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Journal articles on the topic 'Mexican political system'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 17 February 2022

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1

Williams, Mark Eric. "Traversing the Mexican Odyssey: Reflections on Political Change and the Study of Mexican Politics." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 18, no. 1 (2002): 159–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2002.18.1.159.

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This essay explains how the peculiar properties of Mexico's political system helped shape the approach to the study of Mexican politics. It assesses some of the strengths and limitations of the scholarship this produced, examines the political changes that fueled Mexico's democratic transition, and assesses their implications both for Mexico's recent market reforms and the study of Mexican politics in general. It finds that the demise of single-party rule and fundamental changes in patterns of governance have opened new research avenues, and suggests an emerging research agenda in light of the

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2

Arteaga, Nelson. "Biological and political identity: The identification system in Mexico." Current Sociology 59, no. 6 (2011): 754–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011392111419744.

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In 2008, following the assassination of the son of a renowned Mexican businessman, the Mexican government, social organizations, businesses and the media signed the National Agreement for Security, Justice and Legality. This body proposed the creation of a Citizen Identification Card (CIC). Converting the assassination into a ‘big event’, it has generated a ‘moral panic’ in the country, which allowed the justification to put in place mechanisms of control and population surveillance – such as the CIC. In 2009, the federal government announced the creation of an identity card with biometric ele

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Montiel, G. L. "The new Mexican political system: reconfiguration of capacities and power." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 8, no. 1 (2020): 10–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-8-1-10-27.

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There exist different elements that contribute to the idea of the political system as such in the context of the Mexican experience, but also that serve as referents that characterize the recent past. For that reason, we present a scheme of analysis – with political trends that are being built and that differentiate the new Mexican political system compared to that of the 20th century. Based on a model of the political system as the methodology of the analysis, we will track the trends of the changing Mexican politics during the 21st century. The destruction of the institutions of the old poli

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Morris, Stephen D. "Corruption and the Mexican political system: Continuity and change." Third World Quarterly 20, no. 3 (1999): 623–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01436599913721.

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5

Britton, John A., and Lorenzo Meyer. "Authoritarian liberalism: The contradictions of the Mexican political system." Journal of American History 83, no. 4 (1997): 1512. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2953076.

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6

Garcia, John A. "The Political Integration of Mexican Immigrants: Examining Some Political Orientations." International Migration Review 21, no. 2 (1987): 372–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791838702100207.

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The significant influx of immigrants, historically and contemporarily, has had a major impact on all aspects of American society. One area that has received some attention, but warrants more, is the extent of political integration of immigrant populations. Political integration is defined as a process whereby a sense of cohesiveness, membership and attachment occurs for residents of the political community (political values, beliefs, citizen roles, etc.). Using the foreign-born segment of the National Chicano Survey, this article identifies three critical political orientations (i.e., individu

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Aguilar, Carlos Alberto Blancas. "Claroscuros: logros y pendientes del Estado mexicano a 100 años de su constitución de 1917 = Chiaroscuro: achievements and outstanding of the state Mexican to 100 years of its constitution of 1917." UNIVERSITAS. Revista de Filosofía, Derecho y Política, no. 26 (July 14, 2017): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/universitas.2017.3746.

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RESUMEN: A lo largo de 100 años, la constitución mexicana de 1917, se ha ido adecuando a los nuevos tiempos, circunstancias y exigencias de la sociedad, ampliándose sus derechos fundamentales, fortaleciéndose los mecanismos para su defensa, y ajustándose la relación entre el Estado y una sociedad plural, diversa y compleja. Sin embargo, en esta trayectoria el texto constitucional no ha estado exento de claroscuros motivados por las constantes reformas que ha sufrido en las últimas dos décadas. Esta conmemoración es una excelente oportunidad de mirar al pasado para revalorar los orígenes del pa

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Vazque, Edgar Alfredo Nande, and Juan Carlos Martínez. "Political Budget Cycle: Mexican Town Halls Case." International Journal of Business and Social Research 6, no. 8 (2016): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.18533/ijbsr.v6i8.978.

