Journal articles: 'Mexican Philosophy'

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Lopez Molina, Amalia X. "Mexican Philosophy." East Asian Journal of Philosophy 2, no. 1 (2022): 115–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.19079/eajp.2.1.115.

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Cuéllar Moreno, José Manuel. "Las Meditaciones suramericanas del Conde de Keyserling. Su impronta en la filosofía de lo mexicano." Latinoamérica. Revista de Estudios Latinoamericanos, no. 73 (September 13, 2021): 189. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/cialc.24486914e.2022.73.57267.

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el objetivo es revisar las principales tesis del Conde de Keyserling en las Meditaciones suramericanas (1933) y demostrar su influencia en dos pensadores mexicanos: Samuel Ramos y Emilio Uranga. Tiene la doble originalidad de reivindicar a Keyserling como pieza clave para comprenderel proceso de “germanización” de la filosofía mexicana durante los años veinte y treinta del siglo pasado, y de rastrear por primera vez la influencia de nociones keyserlinguianas como “hombre telúrico”, “mundo abisal” y “gana” en los análisis sobre la finura y la desgana del mexicano.Se concluye que esta influencia no fue accesoria, sino decisiva, y que no se limitó a México. Por décadas, Keyserling alimentó el imaginario de filósofos y novelistas de toda Latinoamérica. El artículo adopta el presupuesto metodológico del historicismo: “una idea no viene a ser sino la forma de reacción de un determinado hombre frente a sus circunstancias”.Palabras clave: Keyserling; Meditaciones suramericanas; Filosofía de lo mexicano; Samuel Ramos; Emilio Uranga.Abstract: The purpose of this article is to review Keyserling’s main philosophical ideas and categories in his South American Meditations (published in German in 1932), and show the major influence they had on Mexican thinkers such as Samuel Ramos and Emilio Uranga. This articlesvindicates the important role of Keyserling in the “Germanization” of Mexican Philosophy in the first half of the past century, and traces for the first time the presence of some Keyserling’s notions(“hombre telúrico”, “mundo abisal”, “gana”) in the characterization of the Mexican as delicate and unwilling. This influence was decisive and spread throughout Latin America. Historicism provides the methodological assumption that an idea (even a philosophical one) is nothing but a way a concrete human being deals with her circumstances.Key words: Keyserling; South American Meditations; Mexican Philosophy; Samuel Ramos; Emilio Uranga.

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Alessandri, Mariana, and Alexander Stehn. "Gloria Anzaldúa’s Mexican Genealogy: From Pelados and Pachucos to New Mestizas." Genealogy 4, no. 1 (January 21, 2020): 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy4010012.

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This essay examines Gloria Anzaldúa’s critical appropriation of two Mexican philosophers in the writing of Borderlands/La Frontera: Samuel Ramos and Octavio Paz. We argue that although neither of these authors is cited in her seminal work, Anzaldúa had them both in mind through the writing process and that their ideas are present in the text itself. Through a genealogical reading of Borderlands/La Frontera, and aided by archival research, we demonstrate how Anzaldúa’s philosophical vision of the “new mestiza” is a critical continuation of the broader tradition known as la filosofía de lo mexicano, which flourished during a golden age of Mexican philosophy (1910–1960). Our aim is to open new directions in Latinx and Latin American philosophy by presenting Anzaldúa’s Borderlands/La Frontera as a profound scholarly encounter with two classic works of Mexican philosophy, Ramos’ Profile of Man and Culture in Mexico and Paz’s The Labyrinth of Solitude.

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Velasco Gómez, Ambrosio. "La visión de Carmen Rovira sobre la filosofía mexicana." Theoría. Revista del Colegio de Filosofía 34 (June 1, 2018): 11–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/ffyl.16656415p.2018.0.793.

