Journal articles on the topic 'Mexico. (1963 August 29)'

On October 29 and 30, 1990, a meeting was held of the heads of the offices responsible for international legal services of the Ministries of Foreign Affairs of the member states of the United Nations—the Legal Advisers. The meeting was organized at the invitation of the Legal Advisers of the Ministries of Foreign Affairs of Canada, India, Mexico, Poland and Sweden, and with the assistance of the Legal Counsel of the United Nations, Under-Secretary-General Carl-August Fleischhauer. Some twenty-five Legal Advisers and thirty-two of their deputies or other representatives attended, including all five colleagues representing the permanent members of the Security Council.

On Monday, August 29, 2005, the Gulf Coast of the United States was hit by the sixth most destructive Atlantic hurricane on record, Hurricane Katrina. Katrina formed in the Bahamas on August 23 and entered the Gulf of Mexico two days later, on the twenty-fifth (Knabb 2005). Twelve hours after entering the gulf, Katrina grew from a Category 3 to a Category 5 storm on the Saffir-Simpson scale, with winds up to 160 miles per hour. Katrina made landfall on the twenty-ninth as a powerful Category 3 storm with winds up to 145 miles per hour. However, once Katrina made landfall she maintained a storm surge equivalent to a Category 5 storm. For the city of New Orleans, the greatest threat without question was to be from the storm surge. Lake Pontchartrain—which normally sits at one foot above sea level—was elevated to eight and a half feet above sea level. On Tuesday, August 30, the city's levees broke in three places—along the Industrial Canal, the 17thStreet Canal, and the London Street Canal (Mihelich 2005). As a result, 80% of the city was flooded, in some places with water as high as 20 feet above sea level (Knabb 2005).

Purpose: The purpose of this study was to compare spirometric data between patients submitted to single-lung and double-lung transplantation along the first year after the transplant procedure. Introduction: Lung transplant was first described as an experimental method in 1963; it became a therapeutic option for patients with advanced pulmonary diseases due to improvements in the organ conservation, surgical techniques, immunosuppressive therapy, and treatment of post-operative infections. Methods: We retrospectively reviewed records of 39 patients, who received lung transplantation in our institution between August, 2003 and August, 2006. The Post-transplant survival after 1 year occurred in 29 patients, and all of them were followed-up. Results: Increase of the lung function in double-lung transplant group occurred earlier, presenting statistical difference after the 1st month both in the FEV1 and FVC compared to pre-transplant values (p <0.05). As to the group of patients with emphysema, comparison between two groups showed from the 3rd month a difference of the lung function. Discussion: Both analysis of the whole group added to the subgroup of emphysema patients supplied relevant data that points out the advantage of the bilateral over the unilateral transplantation. Although values of pre-transplant lung function were worse in the double-lung group, such difference did not occur again in the subsequent months to the surgery. Conclusion: There was a clear tendency to higher and earlier improvement in FVC and FEV1 in the bilateral transplant group.

This paper discusses several recent rammings investigated by the National Transportation Safety Board:the ramming of the U.S. fishing vessel Chickadee by the guided-missile frigate USS Richard L. Page (FFG-5) in the Atlantic Ocean near Virginia Beach, Virginia on April 21,1987;the ramming of the Sidney Lanier Bridge by the Polish bulk carrier Ziemia Bialostocka at Brunswick, Georgia on May 3, 1987;the ramming of the Spanish bulk carrier Urduliz by the aircraft carrier USS Dwight D. Eisenhower (CVN 69) at Hampton Roads, Virginia on August 29, 1988; andthe ramming of the French tankship Camargue by the Swedish auto carrier Figaro in the Gulf of Mexico near Galveston, Texas on November 10, 1988. The paper addresses both crew and ship performance which contributed to these accidents. In addition, the paper discusses the role of the Safety Board in accident investigations, and the safety recommendations issued by the Safety Board as a result of these investigations.

Abstract The evolution of a superhurricane (Katrina, August 2005) was simulated using the Weather Research and Forecasting Model (WRF; version 3.1) with explicit (nonparameterized) spectral bin microphysics (SBM). The new computationally efficient spectral bin microphysical scheme (FAST-SBM) implemented to the WRF calculates at each time step and in each grid point the size distributions of atmospheric aerosols, water drops, cloud ice (ice crystals and aggregates), and graupel/hail. The tropical cyclone (TC) evolution was simulated during 72 h, beginning with its bypassing the Florida coast (27 August 2005) to its landfall just east of New Orleans, Louisiana (near the end of 29 August). The WRF/SBM was used to investigate the potential impact of aerosols ingested into Katrina’s circulation during its passage through the Gulf of Mexico on Katrina’s structure and intensity. It is shown that continental aerosols invigorated convection largely at TC periphery, which led to its weakening prior to landfall. Maximum weakening took place ∼24 h before landfall, just after its intensity had reached its maximum. The minimum pressure increased by ∼15 hPa, and the maximum velocity decreased up to 15 m s−1. Thus, the model results indicate the existence of another (in addition to a decrease in the surface fluxes) mechanism of weakening of TCs approaching the land. This mechanism is related to effects of continental aerosols involved in the TC circulation. It is shown that aerosols substantially affect the spatial distribution of cloudiness and hydrometeor contents. The evolution of lightning structure within the TC is calculated and compared with that in Katrina. The physical mechanisms of aerosol-induced TC weakening are discussed.

67 Background: in Mexico, Colorectal Cancer (CRC) is a leading cause of cancer death, yet population-based screening programs are lacking. In our center, a cohort was created to validate a risk calculator to detect advanced colorectal neoplasia, and to understand barriers to implement a CRC screening program. We aimed to determine frequency and reasons associated to rejection of CRC screening in our population. Methods: from August 2019 to March 2020 (early close owing to COVID-19 pandemic) asymptomatic individuals between 50 and 75 years-old with standard-risk for CRC, without previous screening for CRC, from the outpatient internal medicine clinic at a tertiary care center in Mexico City, received standardized information on the importance of CRC screening and were invited to perform both Fecal Immunochemical Test and a screening colonoscopy within a clinical study at no cost. Individuals who rejected participation were given a 10-item questionnaire to select reasons for refusal, as many items as applied. Here we present two groups: 1) individuals who refused to receive information and to perform screening studies, and 2) individuals who refused to participate after receiving information. Results: 162 patients were invited to participate, 77 (47%) refused: 48 rejected immediately (group 1) and provided 51 reasons, and 29 declined after having received standardized information about CRC screening (group 2) and provided 30 reasons. Demographics for 77 patients were: 54 (70.1%) women, median age 66 (IQR 58-71) years. Main reasons for rejection in both groups were: “I do not have time” in 24 (29.6%) times, “I am not interested” in 23 (28.4%) times, and “I am scared” in 14 (17.3%) times (Table). Conclusions: in our cohort, we identified that nearly half of the population invited to participate in a CRC screening program refused. Main reasons were lack of time, lack of interest and fear. This may translate poor understanding on the importance of measures to prevent CRC, and absence of education programs to recall its importance. In order to increment participation in CRC screening, education and awareness campaigns should be implemented.[Table: see text]