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<p>In the current economic context, one of the issues of concern is the growth of public spending of municipalities of Mexico and thus increasing public debt. This combines the traditional interest that literature has been devoted to the relationship between economics and politics from the perspective of Political Budget Cycle. The aim of this paper is to analyze the effect of elections in public expenditure management. To this end, a system based on the Generalized Method of Moments (GMM), which uses instrumental variables based on delays and differences of all variables in the model es

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9

De Remes, Alain. "Democratization and Dispersion of Power: New Scenarios In Mexican Federalism." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 22, no. 1 (2006): 175–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2006.22.1.175.

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Focusing on political bargaining between the national and subnational realms, this article considers how the dispersion of power in different regions of a country may become a crucial factor shaping the rules of democratic governance. First, it analyzes changes in power dispersion of the last two decades in Mexico, highlighting how alternation in power at the national level in 2000 implemented horizontal checks and balances and revived a federal pact. Second, it shows that changes in the rules of the Mexican political system fostered a window of opportunity for new subnational actors to shape

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10

Wada, Takeshi. "Event Analysis of Claim Making in Mexico: How are Social Protests Transformed into Political Protests?" Mobilization: An International Quarterly 9, no. 3 (2004): 241–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.9.3.7wx2pt66130718v3.

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Why do citizens demand certain kinds of citizenship rights rather than another in a given context? This article extends the idea of political and cultural opportunities to Mexico's authoritarian context to explore why Mexicans, who had prioritized social rights over other rights, came to emphasize political rights in a context of neoliberalism. In particular, I ask how this transformation from social protests to political protests happened when neither political nor cultural opportunities appeared to be conducive to it? I gathered 1174 episodes of popular protests between 1964 and 2000 from Me

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DuBord, Elise. "Language policy and the drawing of social boundaries." Ideologías lingüísticas y el español en contexto histórico 7, no. 1 (2010): 25–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sic.7.1.02dub.

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Educational institutions developed in Tucson, Arizona in the last quarter of the nineteenth century, during a critical time in cultural and political shifts of power between Anglo and Mexican elites in Southwestern United States. My qualitative analysis reconstructs language policies in the incipient educational system in Territorial Tucson. This article examines official and unofficial language policies in both public and private schools in Tucson that reflected this accommodation of power and the negotiation of a new racial hierarchy in the context of westward expansion. I argue that the pri

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Herrán Ávila, Luis. "The Mexican revolution’s wake: the making of a political system, 1920–1929." Canadian Journal of Latin American and Caribbean Studies / Revue canadienne des études latino-américaines et caraïbes 44, no. 3 (2019): 400–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08263663.2019.1653712.

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13

Kerevel, Yann P. "Loyalty and Disloyalty in the Mexican Party System." Latin American Politics and Society 56, no. 03 (2014): 93–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2014.00242.x.

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AbstractWhy do politicians in Mexico switch parties? The party-switching literature suggests that politicians generally switch parties for office-seeking or policy-seeking motives, whereas literature on the Mexican party system suggests that switching may be related to party system realignment during the democratic transition. Using data on party switching across the political careers of politicians who served as federal deputies between 1997 and 2009, this study argues that party switching in Mexico can primarily be explained by the office-seeking behavior of ambitious politicians. Only in ra

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Vázquez Mantecón, Álvaro. "Militancia partidista en súper 8: la política de medios del Partido Mexicano de los Trabajadores." Studies in Spanish & Latin-American Cinemas 17, no. 2 (2020): 289–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/slac_00023_1.

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This article analyses Super 8 movies filmed by the Partido Mexicano de los Trabajadores (PTM; Mexican Worker’s Party) during 1970s and part of the 1980s. The PTM was one of the few left winged political parties that did not benefit from Mexico’s 1977 political reform (also known as LOPPE, acronym for Ley de Organizaciones Políticas y Procesos Electorales, Law of Political Organizations and Electoral Processes) that normalized the political life of several left wing parties. My hypothesis in this article is that the political reform also demobilized and dislocated existing forms of resistance a

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15

Barrow, Lynda K. "Party On? Politicians and Party Switching in Mexico." Politics 27, no. 3 (2007): 165–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9256.2007.00296.x.

