gastronomic Meal of the French cuts across “local customs” and “social classes” to bring people together and reinforce the sense of a united nation. With this insistent discourse that the meal is unanimously accepted, understood, and practised by the entire nation, despite one’s particularisms, the authors of the file demonstrate how they seek to universalise the meal. The meal should no longer be considered as an object, for the authors seek to promote it to the status of a national myth which is deeply rooted in the national psyche, echoing the nation’s motto of “One Republic/cuisine united and indivisible for everyone.” The Republican nature of the universal tastes represented in the document is further reinforced when the authors emphasise the role of the State and its education system in ensuring that the right taste prevails. Just as many critics discussing the Republic regard the French education system’s role as one which constructs citizens (Janey), equipping them with the appropriate national values, the authors of nomination file argue that good taste is of national significance and ought to be taught in the education system. For them, this taste should be imparted to students in primary schools by regularly preparing and consuming meals so as to instruct them in “the rites of the gastronomic meal, including the choice of the right products” (8). The idea of the right taste is further impressed upon students through the annual “Taste Week” in which “educational activities on nutrition and the development of taste […] essential to maintaining the rites of the element [take place in schools]” (7). These activities include instruction in “the combining of flavours, pleasure of taste, choice of the right product, conversation and gastronomic discourse” (7). For those not at school, the “choice of the right product” (14) mentioned here is facilitated through yet another state sanctioned source of taste, the Inventory of Traditional Food and Agricultural Know-how. Conclusion The “Gastronomic Meal of the French” defines national culinary identity by combining several different ideas together. On one level, the authors draw together Benedict Anderson’s concept of “imagined communities” and Michael Billig’s notion of “banal nationalism.” They argue that there exists a state approved, written form this identity which is intimately linked to the French Republic and its history (Anderson), whilst also contending that the food practices are so well-known that they are banal facets of everyday lived experience (Billig). On another level, they draw these assertions regarding national identity together through the notion of taste, which the authors stress is integral to French culinary identity. In terms of gustative taste, the preference for terroir in the document points to how the local is used as a “conduit toward national self-understanding” (Gerson 215). Yet this approach leads to a problematic relationship between local and national concerns, which ought to be seen as part of a larger issue concerning the link between Republican values and the disciplining of French culinary identity and space. What it is tempting to ask—and the present paper is just the beginning—is how do state sanctioned bodies, like the Mission Française du Patrimoine et des Cultures Alimentaires combined with brotherhoods (confréries) and local organisations mentioned in the nomination file as well as the system of Appellations d’Origine Contrôlée, come together to discipline French culinary identity and taste? The examination of the present document seems to suggest that Republican Universalism is one key ingredient in this act of discipline. The hesitation between asserting a cohesive, national culinary identity whilst at the same time recognising the “diversity of traditions foods and cuisines” (5), appears to be representative of the hesitation in political discourse apparent in the modern Republic. The tensions exposed in this document are being played out in the policies concerning decentralisation and recognition to a certain extent of regional minorities in France. As Schnapper puts it, the great problem which the Republic currently faces is how can the state reconcile “the absolute of citizenship—the Republic—with the legitimate expression of particularistic allegiances in conformity with democratic values” (quoted, Jennings 152). Ultimately, what “The Gastronomic Meal of the French” shows is how pertinent Republican ideas still are in France, since, despite claims of a crisis in Republican values and the current debates in French parliament, they remain important in any consideration of French identity, not only in the political spectrum, but also in everyday cultural objects like food. References Anderson, Benedict. Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origins and Spread of Nationalism. London: Verso, 1983. Billig, Michael. Banal Nationalism. London: Sage, 1995. Gerson, Stéphane. “The Local.” The French Republic: History, Values, Debate. Eds. Edward Berensen, Vincent Duclert, and Christophe Prochasson. London: Cornell UP, 2011. 