Durante el periodo de veda (Junio a Agosto de 2006) a la pesquería mexicana del camarón se realizaron tres cruceros de prospección pesquera en el Golfo de Tehuantepec, sureste de México, con la finalidad de evaluar los aspectos biológicos y poblacionales de las especies de camarón sujetas a explotación comercial. En el caso particular del camarón blanco L. vannamei se analizó una muestra acumulada de 2,905 ejemplares de los cuales el 44.5 % fueron machos y el 55.5 % hembras (p>0.05), para una proporción sexual generalizada de 1.2:1 hembras/machos (h/m). Batimétricamente las principales abundancias estuvieron delimitadas por la isobata de las 17 brazas (30.6 m) de profundidad. En términos generales la población estuvo integrada predominantemente por organismos con gónadas inmaduras (estadio I), mientras que los mayores porcentajes de hembras con gónadas madurando o en desarrollo (estadio II); machos sexualmente maduros (estadio II) se presentaron en agosto. En el plano espacial, los resultados revelaron que durante este periodo de veda el proceso reproductivo (maduración y desove) se desarrolló con mayor intensidad en las subzonas 92 a 95, en la banda situada entre las 12 a 16 brazas (22 y 29 m) de profundidad. La talla promedio de primera reproducción ((lm50) en hembras fue estimada en 192 mm de longitud total, mientras que en los machos fue de 170.1 mm. Finalmente, se establecieron las relaciones biométricas entre la longitud total y la longitud abdominal para la población en su conjunto y para sexos independientes. Biological and population aspects of the white shrimp Litopenaeus vannamei (Boone 1931), during the closed season 2006 in the Gulf of Tehuantepec, Mexico During the period of closed season (June to August of 2006) of the Mexican shrimp fishery, three cruises of fishing prospection were made in the Gulf of Tehuantepec (southeast of Mexico), with the purpose of evaluating biological and population aspects of the shrimp species under commercial exploitation. In the particular case of white shrimp [iL. vannamei[/i an accumulated sample of 2,905 items was analyzed, out of which 44.5 % were male and 55.5 % females (p>0.05), giving a generalized female/male (f/m) proportion of 1.2:1. Bathymetrically the main abundances were delimited by the 17 fathom (30.6 m) isobaths. In general terms the population was integrated predominantly by organisms with immature gonads (stage I), whereas the greater percentage of females with gonads in development (stage II) and sexually mature males (stage II) appeared in August. Spatially, the results showed that in this closed season the reproductive process (maturation and spawning) was developed with greater intensity in the subzones 92 to 95, between 12 to 16 fathoms (22m and 29 m). The mean length at first maturity (lm50) for females was 192 mm and 170.1 mm for males. Biometric relationships were established between total and abdominal length for the whole population and for independent sexes.

Durante el periodo de veda (Junio a Agosto de 2006) a la pesquería mexicana del camarón se realizaron tres cruceros de prospección pesquera en el Golfo de Tehuantepec, sureste de México, con la finalidad de evaluar los aspectos biológicos y poblacionales de las especies de camarón sujetas a explotación comercial. En el caso particular del camarón blanco L. vannamei se analizó una muestra acumulada de 2,905 ejemplares de los cuales el 44.5 % fueron machos y el 55.5 % hembras (p>0.05), para una proporción sexual generalizada de 1.2:1 hembras/machos (h/m). Batimétricamente las principales abundancias estuvieron delimitadas por la isobata de las 17 brazas (30.6 m) de profundidad. En términos generales la población estuvo integrada predominantemente por organismos con gónadas inmaduras (estadio I), mientras que los mayores porcentajes de hembras con gónadas madurando o en desarrollo (estadio II); machos sexualmente maduros (estadio II) se presentaron en agosto. En el plano espacial, los resultados revelaron que durante este periodo de veda el proceso reproductivo (maduración y desove) se desarrolló con mayor intensidad en las subzonas 92 a 95, en la banda situada entre las 12 a 16 brazas (22 y 29 m) de profundidad. La talla promedio de primera reproducción ((lm50) en hembras fue estimada en 192 mm de longitud total, mientras que en los machos fue de 170.1 mm. Finalmente, se establecieron las relaciones biométricas entre la longitud total y la longitud abdominal para la población en su conjunto y para sexos independientes. Biological and population aspects of the white shrimp Litopenaeus vannamei (Boone 1931), during the closed season 2006 in the Gulf of Tehuantepec, Mexico During the period of closed season (June to August of 2006) of the Mexican shrimp fishery, three cruises of fishing prospection were made in the Gulf of Tehuantepec (southeast of Mexico), with the purpose of evaluating biological and population aspects of the shrimp species under commercial exploitation. In the particular case of white shrimp [iL. vannamei[/i an accumulated sample of 2,905 items was analyzed, out of which 44.5 % were male and 55.5 % females (p>0.05), giving a generalized female/male (f/m) proportion of 1.2:1. Bathymetrically the main abundances were delimited by the 17 fathom (30.6 m) isobaths. In general terms the population was integrated predominantly by organisms with immature gonads (stage I), whereas the greater percentage of females with gonads in development (stage II) and sexually mature males (stage II) appeared in August. Spatially, the results showed that in this closed season the reproductive process (maturation and spawning) was developed with greater intensity in the subzones 92 to 95, between 12 to 16 fathoms (22m and 29 m). The mean length at first maturity (lm50) for females was 192 mm and 170.1 mm for males. Biometric relationships were established between total and abdominal length for the whole population and for independent sexes.

Long-term ecological studies are desirable, but rare. I here present data from a 60-year study on the repopulation of San Benedicto Island following a volcano eruption in 1952. Bárcena Volcano appeared on 1 August 1952 on San Benedicto Island, Revillagigedo Islands, Mexico. Within 20 min, the entire island was engulfed in a cloud of ash and pumice, which covered all the plants, killed an estimated 20 000 sea birds within hours and caused the subsequent extinction of an endemic race of rock wren (Salpinctes obsoleta exsul). The results of studies on revegetation and repopulation of the island for the first 10 years after the volcanic eruption were summarised by Brattstrom in 1963. This report extends the studies to 2012. The distribution of the land crab (Aegecarcinus planatus) has increased on the island. By 1971 the crab occurred only over the northern one-eighth of the island, but by 1978 it could be found on one-third of the island. No studies on its distribution have been made since then. Total sea bird populations steadily increased up to 1971 and then rapidly declined, though these changes in numbers are largely due to a fluctuation in the populations of the masked booby (Sula dactylatra). The changes in the booby population may have been due to reproductive and feeding success or to immigration and emigration. The decline in the shearwater (Puffinus ssp.) populations are largely due to erosion and destruction of their burrows; their numbers did not increase until 2000. The formation of a large lava delta created a new habitat, which permitted the establishment of a species of sea bird new to the island, the red-footed booby (Sula sula). Numerous non-resident waifs or stray birds have been observed on the island but most have not become established. The exception is the Laysan albatross (Phoebastria immutabilis), breeding at present in low (3–712) numbers. The original flora consisted of 10 species. The volcano caused four species to become extinct, two re-established themselves, and two species new to the island arrived. There have been marked erosional changes, and the accidental introduction of exotic plants may dramatically alter the vegetation of the island.

Abstract Background Information regarding infections caused by Aeromonas spp. is limited. The aim of this study was to describe the clinical and epidemiologic characteristics of infections by Aeromonas spp. during a 7-year period at a tertiary care hospital in Mexico. Methods We analyzed a retrospective cohort of adults with Aeromonas spp. clinical isolates, between January 1, 2010 and August 31, 2017 from the Instituto Nacional de Ciencias Médicas y Nutrición Salvador Zubirán. We analyzed demographic, clinical, microbial characteristics and antimicrobial susceptibility test. Risk factors for bacteremia and mortality were identified with logistic regression; adjustment for possible confounder factors was carried out. Data were analyzed with IBM SPSS Statistics version 21. Statistical significance was defined as the value for P < 0.05. Results We identified 387 patients with an infection by Aeromonas spp.; the median age was 55 years and 52% were women. 94 (24.3%) patients had an autoimmune disease; 74 (19.1%) had a solid tumor (ST); 51 (13.2%) had chronic kidney disease (CKD); 43 (11.1%) had chronic liver disease (CLD); 37 (9.6%) had a hematologic malignancy (HM); 23 (5.9%) were solid-organ recipients and 20 (5.2%) HIV infected. 41.6% (n = 161) of the infections were healthcare related. Stools were the most frequent isolation site (n = 299, 77%), followed by blood cultures (n = 29, 7.4%) and abscess (n = 19, 4.9%). The most common species was A. veronii. Aminoglycosides, quinolones, carbapenems, and trimethoprim/sulfamethoxazole were the most active antibiotics in vitro. The variables associated with bacteremia were CLD OR 5.647; diabetes OR 2.376 and nosocomial acquisition OR 4.08. 30-day mortality was 5.7%, while global mortality was 10.3%. Mortality was associated with sex (male) OR 1.753; HM OR 2.741; ST OR 2.576; polymicrobial infection OR 2.445; ICU admission OR 5.175 and bacteremia OR 3.881. Conclusion Infections by Aeromonas spp. have increased and have a greater incidence among individuals with chronic diseases and immunosuppressive states in this setting. Mortality described in this cohort was minor than previously stated by other series. Disclosures All authors: No reported disclosures.