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The breakdown of Mexico's hegemonic party system raises questions about the nature of the new system and of the prospects of consolidating Mexican democracy. The concern addressed in this article is that, at the very same time that democratisation has made Mexicans' electoral choices more significant, frequently changing party allegiances among candidates and even elected officials renders these choices less meaningful. Since parties ‘matter’ in a democratic polity, party switching may prove an impediment to the development of a liberal and stable democracy. Partisan shifts within the state co

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16

Fallaw, Ben. "The Southeast Was Red: Left-State Alliances and Popular Mobilizations in Yucatán, 1930–1940." Social Science History 23, no. 2 (1999): 241–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200018071.

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Between 1935 and 1940, President Lázaro Cárdenas of Mexico mobilized a populist coalition in support of land reform, workers’ rights, and a more inclusive political system. For years, scholars either ignored the crucial role of the Mexican Communist Party (Partido Comunista Mexicano [PCM]) inCardenismo, or considered it a tool used and then discarded by the emerging national state (Shulgovski 1968; Anguiano 1975; Ianni 1977). Recently, Barry Carr’s monumental study (1992) of the ambiguous relationship between the PCM and the Mexican state argued convincingly that Cárdenas relied on the party t

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Torres Rodríguez, Ignacio Daniel, and Carlos Enrique Ahuactzin Martínez. "Democracy and electoral reforms in Mexico." Derecho Global. Estudios sobre Derecho y Justicia 4, no. 11 (2019): 143–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.32870/dgedj.v0i11.186.

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In Mexico, the electoral arena has experienced substantial transformations throughout the last decades. It has changed from an overwhelming stage of domination by the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) to a competitive struggle between diverse political parties, where pre-electoral coalitions (PECS) and political alternation are a recurrent phenomenon. This paper seeks to explain the switch from an hegemonic party system (with authoritarian characteristics) to a democratic multi-party system, by stating that the Mexican Public Administration´s modernization, but especially the electoral r

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18

Lipset, Seymour Martin, Robert M. Worcester, and Frederick C. Turner. "Opening the Mexican political system: Public opinion and the elections of 1994 and 1997." Studies in Comparative International Development 33, no. 3 (1998): 70–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02687492.

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19

Madrid, Javier Esteinou. "The Morelos Satellite System and its impact on Mexican society." Media, Culture & Society 10, no. 4 (1988): 419–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016344388010004003.

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20

Cansino, César. "Mexico: The Challenge of Democracy." Government and Opposition 30, no. 1 (1995): 60–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1995.tb00433.x.

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THE MEXICAN POLITICAL SYSTEM IS CURRENTLY GOING through the most turbulent, disconcerting and complex end of a sexenio, or six-year presidential term, in memory. This is not the usual internal turmoil which has traditionally accompanied every change of administration, but a political crisis so great that it portends a process of political change destined to transform the very nature of the Mexican political regime itself.It may not be altogether new for this political regime to face the ‘democratic demands’ of important sectors of civil society; these demands have been made in the past in a va

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21

Solórzano, Armando. "Sowing the Seeds of Neo-Imperialism: The Rockefeller Foundation's Yellow Fever Campaign in Mexico." International Journal of Health Services 22, no. 3 (1992): 529–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/xn07-tuvy-nkpt-wwp3.

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The Rockefeller Foundation's campaign against yellow fever in Mexico sought to advance the economic and political interests of U.S. capitalism. The campaign was implemented at a time of strong anti-American sentiments on the part of the Mexican people. With no diplomatic relationships between Mexico and the United States, the Rockefeller Foundation presented its campaign as an international commitment. Thus, Foundation doctors became the most salient U.S. diplomats. At the same time they made sure that the Mexican yellow fever would not spread to the United States through the southern border.

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22

Klesner, Joseph L. "Electoral Competition and the New Party System in Mexico." Latin American Politics and Society 47, no. 02 (2005): 103–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2005.tb00311.x.

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Abstract Mexico's former opposition parties had specific social bases that would not, on their own, have catapulted either opposition party into power. In the 1990s, specific regional bases of support developed for the parties, reflecting their efforts to develop their organizations more locally. Nationally, this led to the emergence of two parallel two-party systems, PAN-PRI competition in the north and center-west and PRD-PRI competition in the south. In parallel, a proregime-antiregime cleavage came to dominate the Mexican party system, which, combined with local-level opposition efforts to

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23

Durand, Jorge, and Douglas S. Massey. "Evolution of the Mexico-U.S. Migration System: Insights from the Mexican Migration Project." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 684, no. 1 (2019): 21–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716219857667.