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The main purpose of this paper is to interpret the main contributions of Carmen Rovira to the study of the historical development of Mexican philosophy in its hermeneutical aspects as well as in the rescue and interpretation of the original works of Mexican philosophers since the XVI Century. In first place I analyze her hermeneutical methodology for the history of Mexican philosophy that highlights the importance of interactions between texts and contexts. Secondly, I refer to the archives rescue made by Carmen Rovira to reconstruct a Mexican philosophical corpus, especially for XIX and XX centuries. But the most relevant ofCarmen Rovira’s philosophical work is her original and critical interpretations of Mexican and Iberoamerican works, both from colonial and independent period. The most outstanding thesis of these interpretations is that during the colonial epoch Mexican philosophy was determinant for the construction of an idea of authentic nation that was very important for Mexican independence in the first decades of Nineteenth Century. Unfortunately, after Mexican independence the great cultural and political relevance of Mexican philosophydecayed. The most outstanding contribution of Carmen Rovira is precisely to recover the cultural and political relevance of philosophy in present Mexico.

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Pereda, Carlos. "La filosofía en México en el siglo XX: un breve informe." Theoría. Revista del Colegio de Filosofía, no. 19 (July 1, 2009): 89–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/ffyl.16656415p.2009.19.978.

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The author presents a report, writing in the 90's and unpublished in Spanish, which could be of use for the current discussion on Mexican philosophy. In this report, Pereda divides the history of Mexican philosophy in 4 phases: "the generation of founders", the "transterrados" or exiled, "the epoch of great blocks", and the "irruption of archipelago".

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VARGAS, MANUEL. "The Philosophy of Accidentality." Journal of the American Philosophical Association 6, no. 4 (2020): 391–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/apa.2019.15.

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AbstractIn mid-twentieth-century Mexican philosophy, there was a peculiar nationalist existentialist project focused on the cultural conditions of agency. This article revisits some of those ideas, including the idea that there is an important but underappreciated experience of one's relationship to norms and social meanings. This experience—something called accidentality—casts new light on various forms of social subordination and socially scaffolded agency, including cultural alienation, biculturality, and double consciousness.

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Merrim, Stephanie. "Mexican Existentialist Ethics and the Pragmatic Authenticity of Rodolfo Usigli's El gesticulador." Revista Canadiense de Estudios Hispánicos 43, no. 2 (April 19, 2020): 375–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.18192/rceh.v43i2.4656.

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This article explores the genesis of Mexican literary existentialism in Usigli’s 1938 play, El gesticulador. It elucidates various key drives of Mexican existentialism from Usigli’s moment onward and situates Usigli’s literary existentialism within those drives. In so doing, the essay articulates the deeply-rooted ethical bent of a Mexican existentialism forged in the orbit of identity discourse. It argues that Usigli’s morally equivocal drama makes unexpected common cause with that bent: dynamically conjugating stagecraft, Mexican philosophy, and post-revolutionary politics, El gesticulador advances a pragmatic authenticity based on altruism, communitarianism, and principles over Truth.

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Evangelista-Ávila, José L., and Juan D. Machin-Mastromatteo. "Philosophy and research in Latin America: Notes from the Mexican case." Information Development 36, no. 1 (March 2020): 153–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0266666920908462.

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The questions over the endeavors of the humanities and social sciences have the merit of being renewed with each generation and context. Philosophy is no exception and one question emerges: why is philosophy useful for research? In this article we contribute an answer to such a question, considering the study of philosophy in Mexican education to exemplify our reflection, which was motivated by the issue that philosophy is being overlooked and even excluded from education and research training in Latin American countries. Hence, we also discuss the importance of philosophy as a research tool that should be more prominent in undergraduate and graduate programs.

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Caulfield, Norman. "Wobblies and Mexican Workers in Mining and Petroleum, 1905–1924." International Review of Social History 40, no. 1 (April 1995): 51–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000113021.

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SummaryThe Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), or “Wobblies”, represented a transitional stage in Mexican labor movement history. The Wobblies enjoyed support from workers because their philosophy corresponded to the Mexican labor movement's deeply-rooted anarchosyndicalist traditions. While cooperating with Mexican radical labor organizations, the IWW advocated workers' control, better pay, conditions, and union recognition. In mining and petroleum, the IWW built upon the earlier organizational efforts of mutual and gremial organizations. And, although the Wobblies failed to establish a permanent foothold inside Mexico, their efforts resulted in the eventual organization of industry-wide unions.

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Young, Eric Van, and James Lockhart. "Nahuas and Spaniards: Postconquest Central Mexican History and Philosophy." American Historical Review 99, no. 2 (April 1994): 698. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2167535.