Abstract Background Patients affected by COVID-19 pneumonia who present severe symptoms with manifest hypoxemia and cytokine storm have a high mortality rate, which is why therapies focused on reducing inflammation and improving lung function have been used, one of them being jakinibs through of the blocking of the JAK tracks. Methods Patients who presented data of severe pneumonia due to COVID-19 with data of severe hypoxemia and cytokine storm were selected, from June to August 2020, to whom the SaO2/FiO2 ratio is measured at the beginning, intermediate and end of treatment, as well as D dimer and serum ferritin. Comorbidity and drugs taken previously are analyzed. The patients being cared for at home. Results We included data from 30 patients, 8 (27%) women and 22 (73%) men, with a median age of 58.5 (46.5 - 68.0) years. 23 patients (77%) had comorbidities, the most frequent being arterial hypertension (43%), followed by obesity (30%), type 2 diabetes mellitus (27%), among others. In the laboratory, the medians of D-Dimer 982 ng/mL, Ferritin 1,375 ng/mL and C-Reactive Protein 10.0 mg/dL. Regarding the use of previous medications, we found that 29 (97%) patients had treatment with some medication, the most frequent: azithromycin (77%), ivermectin (53%) and dexamethasone (47%). The median number of medications received was 3. The initial pulse oximetry (SaO2) measurement with room air had a median of 80.5% and the median SaO2/FiO2 (SAFI) was 134; Regarding the type of SIRA, 90% had moderate SIRA and 10% had severe SIRA. The median day of evolution on which baricitinib was started was 10 days, all received 4 mg/day, and the median days of treatment with baricitinib was 14.0 days. At follow-up, SaO2 at 7 days had a median of 93.0% and the median SAFI at 7 days was 310.0; the median SaO2 at 14 days was 95.0% and the median SAFI at 14 days was 452.0. In comparative analysis, baseline SaO2/SAFI was significantly lower compared to 7 and 14 days (p = 0.001 for both comparisons). The outcomes, 27 (90%) patients improved and there were 3 (10%) who died. Demographic Variables Respiratory Variables Results on SAFI and SaO2 Conclusion Baricitinib therapy in these patients with severe COVID-19 pneumonia who present with severe hypoxemia and cytokine storm presented good results by improving clinical status and pulmonary failure, with patients being cared for at home and avoiding mechanical ventilation. Disclosures All Authors: No reported disclosures

Aedes aegypti is the vector for numerous diseases in humans and other (reservoir) hosts, such as chikungunya, dengue fever and Zika virus. A new deterministic model is designed and used to assess the dynamics of the three diseases in a population where Aedes mosquitoes are abundant. The model to be designed incorporates the recently-released imperfect vaccine against dengue virus (Dengvaxia[Formula: see text] vaccine by Sanofi Pasteur) as well as allow for sexual transmission of Zika. Further, the model allows for the assessment of the population-level impact of three biological hypotheses, namely a competitive dengue–chikungunya–Zika superinfection hierarchy, an antibody-dependent enhancement of dengue over Zika and that the Dengvaxia vaccine can induce reduced susceptibility to Zika infection in vaccinated individuals. After carrying out detailed theoretical analyses to gain insight into its qualitative features, the model is then fitted to the data recorded during the 2015–2016 outbreaks of the three diseases in Mexico. Simulations of the model show a reasonable fit to observed dynamics consistent with the competitive hierarchy assumed for the interactions of the viruses. Furthermore, Zika transmission dynamics is only mildly affected by changes in the parameter related to the infectiousness of Zika in relation to dengue, even in the region where antibody-dependent enhancement is assumed. The dengue vaccine has a very marginal impact on Zika transmission dynamics (and that the vaccine, no matter the coverage and efficacy levels, is unable to reduce the reproduction number for Zika transmission to a value less than unity). The model is extended to include the effect of seasonality and local weather variability (temperature and rainfall) on the dynamics of the three diseases. Simulations of the resulting non-autonomous model, using weather and demographic data for Mexico, show that for the current mean monthly rainfall value for Mexico, the burden of the three diseases increases with increasing mean monthly temperature in the range 16–29[Formula: see text]C, and decreases with increasing mean monthly temperature thereafter. Additionally, for the current fixed mean monthly temperature and rainfall data for Mexico, simulations show maximum transmission activity of all three diseases if the temperature and rainfall values lie in the range 25–26.4[Formula: see text]C and 90–128[Formula: see text]mm, respectively (these values are typically recorded in Mexico during the months of June, July and September). Simulations for two Mexican states (Oaxaca and Chiapas) where the three diseases are endemic show maximum transmission activity for all three diseases when temperature and rainfall lie in the ranges 20–25[Formula: see text]C and 51–102[Formula: see text]mm for Oaxaca (these ranges are recorded during the months of May through September) and 19–21[Formula: see text]C and 85–107[Formula: see text]mm for Chiapas (there ranges are recorded during the months of May, July, August and October), respectively. These simulations suggest suitable time when anti-mosquito control efforts should be intensified in Mexico (and the two selected states).

In a 1986 survey taken in northeastern Mexico, 44% of the 6,200 honey bees, Apis mellifera L., examined were infested with tracheal mites, Acarapis woodi (Rennie). Mites were found in 80% of the 310 colony samples of 20 bees each. These samples were taken monthly from 10 colonies in each of three apiaries located from 130 to 230 km apart in the state of Tamaulipas. Infestation levels varied greatly among apiaries, months, and between samples. Monthly infestations in individual bees ranged from a low of 2% in the Hidalgo apiary in August to a high of 97% in February in the Aldama apiary. The average infestation was 11% of the bees in the Hidalgo apiary, 35% in the Ciudad Mante apiary, and 71% in the Aldama apiary. Mite populations tended to decline in late spring and summer. There was a significant correlation (r = 0.91, p &lt; 0.01) between the percentage of bees infested in the apiary and the number of mites in each infested bee. The number of mites per infested bee ranged from an average of 14 for infested bees from the four monthly apiary samples with the lowest percentage of infested bees to 44 mites/infested bee in the four samples with the highest percent of infested bees. The average number of mites per infested bee was 34.2. The proportion of mites in each life stage varied markedly. Overall, 19% of the 92,392 mites were in the egg stage, 37% were larvae, and 44% were adults. The ratio of males to females was 1:2.43 or 29% males to 71% females. Both right and left tracheae were equally susceptable to becoming infested, as mites were found in 2,144 right and 2,138 left trachea. Both tracheae were infested in 58% of the bees parasitized with mites. There was also a highly significant correlation (r = 0.98, P &lt; 0.01) between percentage of bees infested in each sample and percentage of infested bees with mites present in both tracheae.