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Since 1987, the Mexican Migration Project (MMP) has collected and disseminated representative survey data on documented and undocumented migration to the United States. The MMP currently includes surveys of 161 communities, which together contain data on 27,113 households and 169,945 individuals, 26,446 of whom have U.S. migratory experience. These data are used here to trace the evolution of the Mexico-U.S. migration system from the late nineteenth to the early twenty-first century, revealing how shifts in U.S. immigration and border policies have been critical to the formation of different e

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Martínez Martínez, Juan Carlos. "El derecho de los indígenas a conservar un sistema político propio y su brecha de implementación: el caso de Santa María Peñoles." Revista de Estudos e Pesquisas sobre as Américas 7, no. 2 (2013): 70. http://dx.doi.org/10.21057/repam.v7i2.10024.

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El texto analiza las posibilidades de realización de los derechos políticos electorales reconocidos a las comunidades indígenas en la Constitución Mexicana. A propósito del caso de Santa María Peñoles, Oaxaca, el autor analiza tanto el contenido de los derechos específicos reconocidos a las colectividades indígenas para proteger sus sistemas políticos propios, como las vicisitudes que enfrentan ante las instancias del Estado para hacerlos efectivos. Así mismo, se plantea un análisis sobre las condiciones que pueden favorecer la justiciabilidad de estos derechos. Palabras clave: Sistema polític

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Ristow, Colby. "The Mexican Revolution's Wake: The Making of a Political System, 1920-1929 - by Osten, Sarah." Bulletin of Latin American Research 38, no. 3 (2019): 374–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/blar.13015.

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Pimentel, Landy. "The Importance of Mental Health in the Mexican Public Health System." Mexican Journal of Medical Research ICSA 7, no. 13 (2019): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.29057/mjmr.v7i13.3794.

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The concept of mental illness has been hidden behind a curtain of stigma and dislike for a long time. The magnitude, suffering and burden in terms of disability and costs for individuals, families and society in general are overwhelming and do not correspond with the resources devoted to their research and attention. This document refers the importance of mental health within public health in Mexico. The presence of these mental disorders in society is reaching alarming figures and the forecasts indicate that they will increase. It is vital to highlight three main axes in the development of st

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Rodríguez, Rogelio Hernández. "La difícil transición política en México." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 8, no. 2 (1992): 237–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1051857.

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This article analyzes the changes that have occurred in the corporate structure of Mexican politics. It examines the changing role and importance of elections. And it considers the impact that these transformations have had on the political system.

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DOMINGO, PILAR. "Judicial Independence: The Politics of the Supreme Court in Mexico." Journal of Latin American Studies 32, no. 3 (2000): 705–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00005885.

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This article examines the role of the Supreme Court in the development of the Mexican political system. The judiciary provided an important source of regime legitimation, as it allowed for the consolidation of a state of legality and a claim to constitutional rule of law, at least in discourse. However, the judiciary was in effect politically subordinated to the logic of dominant party rule through both specific constitutional reforms since 1917 that weakened the possibility of judicial independence and a politics of institutional and political co-optation. The constitutional reform of 1994 ha

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Fajardo Sotelo, Guillermo J. "De la comunión política a la fragmentación estatal: crimen, ley y soberanía en Carlos Fuentes y Juan Rulfo." Catedral Tomada. Revista de crítica literaria latinoamericana 5, no. 9 (2018): 551–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ct/2017.262.

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The author analyzes the late work of Mexican writer Carlos Fuentes to think about the Mexican political system and its transformations. Also, the author uses the figure of Pedro Paramo as an example of total sovereignty in comparison with the state fragmentation and the multi-sovereign forms that Carlos Fuentes uses in his novels as tools to demonstrate how the transformations have operated in Mexico: from a strong state to a fragmented government surrounded by other forms of control such as globalization, crime, and necroempowerment.