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Parnell, John A. "Variations in Strategic Philosophy among American and Mexican Managers." Journal of Business Ethics 50, no. 3 (March 2004): 267–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1023/b:busi.0000024707.47585.e7.

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Simon, Paul L. "Nahuas and Spaniards: Postconquest Central Mexican History and Philosophy." History: Reviews of New Books 20, no. 4 (June 1992): 152. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1992.9950610.

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Cuellar Moreno, José Manuel. "La crítica de Emilio Uranga a José Vasconcelos." LOGOS Revista de Filosofía 138, no. 138 (February 1, 2022): 167–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.26457/lrf.v138i138.3176.

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objetivo principal de este artículo es analizar la larga y ambivalente relación entre dos figuras principales de la filosofía mexicana del siglo xx: José Vasconcelos (1882-1959) y Emilio Uranga (1921-1988). Ambos arrancaron la filosofía del aula y la pusieron a combatir en la arena política. La recepción que hizo Uranga de Vasconcelos atravesó tres fases: euforia, virulento rechazo y final anestesia. El propio Uranga confiesa que, en sus mocedades, leía los libros de Vasconcelos con avidez, pero que esta morbosa hipersensibilidad pronto cedió paso al encono y el repudio. Podemos encontrar las primeras trazas de esta actitud hostil en un texto temprano de 1945. Las críticas de Uranga, tanto a las ideas como al estilo de Vasconcelos, abarcaron un periodo que va de 1951 a 1974. Uranga a veces parece reconocer a Vasconcelos, no exactamente como un pensador o como un escritor, pero sí como una fuente de inspiración constante para las autoridades educativas. Abstract The article aims to analyze the long and ambivalent relationship between two major Mexican philosophers of the 20th century: José Vasconcelos (1882-1959) and Emilio Uranga (1921-1988). They both took philosophy out of the classroom and into the political arena. Uranga’s reception of Vasconcelos went through three stages: euphoria, angry rejection, and indifference. Uranga himself claims that he used to avidly read Vasconcelos’ books as a teenager, but that this morbid hypersensitivity soon became anger and repulse. We can find the first signs of this hostile attitude in an early text of 1945. Uranga continued to critize Vasconcelos (both his ideas and his style) in articles that go from 1951 to 1974. Uranga sometimes seems to recognize Vasconcelos, not exactly as a thinker or as a writer, but as an “inspiration” for education authorities. Palabras clave José Vasconcelos, Emilio Uranga, filosofía mexicana, Revolución mexicana, historia de México Keywords José Vasconcelos, Emilio Uranga, Mexican Philosophy, Mexican Revolution, Mexican History. Referencias Guerra, R. (1948, 24 de octubre). El perfil del hombre y la cultura en México. A propósito de una ponencia del Dr. Samuel Ramos en el Centro de Estudios Filosóficos. El Nacional, Revista Mexicana de Cultura, 82, 2. López Mateos, A. (1960). Prólogo. En México: 50 años de Revolución. Ciudad de México, México: Fondo de Cultura Económica. López Velarde, R. (1990). Obras (Comp. J. L. Martínez). Ciudad de México, México: Fondo de Cultura Económica. Martínez, G. (2020, 11 de julio). Jorge Joseph Piedra, el verdadero autor de “El Móndrigo” El Universal. Confabulario. Recuperado de https://confabulario.eluniversal.com.mx/propaganda-mexico-el-mondrigo/ Sociedad Cubana de Filosofía (1955). Conversaciones filosóficas interamericanas. Homenaje de centenario al apóstol José Martí. La Habana, Cuba: Comisión Nacional Organizadora de los Actos y Ediciones del Centenario y del Monumento de Martí. Uranga, E. (1945). José Vasconcelos. Lógica orgánica. La revue de L'IFAL, 3, 218-219. Uranga, E. (1951). 50 años de filosofía en México. Revista de la Universidad de México, 5(59), 21-23. Uranga, E. (1952). Análisis del ser del mexicano. Ciudad de México, México: Porrúa y Obregón. Uranga, E. (1959). Aguja de fonógrafo, aguja muerta. Revista de la Universidad de México, 13(5), 12-14. Uranga, E. (1960, 16 de noviembre). José Vasconcelos y la historia. El Mundo, p. 2. Uranga, E. (1962). El pensamiento filosófico. En México: 50 años de Revolución (pp. 521-555). Ciudad de México, México: Fondo de Cultura Económica. Uranga, E. (1971a). La reforma educativa: Necesitamos un buen juego de meninges. Revista de América, 1310, 8-9. Uranga, E. (1971b). La reforma educativa: revolver más el río. Revista de América, 1311, 8-9. Uranga, E. (1971c). Examen de nuestra filosofía educativa: también existió Vasconcelos. Revista de América, 1312, 12-13. Uranga, E. (1971d). Astucias literarias. Ciudad de México, México: Federación Editorial Mexicana. Uranga, E. (1974, 18 de julio). El tablero de enfrente: ¿Un Vasconcelos futurista? Novedades, p. 4. Villoro, L. (1948, 3 de octubre). Mito y profecía de Vasconcelos. Con ocasión de una “Reunión pública” del Centro de Estudios Filosóficos. Revista Mexicana de Cultura. El Nacional, 79, 2.