e19248 Background: International guidelines for genitourinary cancers recommend treatment decisions by a multidisciplinary tumor board (MTB). The benefits of a MTB include greater accuracy in staging and in the probability of receiving care in compliance with international clinical practice guidelines, greater access to clinical trials, better communication between treating physicians and cost-effective care with greater patient satisfaction, which could translate into better outcomes. Our objective was to assess the impact of a MTB in the management of patients with genitourinary tumors in a tertiary referral university center of México. Methods: We performed a retrospective analysis of all cases presented to the Genitourinary Tumor Committee of our hospital from March to August 2019. Results: A total of 84 patients were included in the analysis; of these 80% were men with a median age of 61 years. Of all the cases, 68% were first-time presentations with a median time from evaluation to presentation of 4 days. The most frequently discussed diagnoses were prostate, urothelial and renal cancer, each corresponding to about 28% of the sample. Forty-six percent of the cases presented were in metastatic disease. The median time for discussion of each case after its presentation was 10 minutes. Changes were made in the clinical stage and treatment plan proposed by the most responsible physician in 4% and 46% of the cases, respectively, achieving a unanimous consensus in 88%. After the MTB session, 29 patients were lost to medical follow-up and were not subsequently evaluated. Among the 55 patients who underwent reassessment, the recommendations of the MTB were applied in 92%. Conclusions: Discussion of urologic oncology cases at the MTB led to a change in the treatment plan in almost half of the patients. Although MTBs are an increasingly common practice in Mexico, this is the first study that describes the impact that these sessions have on the management of genitourinary tumors in our population. The high rate of loss to medical follow-up remains an important problem in developing countries, negatively affecting the prognosis of these patients.

This paper (SPE 51324) was revised for publication from paper SPE 28026, first presented at the 1994 SPE/ISRM Rock Mechanics in Petroleum Engineering, Delft, The Netherlands, 29-31 August. Original manuscript received for review 21 November 1994. Revised manuscript received 1 June 1998. Paper peer approved 30 June 1998. Summary A testing procedure and analysis method is proposed that gives compaction and compressibility data that are independent of test duration of unconsolidated sands. Compaction data on unconsolidated sand material [including several Gulf of Mexico (GOM) reservoirs] derived from this method are presented. Tests on twin plugs give essentially the same stress-strain data for test durations from one day to three months. This occurs because of a fundamental time-scaling property of these unconsolidated materials. The creep behavior is modeled with a fractional power law dependence with time, which represents the Voigt material model having an extremely broad distribution of relaxation times. This analysis indicates that the characteristic relaxation times of these materials are measured in decades or longer. Creep equilibrated tests are, therefore, impractical and not relevant to a reservoir that will be depleted in one or two decades. Analysis of the power law creep parameters indicates the creep behavior is consistent at higher stresses among the materials tested. The creep parameters scale with stress and provide a means of decoupling the time-dependent behavior from the stress-strain behavior. P. 430

Atlantic tarpon Megalops atlanticus are important mesopredators in the western Atlantic Ocean, and the focus of a popular recreational fishery that targets them throughout their annual migration in the Gulf of Mexico and southeastern USA. Using 4 years of acoustic telemetry data, we quantified the seasonal variation in phenology of arrival and departure, and occupancy for subadult and adult M. atlanticus in the Florida Keys, USA. While detection profiles of subadult M. atlanticus (n = 11) varied in residency and dispersal patterns, all adult M. atlanticus detection profiles (n = 47) exhibited seasonal residency. The median spring-summer residence period of adult M. atlanticus ranged from 40 to 60 d, with a mean of 51 d across years. At the individual level, repeatability in the timing of arrival and duration were high across years, suggesting that photoperiod may be an important migratory cue. Further, the repeatability in the timing of arrival to the Florida Keys for individuals was not associated with sea surface temperature (SST). At the population level, residency corresponded with the spawning season, with the majority of adult M. atlanticus arriving in April once SST reached 26°C, and then departing in June (27-29°C). Highest occupancy probabilities for adult M. atlanticus occurred in May (26-28°C) and lowest between August and October. Large aggregations of M. atlanticus that occur during the spawning season (April-June) are potentially vulnerable to the effects of habitat degradation and angling-related mortality and behavioral changes. These data on M. atlanticus phenology provide insights for implementing science-based strategic management plans.

Abstract Hurricane Bret underwent a rapid intensification (RI) and subsequent weakening between 1200 UTC 21 August and 1200 UTC 22 August 1999 before it made landfall on the Texas coast 12 h later. Its minimum sea level pressure fell 35 hPa from 979 to 944 hPa within 24 h. During this period, aircraft of the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) flew several research missions that sampled the environment and inner core of the storm. These datasets are combined with gridded data from the National Centers for Environmental Prediction (NCEP) Global Model and the NCEP–National Center for Atmospheric Research (NCAR) reanalyses to document Bret’s atmospheric and oceanic environment as well as their relation to the observed structural and intensity changes. Bret’s RI was linked to movement over a warm ocean eddy and high sea surface temperatures (SSTs) in the Gulf of Mexico coupled with a concurrent decrease in vertical wind shear. SSTs at the beginning of the storm’s RI were approximately 29°C and steadily increased to 30°C as it moved to the north. The vertical wind shear relaxed to less than 10 kt during this time. Mean values of oceanic heat content (OHC) beneath the storm were about 20% higher at the beginning of the RI period than 6 h prior. The subsequent weakening was linked to the cooling of near-coastal shelf waters (to between 25° and 26°C) by prestorm mixing combined with an increase in vertical wind shear. The available observations suggest no intrusion of dry air into the circulation core contributed to the intensity evolution. Sensitivity studies with the Statistical Hurricane Intensity Prediction Scheme (SHIPS) model were conducted to quantitatively describe the influence of environmental conditions on the intensity forecast. Four different cases with modified vertical wind shear and/or SSTs were studied. Differences between the four cases were relatively small because of the model design, but the greatest intensity changes resulted for much cooler prescribed SSTs. The results of this study underscore the importance of OHC and vertical wind shear as significant factors during RIs; however, internal dynamical processes appear to play a more critical role when a favorable environment is present.

The work of Carolee Schneemann, who celebrated her sixtieth birthday last year, has from the first challenged suppressive sexual and other taboos, and placed her own body as an artist into a fluent relationship with her art. She both pioneered and in her new work continues to energize forms of what we now call performance art. The retrospective of her works from 1963 to 1996, recently seen at the New Museum of Contemporary Art, New York, affirmed her recognition as a major artist – yet threatened also to ‘fix’ her art, which remains very much ‘in progress’. The exhibition included the installation Mortal Coils (1993–94), in which a slide projection system is combined with motorized ropes, flour, and sand to explore taboos of death and loss; Up to and Including Her Limits (1979), a video installation depicting the actions which produced surrounding wall drawings; and Video Rocks (1989), in which a hundred hand-sculptured rocks merge into a wall of seven monitors on which feet walk back and forth over virtual rocks. Vulva's Morphia (1995), a colour grid of photographs with text and motorized components, was exhibited at the Pompidou Centre in 1995, and her multi-media installation Known/Unknown – Plague Column (1996), was seen in New York and Montreal in 1996. Schneemann's published books include Parts of a Body: House Book (1972); Cézanne, She Was a Great Painter (1976); ABC: We Print Anything – in the Cards (1977); Video Burn (1992); and More Than Meat Joy: Performance Works and Selected Writings (1997). Her Body Politics: Notes and Essays of Carolee Schneemann is forthcoming from MIT Press, and a selection of her letters from Johns Hopkins University Press. Alison Oddey, Professor of Drama at Loughborough University, interviewed Carolee Schneemann on 29 August 1997 in her Manhattan loft in New York, and what follows is an edited version of that interview, which focuses on her more recent performative work.