213–20. Janey, Brigitte. “Frenchness in Perspective(s).” Hexagonal Varitations: Diversity, Plurality and Reinvention in Contemporary France. Eds Jo McCormack, Murray Pratt, and Alistair Rolls. Amsterdam: Editions Rodopi, 2011. 57–78. Jennings, Jeremy. “Citizenship, Republicanism and Multiculturalism in Contemporary France.” British Journal of Political Science 30 (2000): 575–98. Jennings, Jeremy. “Universalism.” The French Republic: History, Values, Debate. Eds. Edward Berensen, Vincent Duclert, and Christophe Prochasson. London: Cornell UP, 2011. Kurin, Richard, “Safeguarding Intangible Cultural Heritage in the 2003 UNESCO Convention: A Critical Appraisal.” Museum International 56.1/2 (2004): 66–77. McCaffrey, Edna. The Gay Republic: Sexuality, Citizenship and Subversion in France. Aldershot: Ashgate, 2005. Schnapper, Domonique. La Communauté des Citoyens. Paris: Gallimard, 1994. Smith, Laurajane, and Natsuko Akagawa. Intangible Heritage. New York: Routledge, 2008. UNESCO. “Convention for the Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage.” UNESCO, Culture Section 17 Oct. 2003. 12 Jun. 2013 ‹http://www.unesco.org/culture/ich/en/convention›. UNESCO. “Dossier de Candidature : Le Repas Gastronomique des Français.” UNESCO, Culture Section. Nov. 2010. 12 Jun 2013 ‹http://www.unesco.org/culture/ich/en/RL/00437›. UNESCO. “Nomination File: The Gastronomic Meal of the French.” UNESCO, Culture Section Nov. 2010. 12 Jun. 2013 ‹http://www.unesco.org/culture/ich/en/RL/00437›. UNESCO. “Nomination File: Traditional Mexican Cuisine—Ancestral, Ongoing Community Culture, the Michoacán Paradigm.” UNESCO, Culture Section Nov. 2010. 12 Jun. 2013 ‹http://www.unesco.org/culture/ich/en/RL/00400›. UNESCO. “What is Intangible Cultural Heritage?” UNESCO, Culture Section n.d. 12 Jun. 2013 ‹http://www.unesco.org/culture/ich/index.php?lg=en&pg=00002›.

Hors d’oeuvre The popularity of cookbooks and culinary television shows in the last few years has been the origin of all sorts of new phenomena, such as literature crossing the bridge from cookbooks to such subgenres as food memoirs and culinary travelogues, or the discovery of new food cultures and food vocabulary. We can now cook the Basque menestra following the recipe of the famous blogger and cookbook author, Aran Goayaga, or try our hand at the Chinese soup tangyuan from Leslie Li’s Daughter of Heaven regardless of where we live. But how well does food translate across languages and cultures? I know what to expect from menestra as I am familiar with the Italian minestrone, which was introduced into the western dialects of Slovene as mineštra. But when reading about tangyuan, there is no mental image, much less a taste imprint, accompanying the word. Language and food are closely linked, if for nothing else, for the fact that the mouth is instrumental in both. For language, the oral cavity is the means of expression, for food it is the means for reception and tasting. It is like an intersection where language and food meet. When we reminisce about a favourite childhood dish or food, we can virtually taste it only by saying the word. The senses, supported by emotions, are a powerful tool, a reliable memory. It is for this reason that sometimes emotions are more easily expressed through food than with words, such as Tita’s longing and desperation in Laura Esquivel’s Like Water for Chocolate. It is perhaps because of this inability to truly verbalise the wonder and deliciousness of food that when translating food between different languages and cultures, meanings and tastes can become unclear or lost. Appetiser In less exact culinary genres, such as food memoirs, difficult translations can be tackled by using approximate and roundabout descriptions. “Metaphors are very plentiful, evocative, and useful in food memoirs. They are often created to explain exotic foods and culinary practices in terms that are more familiar to [...] readers” (Waxman 373). Similarly, in an interview about multiculturalism and identity, Homi Bhabha suggests that “all forms of culture are in some ways related to each other” and thus translatable (Rutherford 209–10). However, Bhabha is also referring to metaphors, myths, and symbols. Food, however, is a very particular ingredient of culture that cannot be always expressed with metaphors when translated. Cookbooks require an exact terminology; metaphors are of little help when a soufflé collapses or steaks end up overdone. Yet despite cultural, ethnic, religious, and other differences, there are certain concepts, such as beauty, that can be almost universally appreciated. Kant’s notion of “common sense“ explains what enables us to comprehend and appreciate beauty. By this universal communicability Kant “means that humans all must have a kind of sensing ability which operates the same way” (Burnham). This sensing ability could easily be expanded onto the