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Redmond, Walter. "Relations and 16th-Century Mexican Logic." Crítica (México D. F. En línea) 22, no. 65 (December 13, 1990): 23–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/iifs.18704905e.1990.743.

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Fray Alonso de la Vera Cruz y sus colegas del siglo XVI analizaban las relaciones lógicas, sintácticas y semánticas, y tenían una teoría ontológica de las relaciones, pero no trabajaban con una leona general1ógica de las relaciones. Sin embargo su investigación de algunos temas, como el de la oración de dobles sujetos/predicados “conjuntadas complexivamente de acepción múltiple” rayaba en una concepción general de la relación. Ejemplo de tal oración es “Sócrates y Platón disputan”, formalizable en el lenguaje L como “|scp|[d]”. “|scp|” representa el sujeto doble y funciona como un nombre propio. EI predicado “[d]” esta cuantificado particularmente, como es normal en este tipo de oración. Recibe un análisis normal: 1 |scp|[d] 2 |scp|d1 ∨ |scp|d2 ∨ … ∨ |scp|dn|DD. La semántica es como la de la oración de sujeto/predicado sencillo. Si “sh1” es el disyunto verdadero del análisis de “s[h]”, “Sócrates es un ser humano”, se afirma en él la identidad de “Sócrates” y “este ser humano”, es decir, que “s” y “h”, se refieren a la misma cosa. Así mismo, el disyunto verdadero de “|scp|[d]”, digamos “|scp|[d2]” afirma que “|scp|” y “d2” se refieren a la misma cosa, pero en este caso al par de Sócrates y Platón. Otros ejemplos de Alonso, como “todo ser humano y todo ángel es binario” muestran como pueden cuantificarse independientemente los términos del sujeto complejo. Alonso no llegó a la relación pura no tanto porque suponía a menudo un elemento de temporalidad (“disputan a la vez”), sino porque pareció quedarse dentro del marco de los dobles sujetos y predicados. Sin embargo, cuantifico el objeto de una oración con doble sujeto: “Sócrates y Platón llevan-y-llevan una piedra” (|scp|[l][p]”). En la p. 40 se muestran unas correspondencias aproximadas entre el enfoque escolástico de la oración y uno que podríamos encontrar hoy. [W.R.]

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Hernández-Arriaga, Jorge, Victoria Navarrete de Olivares, and Kenneth V. Iserson. "The Development of Bioethics in Mexico." Cambridge Quarterly of Healthcare Ethics 8, no. 3 (July 1999): 382–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963180199003163.

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As in other countries, medical ethics in Mexico has rescued the world of philosophical ethics from oblivion. The needs of clinical medicine gave birth to Mexican bioethics. After the growth of scientific and technologic subjects in medical schools, the humanities, such as medical history, deontology, and medical philosophy, were replaced by such core subjects as radiology, pharmacology, and microbiology. Since the 1950s, graduates from Mexican medical schools have not been exposed to any courses in the medical humanities.