Verticillium wilt, caused by Verticillium dahliae, is a common disease of chile pepper (Capsicum annuum) in New Mexico. In August of 2007, wilted plants with vascular discoloration in the stem typical of infection by V. dahliae occurred in several fields in Luna County in southern New Mexico. In one field, Verticillium wilt incidence was between 60 and 70%. Approximately 30% of the field was infested with Physalis wrightii (Wrights groundcherry) and Anoda cristata (spurred anoda), and 60% of the field was infested with Ipomoea purpurea (tall morningglory). Except for vascular discoloration found in a few plants of Wrights groundcherry and spurred anoda, there were no other symptoms observed in the weeds present. Previously, Wrights groundcherry and spurred anoda were demonstrated as hosts to V. dahliae (2); however, to our knowledge, tall morningglory was not. A 5-cm segment was cut from the lower part of the stems and upper part of the tap roots of six tall morningglory plants and two chile pepper plants. The segments were washed, surface disinfested for 2 min in 0.5% sodium hypochlorite, and cut into pieces that were plated onto water agar. Mycelial colonies emerging from the pieces were transferred to either potato dextrose agar, prune extract agar, or Czapek-Dox agar medium. Putative V. dahliae isolates from tall morningglory and chile pepper plants were identified based on characteristic morphological features when cultured on prune extract medium (2,3). In addition, PCR of fungal DNA and sequencing the amplicons using primer pair ITS4/ITS6 showed a 99% homology with the sequence of the rDNA ITS of V. dahliae (1). Pathogenicity tests were conducted with two isolates of V. dahliae from tall morningglory and one from chile pepper. In the first of two methods, four pots were infested with conidia of each isolate (2 × 107 conidia per 500 cm3 of soilless mix) and planted (five seeds per pot, thinned to three seedlings) with chile pepper cv. AZ-20, which is susceptible to V. dahliae. Three noninfested pots served as the control. Pots were placed in a growth chamber at 26/20°C day/night temperature. In the second method, plants (cv. AZ-20) at the 6- to 8-leaf stage were inoculated in a greenhouse with V. dahliae by dispensing 5 ml of a conidial suspension (4 × 106 conidia/ml) into the root plug prior to transplanting. Four root plugs were inoculated per isolate and there were three noninoculated root plugs. Both experiments were repeated once. Isolates of V. dahliae recovered from tall morningglory and chile pepper were pathogenic on chile pepper. Leaf chlorosis, leaf drop, wilting, and vascular discoloration were observed within 8 weeks after sowing into infested soil or within 6 weeks after inoculation into the root plugs of transplants. No symptoms were observed on noninoculated plants. V. dahliae was reisolated from the stems of all symptomatic plants. To our knowledge, this is the first report to document the recovery of V. dahliae from tall morningglory and its pathogenicity on chile pepper. References: (1) P. V. Pramateftaki et al. J. Fungal Genet. Biol. 29:19, 2000. (2). S. Sanogo and M. Clary. Plant Dis. 87:450, 2003. (3) P. W. Talboys. Plant Pathol. 9:57, 1979.

Background:The SARS-CoV-2 pandemic has directly impacted the psychological and physical health of individuals worldwide, as well as the global economy. Food insecurity rates have risen especially in vulnerable countries like Mexico. Furthermore, social isolation and economic uncertainty have multiplied depression and anxiety disorders. Pregnant and postpartum women are particularly vulnerable to food insecurity, increased stress, depression, and anxiety.Objectives:The aim of this study is to determine the perception of food insecurity (FI) and perceived stress in pregnant and postpartum women with rheumatic disease during the SARS-CoV-2 pandemic.Methods:An observational, cross-sectional and descriptive study was conducted. Patients from to the pregnancy and rheumatic diseases clinic of the University Hospital “Dr. José E. González” in Northeast Mexico evaluated between August to October 2020 were included. The Spanish validated versions of the Household Food Security Access Scale (HFIAS) and the Perceived Stress Scale (PSS-10) were applied by telephonic interview. The WHO recommendations were employed to determine the appropriate intake for each food group in a week. The Kolmogorov-Smirnov test was used to determine normality of the data. The Spearman correlation coefficient and the Kruskal-Wallis test were used for statistical analysis.Results:A total of 29 women were included. Six (20.6%) women were found to have moderate or severe degrees of food insecurity. In addition, 12 (40.30%) perceived moderate and severe levels of stress in the PSS-10. No relationship was found between food insecurity and perceived stress (p= 0.059). The food groups that exceeded the recommended weekly frequency were oils and sugars exceeded 3.9 and 2.9 frequencies, respectively.Conclusion:We found that 20.6% women suffered household food insecurity and 40.3% suffered moderate and severe levels of stress. No relationship was found between food insecurity with the HIFAS scale and perceived stress measures with the PSS-10. We found that oils and sugars exceeded more by the double of the recommended frequency per week.References:[1]Pérez-Escamilla R, Cunningham K, Moran VH. COVID-19 and maternal and child food and nutrition insecurity: a complex syndemic. Matern Child Nutr. 2020;16(3):e13036. doi:10.1111/mcn.13036[2]Adams EL, Caccavale LJ, Smith D, Bean MK. Food Insecurity, the Home Food Environment, and Parent Feeding Practices in the Era of COVID-19. Obesity (Silver Spring). 2020;28(11):2056-2063. doi:10.1002/oby.22996Table 1.Socio-demographic characteristics and scale results.Age, years, mean (SD)27.5 (7.03)Diagnosis, n (%)RA16 (55.1)SLE7 (24.4)Others6 (20.6)Results per scalesHFIAS, n (%)No risk13 (44.8)Mild10 (34.4)Moderated3 (10.3)Severe3 (10.3)EPP-10, n (%)Mild17 (58.6)Moderated9 (31.0)Severe3 (10.3)SD: standard deviation, RA: Rheumatoid arthritis, SLE: Systemic lupus erythematosus, HFIAS: Household food security access component scale, EPP-10: Perceived stress scale 10 items.Disclosure of Interests:None declared.

Juan de Dios Mora is a printmaker and a senior lecturer at The University of Texas at San Antonio, where he began teaching painting, drawing, and printmaking in 2010. Mora is a prolific artist whose prints have been published in numerous venues including the catalogs New Arte Nuevo: San Antonio 2010 and New Art/Arte Nuevo San Antonio 2012. In 2017, his work was exhibited at several venues, including the McNay Art Museum in San Antonio, Texas in Juan Mora: Culture Clash (June 8–August 13, 2017) and at The Cole Art Center, Reavley Gallery in Nacogdoches, Texas, in Juan de Dios Mora (organized by the Art Department at the Stephen F. Austin State University School of Art, January 26–March 10, 2017). In 2016, Mora participated in the group show Los de Abajo: Garbage as an Artistic Source (From the Bottom: Garbage as an Artistic Source) at the Guadalupe Cultural Arts Center in San Antonio (June 10–July 29, 2016). Mora also curates the show Print It Up, which he organizes in the downtown area of San Antonio, thereby granting unprecedented exposure to numerous artists. For this exhibition, Mora mentors both students and alumni, guiding them through the exhibition process—from how to create a portfolio, frame and install artworks, to contracting with gallery owners, and selling artworks to the public. Adriana Miramontes Olivas is a doctoral student in the Department of the History of Art and Architecture at the University of Pittsburgh. She earned her BA at the University of Texas at El Paso and her MA at the University of Texas at San Antonio. Her research is in modern and contemporary global art with a focus on Latin America, gender studies, sexuality, and national identity.Dr. Deborah Caplow is an art historian and curator, and the author of a book about the Mexican printmaker, Leopoldo Méndez (Leopoldo Méndez: Revolutionary Art and the Mexican Print, University of Texas Press). She teaches art history at the University of Washington, Bothell. Areas of scholarship include twentieth-century Mexican art, the intersections between art and politics, and the history of photography. Currently, she is researching contemporary printmaking in Oaxaca, Mexico.