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Bortz, Jeffrey. "The Genesis of the Mexican Labor Relations System: Federal Labor Policy and the Textile Industry 1925-1940." Americas 52, no. 1 (1995): 43–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1008084.

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By comparison with the rest of Latin America, Mexico's post-revolutionary political stability has long fascinated historians and social scientists. One explanation for relative political peace is the comprehensive land and labor reforms President Lázaro Cárdenas implemented in the 1930s. These created a base of social support for post-revolutionary elites. In contrast, the absence of significant land reforms and the failure to devise hegemonic labor regimes in South America resulted in class stalemates, forcing elites to fall back on the militarized state. Land and labor explain the difference

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Smith, Benjamin. "Defending ““Our Beautiful Freedom””: State Formation and Local Autonomy in Oaxaca, 1930––1940." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 23, no. 1 (2007): 125–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2007.23.1.125.

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This article looks at the process of state formation in Oaxaca during the 1930s. By comparing the political processes at the state level and in the Sierra Juarez, it is argued that both revisionist and Gramscian visions of the post-revolutionary Mexican state minimize the potential for local autonomy and political democracy. In the Sierra Juarez President Cardenas allowed young, progressive village democrats to form their own autonomous regional confederation and halt the political branch of the cargo system.

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Langston, Joy. "Breaking out is Hard to Do: Exit, Voice, and Loyalty in Mexico's One-Party Hegemonic Regime." Latin American Politics and Society 44, no. 03 (2002): 61–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2002.tb00214.x.

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Abstract Theoretically based on Albert O. Hirschman's Exit, Voice, and Loyalty, this study examines three cases of rupture or exit by Mexican presidential contenders, in 1940, 1952, and 1988, and one “noncase,” in 1999, with a view to how dissidents' strategies shape political institutions. Mexico's PRI-dominated political system depended on its leaders' ability to create an equilibrium based on mutual incentives to remain loyal to the regime.

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Yeh, Rihan. "Visas, Jokes, and Contraband: Citizenship and Sovereignty at the Mexico–U.S. Border." Comparative Studies in Society and History 59, no. 1 (2017): 154–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417516000566.

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AbstractThis article explores citizenship and sovereignty at the Mexico–U.S. border through jokes told about and around checkpoint encounters—most centrally, those staged at the main port of entry connecting Tijuana, Mexico, and San Diego, California. In Tijuana, I argue, U.S. state recognition validates the proper, middle-class citizenship of Mexicans resident in Mexico. Attitudes towards the United States, however, remain ambivalent. I begin by exploring the checkpoint jokes of drug-traffickers as represented in severalnarcocorridos(popular ballads about drug-trafficking). Though this music

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Osterling, Kathy Lemon, and Meekyung Han. "Reunification outcomes among Mexican immigrant families in the child welfare system." Children and Youth Services Review 33, no. 9 (2011): 1658–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.childyouth.2011.04.020.

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Morris, Stephen D. "Political Reformism in Mexico: Salinas at the Brink." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 34, no. 1 (1992): 27–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166149.

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Despite the Mexican regime's track record of adaptiveness, the 1980s seemingly altered the nature of political reform there. Secular, conjunctural, and policy trends attenuated traditional reformist mechanisms (i.e. the regime's capacity to co-opt, or corruption's “lubricating” potential), exposing a series of wrenching political dilemmas and potentially zero-sum equations. The watershed presidential election of July 1988 and the continuing challenge posed by Cuauhtemoc Cardenas Solórzano's PRD (Parttdo de la Revolutión Democrática) both reflected and crystallized these quandaries, magnifying

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Delgado-Gaitan, Concha. "Parenting in Two Generations of Mexican American Families." International Journal of Behavioral Development 16, no. 3 (1993): 409–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016502549301600303.

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Parenting in Mexican American families is a complex activity, given the heterogeneity of adaptation among the generations of Mexicans. Through ethnographic research methodology and a case study approach, I show that childrearing is affected by generational status and participation in a grass roots community group, organised around educational issues. Collectivism characterises the childrearing of the immigrant generation. It is maintained as a conscious value by the first generation parents, although socialisation practices and child behaviour actually shift in an individualistic direction, pa

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Rath, Thomas. "Burning the Archive, Building the State? Politics, Paper, and US Power in Postwar Mexico." Journal of Contemporary History 55, no. 4 (2020): 764–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009419881189.