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A, Dávalos-Ibáñez, and Motta-Ramirez GA. "Origen: 100 años de excelencia… Escuela Médico Militar." Revista de Sanidad Militar 71, no. 3 (May 10, 2017): 225–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.56443/rsm.v71i3.99.

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The Military Medical School bulwark of the Health Service of the Mexican Army and Air Force, precursor of the other Military Schools of the Health Service, is important to 100 years of its creation, to expose not only the origin of some installations, But the product of the armed movement and the first social revolution of the 20th century, establishing a philosophy, the soul of a service, and a way of life: The Mexican Military Medical.

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Berrones, Jethro Hernández. "Breaking the boundaries of professional regulation: medical licensing, foreign influence, and the consolidation of homeopathy in Mexico." História, Ciências, Saúde-Manguinhos 26, no. 4 (December 2019): 1243–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0104-59702019000400014.

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Abstract As doctors sought state support to regulate professional training and practice after Independence, Mexicans also developed different attitudes toward foreign ideas, influences, and professionals. Leveraging the allure of the foreign among Mexicans, homeopaths strategically used work, products, and organizations from abroad to establish their practices and fight changing professional policies in the country that threatened homeopathic institutions. Homeopaths inhabited the blurry and shifting boundary between professional and lay medical practice during the early Republican period, the Porfiriato, and the post-revolutionary era, and used the ambivalent feelings about medical licensing, and foreign influence in Mexican society to consolidate their position.

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Pie, Aurelia Valero, and Alex Thomas. "Contingency and Commitment: Mexican Existentialism and the Place of Philosophy." Hispanic American Historical Review 98, no. 1 (February 1, 2018): 175–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-4294912.

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Mott, Margaret MacLeish. "Leonor de Caceres and the Mexican Inquisition." Journal of the History of Ideas 62, no. 1 (2001): 81–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jhi.2001.0007.

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Lechuga-Solís, Graciela. "Neocolonialism, Language and Culture in the Mexican Transition." International Studies in Philosophy 37, no. 2 (2005): 37–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/intstudphil200537252.

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Kwiatkowska-Szatzscheider, Teresa. "From the Mexican Chiapas Crisis." Environmental Ethics 19, no. 3 (1997): 267–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/enviroethics199719315.

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Ranco, Darren J. "Mexican Americans and the Environment." Environmental Ethics 29, no. 1 (2007): 111–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/enviroethics200729136.

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TORRES-ROUFF, DAVID S. "Water Use, Ethnic Conflict, and Infrastructure in Nineteenth-Century Los Angeles." Pacific Historical Review 75, no. 1 (February 1, 2006): 119–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2006.75.1.119.

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Beginning in 1873, Los Angeles replaced zanjas, or open canals, with pipes for irrigation and sewage. From the city's founding, the zanjas had carried irrigation and waste waters between the Los Angeles River and the citizens. Whereas Mexican public philosophy supported maintaining the zanjas for open access and maximal use, European American newcomers championed enclosed pipes as a means to improve sanitation and enhance opportunities for revenue. Yet city governors did not distribute sewer services equally, denying sewerage to Mexican and Chinese Angelenos. In doing so, they established new relationships of institutional,infrastructural, and environmental inequality between brown residents and the city government.

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Sánchez, Carlos Alberto. "On Heidegger's "Thin" Eurocentrism and the Possibility of a "Mexican" Philosophy." Radical Philosophy Review 16, no. 3 (2013): 763–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/radphilrev201316356.

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Fernandez, Raul, and David G. Gutierrez. "Walls and Mirrors: Mexican Americans, Mexican Immigrants, and the Politics of Ethnicity." Journal of American History 82, no. 3 (December 1995): 1264. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2945237.

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Pereira, Diego Bertolo, and Wilson Alves de Paiva. "lipman e a filosofia para crianças: cultivo “do” pensamento ou cultivo de “um” pensamento?" childhood & philosophy 16, no. 36 (July 17, 2020): 01–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.12957/childphilo.2020.49438.