beauty (and deliciousness) of food. After all, just as everyone can appreciate the magnificence of a Renoir, they can enjoy the satisfying mix of spices and herbs in a steak tartare, regardless of their mother tongue. And yet, when food is transformed into a written recipe and the language becomes a barrier, the opportunity for misunderstanding becomes greater. Walter Benjamin maintains that in translation, “the transfer can never be total [...] Even when all the surface content has been extracted and transmitted, the primary concern of the genuine translator remains elusive. Unlike the words of the original, it is not translatable, because the relationship between content and language is quite different in the original and the translation” (19). Furthermore, translation “implies adapting the meaning of a proposition, enabling it to pass from one code to another” (Bourriaud 30). If translation means adaptation, then in the process we lose the nuances of dishes that differ from one village to the next, not to mention from one nation to another at the other end of the world. And with this, we can lose subtle “insights into cultures” (Waxman 364). Brett Jocelyn Epstein, a translator and editor of a number of cookbooks, enumerates several issues that cause trouble when translating culinary texts, among them the availability of ingredients, different cuts of meats, measurements, and the kitchen equipment. While all are of equal importance for the translation of a text, let us focus on the difficulties that can arise when translating the ingredients that can sometimes be essential for a dish but difficult to find in a foreign country. Epstein emphasizes that simply substituting an ingredient with a more easily obtainable one is not an appropriate solution if this is repeated throughout a cookbook for recipe after recipe, ingredient after ingredient. There are limits to the changes a translator can make in a text; limits that turn one dish into an entirely new fare with a host of new ingredients. Instead, Epstein suggests keeping the original ingredients, but adding a list of possible substitutes. National Dish Let us have a look at an edible example. In France, crème fraîche is a naturally fermented thick cream, but the version sold in the UK is fermented by adding sour cream, buttermilk, or yoghurt. In North Wales it is known as “croghurt“ (a portmanteau word for “cream and yoghurt“) (Ayto 103). Crème fraîche, although slightly sour with pH of about 4.5, is not sour cream, but in many countries sour cream is used as a substitute because the French version is unobtainable. On the contrary, in Italy, it is near impossible to find sour cream. There is no tradition of using it in Italian cuisine, and it is mostly immigrants from other countries, such as Ukrainians, Poles, or Slovenians, who use it in their cooking. Panna acida or panna agra, as sour cream is known in Italy, is being imported and only sold in selected shops. As another example, the Swedes use filmjölk and gräddfil which are most often translated as yoghurt and cultivated buttermilk respectively, although these translations are mere approximations. Filmjölk may resemble yoghurt in consistency but it is fermented by different bacteria that give it a less sour taste. Gräddfil is a little thicker than yoghurt and also not as sour. Then there are kefir, piimä, kumis, lassi, ayran, and clabber, to mention just a few related, but different, products. How do such untranslatable ingredients affect the final outcome? Crêpes with fruit and sour cream are not quite the same as with crème fraîche; sour cream lacks the creaminess of the crème and has a tangier taste. Worse still, sour cream can curdle when added to a soup and heated, while crème fraîche does not. It is evident then, that culinary translation affects more than just words. This is not, however, only a matter for chefs and cooks to consider; it is also an issue when an author wants to share traditional dishes with readers of other nationalities and especially when the core ingredients of their (or their country’s) signature dishes are not available globally. I am not here referring only to such unusual ingredients as the honeypot ants used in bush tucker. Some foods, despite the logistics accessibility of every nook and cranny of our world, are sometimes still difficult or impossible to obtain outside their place of origin simply for the lack of a high enough demand. Is it, then, better to stick to the original ingredients and keep the integrity of the recipe, or is it better to adapt the dish to another culture or let it exist between cultures? Would we rather our recipe remain a “wannabe dish” because readers are unable to find the ingredients for it, or would we prefer for them to enjoy an approximation of our creation? Linguist, anthropologist, and renowned chef, Rick Bayless, tackles the translation of food the same way he would translate languages. He introduced countless Mexican dishes into the North American