Oval leaf spot (OLS) caused by Ramulispora sorghicola Harris was observed on grain sorghum, Sorghum bicolor (L.) Moench, and johnsongrass, S. halepense (L.) Pers., near Beeville, TX during August 2002. Symptoms were first observed on several sorghum lines and hybrids in a field nursery including a bulk planting of the line ATx623. Highest incidence of OLS occurred in rows adjacent to johnsongrass with symptoms of OLS. Average lesion size (mm) was 1.3 × 2.8 with a range from 0.5 to 2.5 × 1.5 to 5.0. Lesions had a straw-colored sunken center and on red- and purple-pigmented sorghums, lesion borders were highly pigmented. Cone-shaped conidial masses and superficial sclerotia (subglobose, black, 80 to 190 μm in diameter × 50 to 70 μm high, with spiny setae) were sometimes present or readily produced on lesions within 48 to 72 h after placement in humidity chambers. Conidia were branched, filiform, tapered, and 1.1 to 2.4 × 20 to 75 μm. The pathogen, R. sorghicola, was isolated from conidia and sclerotia. A water suspension of culturally derived conidia of R. sorghicola (3 × 104 conidia per ml) was spray inoculated (5:30 p.m., October 11, 2002) onto four or more upper leaves per plant of six grain sorghum plants (ATx623) and approximately nine johnsongrass plants (three tillers each of three plants) at a Corpus Christi field location where OLS was absent. Three grain sorghum and one johnsongrass plant were sprayed with a water control. Cloudy, wet, and cool conditions after inoculation and increasingly cooler nights probably delayed symptom expression until 3 to 4 weeks after inoculation. Typical lesions were observed simultaneously on both hosts with symptoms restricted to inoculated plants. Lesions from both hosts were placed onto water agar at 25°C for 24 h, and the pathogen was reisolated from field-produced conidia of rehydrated conidial masses. Through 2004, OLS was observed on sorghum hosts in 29 counties from central Texas to the Lower Rio Grande Valley. During the growing season, OLS was predominantly absent in grain and forage sorghum fields and absent or often difficult to detect in johnsongrass. In all 3 years, OLS was most common after the normal growing season from August through December with occurrence primarily on johnsongrass but also on late-planted and feral S. bicolor hosts, especially when proximal to symptomatic johnsongrass. Presence and incidence of OLS was highly variable between and within stands of johnsongrass with incidence ranging from a few to most plants. Incidence in forage or grain sorghum fields was highest at field borders adjacent to johnsongrass with OLS. Disease severity was low except on johnsongrass at a few locations. The pathogen appears to pose low economic risk to any sorghum host in Texas at any time of the year although highly susceptible lines and hybrids should be identified and possibly avoided. The previous most proximal report of R. sorghicola in the Western Hemisphere was in Honduras (1). The widespread distribution of OLS across southern Texas and its pattern of occurrence in johnsongrass suggest that the pathogen may have been unobserved in Texas for several years. Presence of OLS near the Rio Grande indicates probable occurrence in johnsongrass at least in some areas along this river in northeastern Mexico. Reference: (1) G. C. Wall et al. Trop. Pest Manag. 35:57, 1989.

CNOOC Turns On the Taps at Two Bohai Sea Fields Production has begun at CNOOC Limited’s Luda 6-2 and Bozhong 26-3 oil field expansion in the Bohai Sea. Luda 6-2 is flowing ahead of schedule, utilizing existing processing facilities of the Suizhong 36-1 oil field. The project has built a new central platform. A total of 38 development wells are planned, including 29 production wells, eight water-injection wells, and one development-and-appraisal well. The project is expected to reach peak production of around 10,000 B/D in 2022. The Bozhong 26-3 oilfield expansion project has also come online. In addition to fully utilizing existing processing facilities, new unmanned wellhead and power platforms were built for the project. A total of eight development wells are planned, including five production wells, two water-injection wells, and one development-and-appraisal well. The project is expected to reach peak production of 2,670 B/D in 2021. CNOOC Limited holds 100% interest in both projects. PPL Awarded Abu Dhabi Offshore Exploration Block A consortium of four Pakistani companies led by Pakistan Petroleum Limited (PPL) was awarded the exploration rights for Offshore Block 5 in Abu Dhabi’s second competitive block bid round. The award marks the first Pakistani company investment in and planned exploration for oil and gas in an Abu Dhabi concession as well as the first partnership between the Abu Dhabi National Oil Company (ADNOC) and Pakistani energy companies. Other companies in the consortium include Mari Petroleum Company Limited, Oil and Gas Development Company Limited, and Government Holdings (Private) Limited. Under the terms of the agreement, the consortium will hold a 100% stake in the exploration phase, investing up to $304.7 million toward exploration and appraisal drilling, including a participation fee, to explore for and appraise oil and gas opportunities in the block that covers an offshore area of 6223 km2 and is located 100 km northeast of Abu Dhabi. “The PPL-led consortium is delighted to be selected for the concession award of Abu Dhabi’s Offshore Block 5,” said Moin Raza Khan, managing director and chief executive of PPL. “This award is not only a watershed moment for Pakistan and the Emirate of Abu Dhabi towards bilateral energy cooperation and economic links, but also offers an opportunity to strengthen strategic cooperation with ADNOC to share technical know-how and expertise.” Following a successful commercial discovery during the exploration phase, the consortium will have a production concession to develop and produce the discoveries. ADNOC has the option to hold a 60% stake in the production phase, which is 35 years from the commencement of the exploration phase. The block offers the potential to create significant in-country value for the UAE over the lifetime of the concession. In addition to drilling exploration and appraisal wells, the exploration phase will see the consortium leverage and contribute financially and technically to ADNOC’s mega seismic survey, which is acquiring 3D seismic data within the block area. The data already acquired over a large part of the block, combined with its proximity to existing oil and gas fields, suggest the concession area has promising potential. Hess Exits Denmark Upstream Hess Corporation has completed the previously announced sale of its subsidiary Hess Denmark ApS, which holds a 61.5% interest in the South Arne Field, to Ineos E&P AS for a total consideration of $150 million. “The sale of our Denmark asset enables us to further focus our portfolio and strengthen our cash and liquidity position,” said John Hess, chief executive of Hess. “Proceeds will be used to fund our world-class investment opportunity in Guyana.” The transaction was effective 1 January 2021. Beacon Offshore Secures Drillship for Shenandoah Work Beacon Offshore awarded Transocean a $252-million contract for use of its newbuild ultradeepwater drillship Deepwater Atlas to work in the Shenandoah field in the US Gulf of Mexico (GOM). The deal also includes a $30-million mobilization fee from Southeast Asia to the GOM. The Shenandoah program comprises two phases. Once delivered from the shipyard, the Deepwater Atlas is expected to begin operations in Q3 2022, initially using dual blowout preventers (BOP) rated to 15,000 psi. The duration of the drilling program is approximately 255 days and should result in $80 million in contract drilling revenue. Upon completion of initial drilling, a 20,000-psi BOP will be installed on the rig, making it Transocean’s second asset with a 20,000-psi-rated well-control system. The BOP installation and commissioning is expected to last 45 to 60 days, contributing $17 million in revenue. Following the 20,000-psi BOP installation, the Deepwater Atlas will begin the well completion program. The approximate duration of this phase is 275 days and should contribute $125 million in contract drilling revenue. Gambia Block Back on the Market The A1 block offshore Gambia is available for licensing again following a $29.3-million settlement with BP for failing to meet its drilling obligations there, according to the Gambian government. The oil major failed to drill a well before the initial exploration period expired on 29 July. “The A1 Block will revert to the government, free of all encumbrances,” the government statement said. “With BP’s exit, the A1 Block will now be on the market for licensing.” BP was awarded the block’s exploration rights in 2019. Brazil’s 3R Petroleum Negotiating Potiguar Purchase Petrobras is in talks with 3R Petroleum to sell a group of assets in the Potiguar basin for more than $1 billion. In a recent securities filing, Petrobras revealed that 3R presented the best offer in public bidding for the assets in the northeastern state of Rio Grande do Norte, known collectively as Polo Potiguar. The assets include 23,000 B/D of onshore and shallow-water oil production, according to 2020 bidding documents. It also includes the Potiguar Clara Camarao Refinery, which has installed capacity of 39,600 B/D. For 3R, the acquisition would more than double the company’s oil production and launch it into the top tier of Brazil’s independent producers, along with Enauta Participacoes and PetroRio. A successful sale would eliminate a noncore asset for Petrobras in a bid to reduce debt and focus on deepwater oil production. Petrobras Spuds Aram Block Wildcat Petrobras has started drilling a wildcat well in the Aram block of the pre-salt of the Santos Basin using Constellation drillship Brava Star, according to the National Petroleum Agency (ANP). The Aram block is operated by Petrobras (80%) in partnership with CNODC, a unit of China National Petroleum Corp. (20%). The two com­panies purchased the area in the only bid of the 6th Pre-­Salt Round in 2019. They paid $1.24 billion in signature bonuses and the minimum allowed profit oil of 29.96%. Drilling at Aram began on 24 August. With the new Petrobras well, Brazil returned to record levels in exploratory activity seen only in the pre­-pandemic period. In all, five wells were drilled in the country during August—the highest number in a single month since May 2019. DNO Begins Drilling at Gomez DNO has kicked off an exploration well at its Gomez prospect on PL006C license offshore Norway. The probe will be drilled to a depth of around 3300 m below sea level, targeting Paleocene-­age formations. DNO Norge AS holds a 65% operated interest in the license; Aker BP holds the balance. Aker BP originally had a 15% interest but recently acquired another 20% interest in PL006C from DNO under a swap agreement in which DNO picked up a 25% participating interest in PL1085 (Tanumåsen) and increased its share from 20 to 30% in PL906 (Mugnetind). The swap, pending government approval, will diversify Aker’s position in the southern North Sea. The Gomez well is being drilled using the Borgland Dolphin. The well is expected to take 45 days. Pre­drill reserve estimates range from 26 to 80 million BOE. The well is close to existing infrastructure, including the Tor and Ekofisk complexes. The Gomez well is one of three exploration wells scheduled this year. The first, Røver Nord (DNO 20%), resulted in what is likely a commercial discovery. Following Gomez, Mugnetind is expected to spud in Q4 2021. Petrobras Starts Production of FPSO Carioca in Sépia Field Petrobras began producing oil and natural gas from FPSO Carioca, the first platform in Sépia field, in the Santos Basin pre­salt. The FPSO is located approximately 200 km off the coast of Rio de Janeiro, in water depths of 2200 m. The FPSO, chartered from Modec, has the capacity to process up to 180,000 B/D and to compress up to 6 million m3 of natural gas. Seven producing wells and four injection wells will be hooked into the FPSO. The oil production will be transported by offloading vessels, while the gas production will be moved through the pre­salt gas pipeline routes. The project also has a system to remove CO2 from the gas produced and reinject it into the reservoir, reducing the release of carbon dioxide into the atmosphere and improving oil recovery. The Sépia shared reservoir comprises the Sépia and Sépia Leste fields, located in the Transfer of Rights and Concession (BM­S­24) areas, respectively, and operated by Petrobras (97.6%) in partnership with Petrogal Brasil (2.4%).