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This text aims to perform a “fly over” the Philosophy for Children program--created by the philosopher and educator Matthew Lipman-–in order to identify certain philosophical problems that might appear there, one of them being the issue of universality. In response to Lipman’s claims of universality, we try to uncover his underlying ideological position that informs his approach to the concept. To achieve that goal, we return to the program’s beginnings, in order to ask how the idea of Philosophy for Children appeared and how it has developed up to the present moment. We argue that Lipman’s novel proposal to think philosophically with children emerged, in part, as a response to the student movements of 1968--a response, that is, to a specific political context that was marked by strong social and ideological disputes. Finally, we make a comparative analysis of the social and political context that informs Latin American Philosophy, and the extent to which it, also, has been shaped by a pragmatic response to a particular historical moment. The difference between the Anglo-American and the Latin American contexts is here characterized as an obstacle to a certain “universal” logos to which the Lipmanian project is linked. Our analysis is aided by the Discourse of marginalization and barbarism, produced by the Mexican philosopher Leopoldo Zea.

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Morales Zea, María del Sol. "Juarez and Maximilian. Stories and interpretations in film and literature." Culture & History Digital Journal 10, no. 2 (October 20, 2021): e023. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2021.023.

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This paper approaches the relations between history and fiction through analysis of two works: the Franz Werfel drama’s Juarez und Maximilian (1924), and the Miguel Contreras Torres movie’s, Juárez y Maximiliano (1934). Both works intend to tell us the happened during the Second Mexican Empire, Werfel with the Austrian gaze and Contreras with the Mexican gaze. We go inside to biography and context of authors, as well as the reception of the drama and movie in the local press, to understanding the political implications of the representations of the past. Finally, we analyze the philosophy of history implied in both Werfel and Contreras, and your relations with creation’s context.

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Luna Martínez, Janeth. "Museo de la Medicina Mexicana. Antecedentes históricos (1951-1982)." Revista de la Facultad de Medicina 66, no. 2 (March 10, 2023): 49–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/fm.24484865e.2023.66.2.07.

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The Museum of Mexican Medicine is a place dedicated to the divulgation of the history of medicine especially Mexico’s history. The museum is located in the Palace of the School of Medicine in Mexico City. In this work we present the back¬ground of the Museum of Mexican Medicine, a key element of UNAM’s Department of History and Philosophy of Medicine (DHyFM) for teaching and divulgating the history of medicine. Therefore, we will indicate the background, information of its promoters, works for the museum, the origin of the mu¬seographic collection and the first exhibitions. Keywords: Museum; history of medicine; promoters; back¬ground; museographic material.

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Trevino, R. R. "Teaching Mexican American History." OAH Magazine of History 19, no. 6 (November 1, 2005): 18–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/maghis/19.6.18.

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Walker, S., and B. Gratton. "Mexican American History Online." OAH Magazine of History 23, no. 4 (October 1, 2009): 50–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/maghis/23.4.50.

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Oliver, Amy A. "Values in modern Mexican thought." Journal of Value Inquiry 27, no. 2 (April 1993): 215–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01207379.

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Sánchez, Carlos Alberto. "The gift of Mexican historicism." Continental Philosophy Review 51, no. 3 (July 28, 2017): 439–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11007-017-9425-5.

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Wilson, Tamar Diana. "The masculinization of the Mexican maquiladoras." Review of Radical Political Economics 34, no. 1 (March 2002): 3–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/048661340203400101.

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Pötzsch, Janelle. "The Handmaid’s Tale: Reproductive Labour and the Social Embeddedness of Markets." Open Philosophy 5, no. 1 (December 14, 2021): 31–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/opphil-2020-0158.

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Abstract In episode 6 of the first season of The Handmaid’s Tale (2017–, MGM Television), the Republic of Gilead welcomes a trade delegation of the United Mexican States. Offred’s hope that the ensuing trade agreement between Gilead and Mexico would eventually bring the sexual exploitation she and the other handmaids suffer to public are quickly dashed. During a chance encounter at the house of Offred’s master, the Mexican ambassador Mrs Castillo confides in Offred that Mexico is suffering a fertility crisis just like Gilead. Her country is seriously considering trading with Gilead in handmaids (season 1, episode 6, “A Woman’s Place”). My article will use this episode as a starting point to reflect on the correlation between women’s social and economic status. I will illustrate how The Handmaid’s Tale demonstrates that markets are socially embedded and thereby reproduce and amplify social and political inequalities. This series thereby also functions as a powerful validation of the asymmetry thesis concerning markets in reproductive labour.