cuisine through his award-winning Mexican restaurants, cookbooks, and his television show Mexico–One Plate at a Time. He looks at the issue of translation not solely from the point of view of the original cuisine, but also from the perspective of the target audience. “You have to really understand both cultures. Not just the words, not just the ingredients or the dishes out of context, but you have to understand it on a much broader perspective” (Translating Food). He is trying to present traditional Mexican dishes in a way that will make them “understandable“ in the American context. Bayless maintains that “people will cook a dish exactly the way it's done in the host culture,” but that makes it “this sort of relic that’s not understandable” in the target culture’s context. Or as German writer and poet, Rudolf Pannwitz, stated, “our translations, even the best ones, proceed from a wrong premise. They want to turn Hindi, Greek, English into German instead of turning German into Hindi, Greek, English” (qtd. in Benjamin 22). The more ingredients, the more complex the situation becomes, and sometimes a dish is near impossible to translate because of its cultural specificity. Mostly, such names of dishes are kept in the original, like polenta, sushi, or the already mentioned tangyuan. But particularly smaller nations, with subsequently smaller languages, feel the need to make their dishes more recognisable. For example, certain Slovenian dishes, such as idrijski žlikrofi, are registered as a traditional speciality (TSG) at the European Commission but even as such they often have poor recognisability. The same is true of other typical Slovenian dishes; while well known and appreciated at home, they are often quite unknown outside the country’s borders. Consequently, to reach higher recognisability, we often over-translate. Fig. 1. The Making of idrijski žlikrofi. 2013. The Author. An example of this is a Slovenian dessert whose established name in English is the “Prekmurian layer cake“ (a layered cake with apples, poppy seeds, cottage cheese and walnuts from the Prekmurje region, a region across the river Mura). However, it happens quite often that you will receive a decidedly different translation if you ask a waiter in a restaurant or people on the street what prekmurska gibanica is. Someone at some point literally translated it as the “over Mura moving cake“ (gibanica contains the morpheme gib- meaning “movement, motion“, hence “moving cake“, although it has nothing to do with moving). The wrong translation is probably mentioned more often than the correct one and it is so nonsensical that it has been preserved as a running joke, while some still think it is a correct translation. Another quandary for the translator is the existence of words that denote different dishes in one language. Within hundred kilometres of my hometown, the name fancelj refers to three different culinary delights. We use it to denote an omelette-like dish of beaten eggs with yarrow, lemon balm or other herbs occasionally added to it. In the upper Soča valley, it is known to denote doughnuts. Further to the south, fancelj stands for deep-fried buns similar to what the French call pets-de-nonne (literally “nun’s farts“). Similarly, in Swedish, the terms kaka and tårta quite often overlap in their usage and thus cause confusion when being translated into English (as cake and torte, and sometimes even as cookie, depending on the type of pastry in the original recipe). If one is not familiar with such dialectal distinctions or cultural peculiarities, it is difficult to avoid mistranslations. Such delicate translations also include the Turkish coffee that becomes Greek coffee in Greek bars, French toast that is called pain perdu in France, or Russian salad, called salade russe by the French, but French salad by Slovenians (and salat oliv’e by the Russians). Furthermore, if you order à la mode in France, you will be served beef braised with vegetables. In the US, however, you can only order à la mode for dessert as it means an apple pie or similar dessert served with ice cream (Ayto). These examples are often due to disagreements and misconceptions about who created a certain dish, and wrong usage can cause resentment among the (presumably) wronged parties. Sometimes, delicious bits of information get lost in translation. A Slovenian dialectal word knedelj is usually translated into English as dumpling, a neat and straightforward translation. But in the original word knedelj that was borrowed from the German knödel, related to kneten (Snoj 209), one can detect traces of Proto-Germanic knedanan that developed through Old Saxon knedan into Old English cnedan and today’s knead (Online Etymology Dictionary). The two words, one English and the other dialectal Slovene, originate in the same ancient expression. But I suppose only linguists would find this information worth mulling over for a few seconds before tucking into a wholesome serving of plum