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This article explores how the Mexican state gathered, archived and destroyed information. It focuses on the US–Mexico campaign against foot-and-mouth disease between 1947 and 1952, whose paper archive Mexican officials burned near the successful conclusion of the campaign. This article argues that several factors shaped the context for this documentary bonfire and made the 1940s a key point of inflection in Mexico’s history of official information-gathering: the dominant party’s system of elite power-sharing, the growth of a reading public and the regime’s drift rightward. At the same time, th

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Jeifets, Viktor Lazarevich, and Daria Antonovna Pravdiuk. "Influence of Energy Factor on International Relations System of Latin America in the 21st century." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 19, no. 3 (2019): 354–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2019-19-3-354-367.

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Relation between oil trade and political regimes, climate change and problems of managing natural resources, mining technologies and fighting corruption and many others constitute the phenomenon of a multicomponent energy policy, the study of which is located at the intersection of natural and social sciences. Latin American region has large hydrocarbon reserves, huge hydropower potential, as well as significant opportunities to generate wind and solar energy. Historically, Latin America has occupied a small share of world energy production - about 5 %, where Venezuela, Mexico and Brazil have

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Arredondo, Armando, Emanuel Orozco, and Raúl Aviles. "Evidence on equity, governance and financing after health care reform in Mexico: lessons for Latin American countries." Saúde e Sociedade 24, suppl 1 (2015): 162–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0104-12902015s01014.

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This article includes evidence on equity, governance and health financing outcomes of the Mexican health system. An evaluative research with a cross-sectional design was oriented towards the qualitative and quantitative analysis of financing, governance and equity indicators. Taking into account feasibility, as well as political and technical criteria, seven Mexican states were selected as study populations and an evaluative research was conducted during 2002-2010. The data collection techniques were based on in-depth interviews with key personnel (providers, users and community leaders), cons

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Finkler, Kaja. "The Social Consequence of Wellness: A View of Healing Outcomes from Micro and Macro Perspectives." International Journal of Health Services 16, no. 4 (1986): 627–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/cfer-hpvl-27qa-235x.

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Using field data from Mexican Spiritualist healing, this article focuses on the relationship between treatment outcomes at the individual and social levels. Two issues are explored 1) to what degree do persons treated by Spiritualist healing techniques fit into the wider society of which they are part, and 2) what effects does a given healing system exert on socioeconomic and political arrangements? The discussion brings into bold relief the contradictions embedded in Spiritualist healing techniques and rituals when studied from micro and macro perspectives. Using physiological and social anal

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Bode, Ingo, and Jorge E. Culebro M. "Paradoxical Internationalization: Regulatory Reforms in the Mexican Health-Care System through the Lens of European Experience." Politics & Policy 46, no. 4 (2018): 678–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/polp.12268.

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Young, Julia G. "The Calles Government and Catholic Dissidents: Mexico's Transnational Projects of Repression, 1926-1929." Americas 70, no. 01 (2013): 63–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500002881.

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During the late 1920s, the Mexican government under President Plutarco Elías Calles (1924-1928) confronted multiple challenges to state consolidation. These included plots by political rivals, foreign relations crises, and several popular revolts. The longest-lasting and most destabilizing of these was the Cristero War, which persisted from 1926 until 1929, with sporadic uprisings into the early 1930s. Despite these challenges, Calles and his handpicked successors not only remained in power at the beginning of the 1930s, but also launched the single-party political system that would endure in

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Young, Julia G. "The Calles Government and Catholic Dissidents: Mexico's Transnational Projects of Repression, 1926-1929." Americas 70, no. 1 (2013): 63–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2013.0058.

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During the late 1920s, the Mexican government under President Plutarco Elías Calles (1924-1928) confronted multiple challenges to state consolidation. These included plots by political rivals, foreign relations crises, and several popular revolts. The longest-lasting and most destabilizing of these was the Cristero War, which persisted from 1926 until 1929, with sporadic uprisings into the early 1930s. Despite these challenges, Calles and his handpicked successors not only remained in power at the beginning of the 1930s, but also launched the single-party political system that would endure in

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Ducey, Michael T. "Indian Communities and Ayuntamientos in the Mexican Huasteca: Sujeto Revolts, Pronunciamientos and Caste War." Americas 57, no. 4 (2001): 525–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2001.0032.