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Cintrón, Ralph. "Esta Chingadera." Philosophy & Rhetoric 55, no. 1 (April 1, 2022): 13–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/philrhet.55.1.0013.

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ABSTRACT This essay reflects on how the pandemic has intensified long-standing discussions regarding race, Blackness, white privilege and supremacy, settler colonialism, social justice, and more. I draw from forty years of ethnographic fieldwork or being part of the departmental leadership of Latin American and Latino Studies at my university. (Backdrop: growing up Puerto Rican in South Texas with Mexican and Mexican American families, I have dealt with these themes and tropes my entire life. I prefer class analysis over identity and culture, and, like a sophist or anarchist, I do not easily accept the thoughts of anyone.) This essay uses propositional logic to establish a poetics of radical compassion as prior to radical politics, followed by the “scenic” as evidence to “prove” that paradox is our living condition. In contrast, today’s totalization and capitalization of fear and the hypostatization of truth claims—insofar as they obscure the emptiness of truth—are the methods of war.

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Gallagher, Gary W., and Joseph E. Chance. "Jefferson Davis's Mexican War Regiment." Journal of American History 79, no. 2 (September 1992): 660. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2080099.

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Vazquez, Josefina Zoraida. "The Mexican Declaration of Independence." Journal of American History 85, no. 4 (March 1999): 1362. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2568257.

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Reisler, Mark, and Juan Gomez-Quinones. "Mexican American Labor, 1790-1990." Journal of American History 83, no. 4 (March 1997): 1391. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2952942.

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Cobos, Emilio Pradilla. "The Limits of the Mexican Maquiladora Industry." Review of Radical Political Economics 25, no. 4 (December 1993): 91–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/048661349302500408.

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Haney, Peter C. "Sol, sombra, y media luz." Pragmatics. Quarterly Publication of the International Pragmatics Association (IPrA) 10, no. 1 (March 1, 2000): 99–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/prag.10.1.06han.

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This paper analyzes a parody of the tango “A media luz” that was performed by Rodolfo Garcia, a Mexican American comedian who worked in his family’s tent show, the Carpa Garcia, in the early 1940s. I argue that by juxtaposing the generic conventions of the tango with those of the canción ranchera and by introducing carnivalesque humor, Mr. Garcia’s parody articulated a distinctly local Mexican American identity which was strongly linked to a sense of working-class masculinity. In this way, the parody highlights the class- and gender-based contradictions that were inherent in ongoing processes of Mexican American identity fonnation at mid-century.

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Kaiser Ortiz, John. "Todos Somos Joaquín." Radical Philosophy Review 25, no. 1 (2022): 33–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/radphilrev2022111120.

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This essay elaborates on Rodolfo Corky Gonzales’s “Yo soy Joaquín” as an inter-American articulation of the critical commitments of Chicanismo, which is here identified as the sociopolitical philosophy and ideological/normative leanings of Mexican Americans who call(ed) themselves Chicanas/os. The purpose of this essay is to show both how syncretism frames Chicanismo as a philosophy of growth and identity beyond borders and that this worldview can be critically explained as seeking alliances to communities and contexts defined by struggle. It engages the historical groundwork, philosophical influences on, and cultural ideals and values voiced through this poem by proponents of Chicanismo among its multiple forms and various representatives.

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Pitts, Andrea J. "Carlos Alberto Sánchez: Contingency and Commitment: Mexican Existentialism and the Place of Philosophy." Human Studies 39, no. 4 (September 9, 2016): 645–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10746-016-9410-8.

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III, Joseph G. Dawson, Sylvia Komatsu, Rob Tranchin, Paul Espinosa, and Ginny Martin. "The U.S.-Mexican War, 1846-1848." Journal of American History 86, no. 3 (December 1999): 1419. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2568727.

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McCaffrey, James M., Sylvia Komatsu, Rob Tranchin, Paul Espinosa, and Ginny Martin. "The U.S.-Mexican War, 1846-1848." Journal of American History 86, no. 3 (December 1999): 1420. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2568728.

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Poyo, Gerald E. "Chicago Católico: Making Catholic Parishes Mexican." Journal of American History 108, no. 2 (September 1, 2021): 394–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jaab180.