dumplings. Considering the aforementioned difficulties of culinary translation, it is not surprising that certain words are often simply left in the original. This is especially true of Italian dishes, such as types of pasta, or certain Asian fares (for more on translating Chinese dishes see Mu 2010). Consequently, many are now familiar with calzone, bento, farfalle, sashimi, zucchini, and zabaglione (the latter of which is also known as sabayon, zabaione, and zabajone). Even once the words find their place in their adoptive language and the users become wholly familiarised with their meaning and thus the problem of translation is avoided, another difficulty arises—that of adapting the word (morphologically) to the new language. Pine nuts in American English are also called pignoli, a word borrowed from Italian. There seems to be considerable confusion as to the plural form of the word in its English usage. Pignoli, originally a plural form of pignolo, “hovers between singular and plural in English”, where subsequently two other plural forms have appeared—pignolia and pignolis (Ayto 277). Dessert For readers, getting to know about other cultures’s foods and their preparation can be very enriching for gaining an understanding of both those particular cultures and, in turn, their own (Waxman), but for writers and translators of cookbooks, food memoirs, culinary travelogues, and other such culturally and culinary specific genres (and especially those from smaller countries), translating food expressions can be challenging. There is no simple rule that helps translate every expression or ingredient. Translations must be carried out on a case-to-case basis, sometimes compromising the food, sometimes the translation. Similarly, as more and more people become nomads in the 21st century, immigrating for economic or political reasons, family, or simply for fun, in the same way food too is becoming a “portable practice” (Bourriaud 33) that crosses boundaries, cultures, and languages. Due to this, food is taking on a new role; its functions “both unifying and divisive” (Waxman 366). The culinary translator’s task should be to translate in such a way that the divisive effect is minimised as much as possible and yet the text retains its cultural flavour. This is difficult, and requires knowledge of both the source and target languages and cultures, but ultimately it can be done. Food and language are like a pair of tango dancers—caught in a passionate embrace, but bickering constantly nonetheless, their tastes too dissimilar. Or, as Isabel Allende suggests, to seduce a lover one needs both food and words: “language is also aphrodisiac in regard to food; commenting on the dishes, their flavours and perfumes, is a sensual exercise for which we have a vast vocabulary filled with wit, metaphors, references, humour, word games, and subtleties” (106). But to seduce with words, we must first taste the food. Perhaps translators and authors of culinary texts are not all accomplished cooks, but it is of great help if they can prepare and taste the dishes and ingredients that they are attempting to adapt to new cultures and environments. References Allende, Isabel. Aphrodite, A Memoir of the Senses. New York: HarperCollins Publishers, 1998. Ayto, John. The Diner’s Dictionary: Word Origins of Food & Drink. UK: Oxford UP, 2012. Benjamin, Walter. “The Task of the Translator.” The Translation Studies Reader. Ed. Lawrence Venuti. London: Routledge, 2004. 15–25. Bourriaud, Nicolas. The Radicant. New York: Lukas & Sternberg, 2010. Burnham, Douglas. “Kant’s Aesthetics.” Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy 30 Jun. 2005. 7 Apr. 2013 ‹http://www.iep.utm.edu/kantaest›. Epstein, Brett Jocelyn. “What’s Cooking: Translating Food.” Translation Journal, 13.3 (2009). 11 Mar. 2013 ‹http://www.bokorlang.com/journal/49cooking.htm›. Esquivel, Laura. Like Water for Chocolate. USA: Transworld Publishers, 1989. Goayaga, Aran. Small Plates & Sweet Treats: My Family’s Journey to Gluten-free Cooking. New York: Little, Brown & Company, 2012. Li, Leslie. Daughter of Heaven: A Memoir of Earthly Recipes. New York: Arcade, 2005. Mu, John Congjun. “English Translation of Chinese Dish Names.” Translation Journal 14.4 (Oct. 2010). 8 Apr. 2013 ‹http://www.translationjournal.net/journal/54dishes.htm›. Online Etymology Dictionary. 12 Feb. 2013 ‹http://www.etymonline.com/index.php?term=knead&allowed_in_frame=0›. Rutherford, Jonathan. “The Third Space: Interview with Homi Bhabha.” Identity: Community, Culture, Difference. Ed. Jonathan Rutherford. London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1990. 207–221. Snoj, Marko. Slovenski etimološki slovar. Ljubljana: Modrijan založba, 2009. “Translating Food.” Visual Thesaurus 23 May 2007. 11 Mar. 2013 ‹https://www.visualthesaurus.com/cm/wc/translating-food›. Waxman, Barbara Frey. “Food Memoirs: What They Are, Why They Are Popular, and Why They Belong in the Literature Classroom.” College English 70.4 (2008): 363–82.