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Mexico's transition from a colonial society to an independent nation was extremely difficult and civil war seemed to threaten at every turn during the first half of the nineteenth century. Independence required the creation of a new republican order to replace the colonial system of corporate identities and racial domination. The creation of a new liberal order based on individual citizenship was a contested process where competing political actors sought to preserve colonial privileges even as they used the new constitutional system to their advantage. The indigenous communities, the majority

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Peña, Sergio. "Eminent Domain and Expropriation Laws: A Century of Urban and Regional Planning in Mexico." Journal of Planning History 20, no. 2 (2021): 157–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1538513220984160.

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This article analyzes two aspects of Mexican law that are relevant for planning practice in the country—eminent domain and expropriation. This article shows that the transition in Mexico from a semi-authoritarian to a democratic electoral political system brought not only substantial variability in the application of laws across states but also in planning practice. Democracy has generated a national debate about property rights issues and has reshaped the State–citizen relationship.

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Dieck-Assad, Flory Anette. "Private Vs. Public Investment In The Mexican Utility Company: A Case Study." Journal of International Education Research (JIER) 12, no. 1 (2016): 27–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.19030/jier.v12i1.9564.

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How should the strategies and regulations of the Mexican laws be designed in order to trigger a country to go from a non-sustainable energy economy towards a sustainable energy economy? This paper proposes a classroom debate of the reformed Law of Public Electricity Service in Mexico (LSPEE, 1992: Ley del Servicio Publico de Energia Electrica), which, in 1992, opened new opportunities for private investment in the Mexican utility industry. The legal reforms allow the private sector to invest, operate, and be owners of part of the public utility system in Mexico, mainly, for power generation. E

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Ramírez Leyva, Flor Micaela, José Luis Terrón Blanco, and Remberto Castro Castañeda. "News and health frames in Mexican television. Focus on gender perspective content." Comunicación y Sociedad 2021 (May 12, 2021): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.32870/cys.v2021.7819.

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Based on contributions where communication, health and gender converge, an attempt is made to clarify how news and health frames are characterized on television, mainly addressing actors and actions. The objective is to observe the institutional presence, visibility and gender parity and perspective. Through the content analysis of 510 pieces from TV Azteca, Televisa and C7 –using Principal Component Analysis in SPSS as a tool– a major presence of political actors or the health system was found, a lesser presence of women and the absence of gender perspective in the information.

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Ramirez, Jacobo, and Anne-Marie Søderberg. "Recontextualizing Scandinavian practices in a Latin American regional office." Management Research: Journal of the Iberoamerican Academy of Management 18, no. 1 (2019): 99–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/mrjiam-12-2018-0895.

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Purpose The purpose of this study is to explore how Danish and Mexican communication and management practices are recontextualized at the Latin American office of a Scandinavian multinational corporation (MNC) located in Mexico. Design/methodology/approach A case study based on interviews, observations and company documents was conducted. Findings Well-educated Mexican middle managers appreciate the participative communication and management practices of Scandinavian MNCs, which transcend most experiences at local workplaces, but their interpretations and meaning system are influenced by the c

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Rosemblatt, Karin Alejandra. "Modernization, dependency, and the global in Mexican critiques of anthropology." Journal of Global History 9, no. 1 (2014): 94–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s174002281300051x.

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AbstractThis articles examines the links between Mexican anthropologists who – as part of a 1960s-era revolt, rejected prior anthropological approaches, which they labelled imperialist – and social science currents in the United States, Latin America, and Europe. They also took inspiration from anti-colonial movements. They spurned modernization theories that focused on the multiple economic, cultural, and psychological factors that might spur US-style capitalist economic growth and that sought to overcome the internal, national brakes on progress. Instead, they embraced dependency theories th

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Roberts, John M., and Garry Chick. "Culture and behavior: Applying log-linear models for transitions between offices in a Mexican festival system." Social Science Research 36, no. 1 (2007): 313–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ssresearch.2005.12.001.

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