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GOOD, CATHARINE. "My Thirty Years in Mexican Anthropology." Anthropology and Humanism 36, no. 1 (June 2011): 36–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-1409.2011.01077.x.

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Vargas, Z. "LULAC, Mexican Americans, and National Policy." Journal of American History 92, no. 4 (March 1, 2006): 1526. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4486040.

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Barahona, Ana. "Medical Genetics in Mexico." Historical Studies in the Natural Sciences 45, no. 1 (2014): 147–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/hsns.2015.45.1.147.

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In this paper, I explore the origins of medical cytogenetic knowledge and practices in the 1960s and 1970s in Mexico, focusing on the work of the group headed by Salvador Armendares, who spent two years in Oxford, England, with human genetics expert Alan C. Stevenson. Upon Armendares’ return from England in 1966, the first Unit for Research in Human Genetics was created at a medical setting, the Instituto Mexicano del Seguro Social (Mexican Institute of Social Security). Soon after its creation, Fabio Salamanca and Leonor Buentello began to work with Armendares in the implementation of cytogenetics. Some of the research projects showed the embeddedness of these researchers in both public health policy and medical care, as they tackled the effects of malnutrition on chromosome structure, child mortality, chromosome aberrations, and Down syndrome. Armendares, Salamanca, and Buentello had trained at different academic institutions at many different times, and contributed to transforming hospital medical practice into a medical research discipline. By posing malnutrition, one of the main concerns of Mexican post-revolutionary governments, as both a medical and a genetic problem, the unit contributed to positioning cytogenetics as a medical practice and a medical research domain. The focus of this paper will be this set of institutions, physicians, practices, and ideas that began to reshape medical genetics in Mexico. The reconstruction of the early days of cytogenetics in Mexico demonstrates the major roles played by both the clinic and post-revolution public health policies in the origins of medical genetics in Mexico, within a global movement to deliver the benefits of scientific knowledge to the general population.

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Annus, Irén. "Visual Allusions to the Mexican-American War." Acta Hispanica, no. II (October 4, 2020): 629–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/actahisp.2020.0.629-640.

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The Mexican-American War (1846-48) is often described as the first major war in US history inspired by the idea of Manifest Destiny. The significance of this war, however, has not been matched by a rigorous scrutiny of its representation in contemporary visual culture. This study hopes to contribute to filling this void through an iconological investigation of three American paintings made in the Düsseldorf Academy, by now canonized and perceived as ultimate visual treatments of the topic. The paper first discusses the war and the public debates surrounding it in the US, then turns to the visual scene and introduces how the war was portrayed in various art forms. Next, it touches upon the artistic milieu of the Düsseldorf Academy in preparation for the analysis of the three paintings to follow. The study argues that these images depart from the American tradition of depicting war through concrete battle scenes. Instead, they offer symbolic representations or allusions, approaching the war in terms of morality, political philosophy and its potential social and economic consequences, while also employing ambiguity to urge viewers to contemplate on the implications of the war. In the meanwhile, they seem to express little if any consideration for the impact of the war on Mexico, its culture, and people.

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Wu, Sunpeijing, and Shixue Jiang. "The emergence and role of Lancaster in Mexican public education." Journal of Infrastructure, Policy and Development 8, no. 7 (July 23, 2024): 5592. http://dx.doi.org/10.24294/jipd.v8i7.5592.

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The Lancaster mutual teaching model originated in late 18th century England and quickly spread to the American colonies after receiving positive responses in Europe. In the 1820s, renowned Spanish physician, educator, and publisher Manuel Codorniú Ferreras brought it to Mexico, making outstanding contributions to the newly independent nation in educational philosophy, system, and methods. In the mid-19th century, with the absence of a centralized institution for public education in Mexico, the Lancaster Company took on the significant responsibility of guiding the direction of national public education development. Although this function did not persist for too long due to political changes in Mexico, the educational system continued to play an important role in the Mexican education sector. The Lancaster Company and its teaching system exerted a positive and profound influence on the democratization and secularization of education in Mexico, laying important foundations for the modernization and reform of Mexican education.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Mexican Philosophy'

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