El pulque fue un producto muy utilizado en la cocina mexicana durante la época prehispánica, actualmente su uso y consumo se encuentra en decadencia por lo que la investigadora hace referencia a su lugar natal Acatlán, Estado de Hidalgo, en donde se da a la tarea de reunir información de los mismos habitantes de este municipio, después de una serie de entrevistas y visitas a diferentes comunidades, así se inicia, un trabajo dedicado al rescate, a documentar tradiciones, costumbres y promueve el uso del pulque no solo como bebida sino como un producto dentro del mismo proceso de preparación de diferentes platillos y logra así rescatar algunas recetas de esta comunidad. Este fue un trabajo documental enriqueciéndolo con un trabajo de campo.

¿Qué sucede cuando una novela se disfraza de diario íntimo y de recetario, dos géneros al parecer disímiles? El trabajo presente pretende desentrañar esta pregunta mediante un análisis de la trilogía culinaria de la escritora mexicana Laura Esquivel: Como agua para chocolate (1989), El diario de Tita (2016) y Mi negro pasado (2017). Algunas definiciones del diario íntimo y de la intimidad como fenómeno histórico arrojan luz sobre las funciones de la escritura íntima que El diario de Tita imita. Contrasto el espacio íntimo del diario con el espacio privado de la cocina en las primeras dos novelas. Aunque ambos espacios pueden resultar transgresores a su manera, el diario le confiere a su escritor la libertad especial de reflexionar y de autodefinirse. Para profundizar en el contraste entre el diario y el recetario, recurro a uno de los prototipos latinoamericanos del recetario que intercala el relato: Cocina ecléctica (1890) de la escritora argentina Juana Manuela Gorriti. En última instancia, analizo la ausencia de la escritura íntima en Mi negro pasado para respaldar el argumento de que la trilogía defiende el derecho a la intimidad y reivindica la escritura íntima dentro del espacio privado de la familia y del espacio público de la sociedad.

La gastronomía es “el arte culinario”, donde más allá de los ingredientes, técnicas y métodos de sus recetas llevan consigo la evolución histórica y su significado cultural de la región donde los sabores, colores, ingredientes, son algo así como el vínculo del ser humano con su alimentación. En la cultura mexicana se encuentra una gran variedad de platillos regionales que se han mantenido a través del tiempo, recetas de la época prehispánica que hasta el día de hoy se mantienen en el pueblo de México, que con el paso del tiempo se han modificado debido a una falta de registro, pero no por eso pierde su gran valor cultural, pues a nivel mundial se puede escuchar hablar de ella. Visualizar los alcances que tendrá un platillo de comida en su máxima representación gráfica digital donde a través del color, las formas, la fotografía y la composición se pueda llevar a distintos sitios por medio del internet, donde miles de personas de todo el mundo que navegan en la Web atravesarán fronteras descubriendo la gastronomía de una región, llevando consigo no solo el impacto visual de la pieza de diseño sino mostrando la riqueza cultural de México.