In the 16th century Philippines, the marriage of the Church and the State was the dominant set-up by virtue of Spain’s quest for colonization and evangelization. Civil administrators and church missionaries were called to cooperate the will of the king. Inmost cases, their point of contact was also the area of friction because of their opposing intentions. The early Spanish missionaries in the 16th century Philippines were influenced by the teachings of Bartolome de Las Casas and Vitoria that ignited them to confront their civil counterparts who were after getting the wealth and resources of the natives at the expense of their dignity and rights. Since the King showed interest in protecting the rights of the Indians, Churchmen used legal procedures, reports and personaltestimonies in the Royal Court to create changes in the systems employed in the islands. The relationship between the Spaniards and the natives cannot be reduced to a monolithic relationship between the two races. The power dynamics should be viewed within the plethora of groups who were engaged in the discourse including the bishop of Manila, governor-general, encomenderos, adelantados, soldiers, religious orders, native leaders and even the common indios. Given the canvas of conflicting motives, the proponents of conquests and missionary undertakings grappled to persuade the Spanish Royal Court to take their respective stand on the disputed human rights and justice issues on the legitimacy of the conquest, tributes, slavery and forced labor. References Primary Documentary Sources Anales Ecclesiasticos de Philipinas: 1574-1682. Volume 1. Manila: Archdioceseof Manila Archives, 1994. Arancel. Quezon City: Archivo de la Provincia del Santo Rosario (APSR), MSTomo 3, Doc.3. Blair, Emma Helen and Robertson Alexander, eds. at annots. The Philippine Islands,1493-1898: Explorations by Early Navigators, Descriptions ofthe Islands and Their Peoples, their History and Records of the CatholicMissions, as related in Contemporaneous Books and ManuscriptsShowing the Political, Economic, Commercial and Religious Conditionsof Those Islands from Their Earliest Conditions with European Nationsto the Close of the Nineteenth Century. 55 Volumes. Cleveland: ArthurH Clark, 1903-1909. Hereinafter referred to as B and R. The followingprimary documents were used in this dissertation: Colin-Pastells. LaborEvangelica I. Historical Conservation Society. The Christianizationof the Philippines. Manila: Historical Conservation Society, 1965. Keen, Benjamin, Editor. Latin American Civilization: History and Society, 1492to the Present. London: Westview Press, 1986. Las Casas, Bartolome. Historia de las Indias. Mexico, 1951. __________________. The Spanish Colonie. University Microfilms Inc., 1996.Licuanan, Virginia Benitez and Mira Jose Llavador, eds and annots. PhilippinesUnder Spain. 6 Volumes. Manila: National Trust for Historical and Cultural Preservation of the Philippines, 1996. Munoz Text of Alcina’s History of the Bisayan Islands (1668). Translated byPaul S. Lietz. Chicago: Philippine Studies Program, 1960. National Historical Commission, Coleccion de Documentos Ineditos de Ultramar,Madrid, 1887. Navarette, Martin Fernandez D. Colleccion de los Viajes y descubrimientos queHicieron por mar los espanoles desde fines del siglo XV. Madrid: 1825-1837. Pastells, Pablo. Historia General de Filipinas in Catalogo de los DocumentosRelativos a las Islas Filipinas. Barcelona, 1925. Recopilacion de Leyes de los Reynos de las Indias. Tomo I. Madrid, 1943.San Agustin, Gaspar de. Conquistas de las Islas Filipinas: 1565-1615. Translatedby Luis Antonio Maneru. Bilingual Edition. Manila: San Agustin Museum, 1998. Zaide, Gregorio, eds. at annots. Documentary Sources of Philippine History. 14Volumes. Manila: National Bookstore, 1990. Secondary Sources Books Chan, Manuel T. The Audiencia and the Legal System in the Philippines (1583-1900). Manila: Progressive Printing Palace, Inc., 1998. Cunningham, Charles Henry. The Audiencia in the Spanish Colonies: AsIllustrated by the Audiencia of Manila 1583-1800. Berkeley: Universityof California Press, 1919. Cushner, Nicolas P. The Isles of the West: Early Spanish Voyages to thePhilippines, 1521-1564. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila Press, 1966. _________________. Spain in the Philippines: From Conquest to the Revolution. Aberdeen:Cathay Press Ltd., 1971. De la Costa, Horacio. Jesuits in the Philippines. Cambridge: Harvard UniversityPress, 1961. De la Rosa, Rolando V. Beginnings of the Filipino Dominicans. Manila: USTPress, 1990. Fernandez, Pablo. History of the Church in the Philippines. Manila: NationalBookstore, 1979. Gutierrez, Lucio, O.P. Domingo Salazar, OP First Bishop of the Philippines: 1512-1594. Manila: University of Santo Tomas Press, 2001. Haring, C.H. The Spanish Empire in America. New York: Harcourt, Brace andWorld Inc., 1963. Keen, Banjamin. A History of Latin America, 5th Edition. Vol.1. Boston: HoughtonMifflin Company, 1996. Keller, Albert Galloway. Colonization. Boston: 1908. Luengo, Josemaria. A History of Manila-Acapulco Slave Trade (1565-1815). Bohol:Mater Dei Publications, 1996. Munoz, Honorio. Vitoria and the Conquest of America: A Study on the FirstReading on the Indians. Manila: UST Press, 1938. _____________. Vitoria and War: A Study on the Second Reading on the Indians oron the Right of War. Manila: UST Press, 1937. Noone, Martin. The Islands Saw It.1521-1581. Ireland: Helicon Press, 1982. Pitrie, Sir Charles. Philip II of Spain. London: Eyre and Spottiswoode, 1963. Porras, Jose Luis. The Synod of Manila of 1582. Translated by Barranco, Carballo,Echevarra, Felix, Powell and Syquia. Manila: Historical Conservation Society, 1990. Rafael. Vicente. Contracting Colonialism. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila Press, 1998. Santiago, Luciano P.R. To Love and To Suffer: The Development of theReligious Congregations for Women in the Spanish Philippines, 1565-1898. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila Press, 2005. Scott, J.B. Francisco de Vitoria and His Law of Nations. Oxford, 1934.Scott, William Henry. Slavery in the Spanish Philippines. Manila: De la Salle UniversityPress, 1991. Shumway, David. Michel Foucault. Virginia: G. K. Hall and Co., 1989. Simpson, Lesley Byrd. The Encomienda in New Spain: The Beginning ofSpanish Mexico. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1966. Sitoy, Valentino Jr. The Initial Encounter: a History of Christianity in the Philippines,Vol. 1. Quezon City: New Day Publishers, 1985. Zafra, Nicolas. Readings in Philippine History. Manila. University of the Philippines, 1947. Zaide, Gregorio F. The Pageant of Philippine History Vol. 1. Manila: 1979. Articles Arcilla, Jose S. S.J., The Spanish Conquest. Kasaysayan: The Story of theFilipino People Vol. 3. Hongkong: C & C Offset Printing Co., Ltd, 1998. Bernal, Rafael. “Introduction.” The Colonization and Conquest of the Philippinesby Spain: Some Contemporary Source Documents. Manila: FilipinianaBook Guild, 1965. Burkholder, Mark A. “Sepulveda, Juan Gines de.” Encyclopedia of Latin AmericanHistory and Culture Vol.5. Edited by Barbara A. Tenenbaum. NewYork: Macmillan Library Reference, 1996. Burkholder, Susanne Hiles. “Vitoria, Francisco de.” Encyclopedia of Latin AmericanHistory and Culture Vol.5 Edited by Barbara A. Tenenbaum.New York: Macmillan Library Reference, 1996. De Jesus, Edilberto. “Christianity and Conquest: The Basis of Spanish SovereigntyOver the Philippines.” The Beginnings of Christianity in the Philippines.Manila: Philippine Historical Institute, 1965. Donovan, William. “Las Casas, Bartolome.” Encyclopedia of Latin American Historyand Culture Vol.3. Edited by Barbara A. Tenenbaum. New York:Macmillan Library Reference, 1996. Gutierrez, Lucio. “Domingo de Salazar’s Struggle for Justice and Humanizationin the Conquest of the Philippines.” Philippiniana Sacra 14, 1975. ____________. “Domingo de Salazar, OP, First Bishop of the Philippines (1512-1594): Defender of the Rights of the Filipinos at the Spanish Contact”Philippiniana Sacra XX, 1979. ____________. “Domingo de Salazar’s Memorial of 1582 on the Status of the Philippines:A Manifesto for Freedom and Humanization.” Philippiniana SacraVol. 21, No. 63, 1986. ___________. “Opinion of Fr. Domingo de Salazar, O.P. First Bishop of the Philippinesand the Major Religious Superiors Regarding Slaves.” PhilippinianaSacra Vol. 22, No. 64, 1986. ___________. “The Synod of Manila: 1581-1586.” Philippiniana Sacra Vol. XXV, No.74, 1990. Keith, Robert G. “Encomienda,Hacienda and Corregimiento in Spanish America:A Structural Analysis.” Hispanic American Historical Review 51:pp.110-116. Kirkpatrick, F. A. “Repartimiento-Encomienda.” Hispanic American HistoricalReview XIX: pp.373-379. Pastrana, Apolinar. “The Franciscans and the Evangelization of the Philippines(1578-1900).” Boletin Eclesiastico de Filipinas, 29, Jan-Feb 1965:pp.83-85. Quirk, Robert E. “Some Notes on a Controversial Controversy: Juan Gines deSepulveda and Natural Servitude.” Hispanic American Historical ReviewVol.XXXIV No.3 August 1954: 358. Ramirez, Susan S. “Encomienda.” Encyclopedia of Latin American History andCulture, Vol.2 Edited by Barbara A. Tenenbaum. New York: MacmillanLibrary Reference, 1996. Schwaller, John F. “Patronato Real”. Encyclopedia in Latin American History andCulture, Vol.4. Edited by Barbara a. Tenenbaum. New York: MacmillanLibrary Reference, 1996. Scott. William Henry. “Why did Tupas betray Dagami?” Philippine Quarterly ofCulture and Society 14 (1986): p.24. Villaroel, Fidel. “The Church and the Philippine Referendum of 1599.” PhilippinianaSacra Vol.XXXV 2000: pp.89-128. Internet Source Hyperdictionary. http://www. hyperdictionary.com/dictionary/politics, accessedon 18 December 2004. Human Rights Watch World Report for Philippines, 2017 https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2017/country-chapters/philippines. General References Encyclopedia of Latin American History and Culture, Volume 1-5. Edited byBarbara A. Tenebaum. New York: Macmillan Library Reference, 1996. Kasaysayan: The Story of the Filipino People ,Vol. 3 The Spanish Conquest.Hongkong: Asia Publishing Company Limited, 1998. Unpublished Materials Cabezon, Antonio. An Introduction to Church and State Relations According toFrancisco Vitoria. Unpublished Thesis: University of Sto. Tomas, 1964. De la Costa, Horacio. Jurisdictional Conflicts in the Philippines During the XVIand the XVII Centuries. Harvard: Unpublished Dissertation, 1951.

Objectives. To estimate all-cause excess deaths in Mexico City (MXC) and New York City (NYC) during the COVID-19 pandemic. Methods. We estimated expected deaths among residents of both cities between March 1 and August 29, 2020, using log-linked negative binomial regression and compared these deaths with observed deaths during the same period. We calculated total and age-specific excess deaths and 95% prediction intervals (PIs). Results. There were 259 excess deaths per 100 000 (95% PI = 249, 269) in MXC and 311 (95% PI = 305, 318) in NYC during the study period. The number of excess deaths among individuals 25 to 44 years old was much higher in MXC (77 per 100 000; 95% PI = 69, 80) than in NYC (34 per 100 000; 95% PI = 30, 38). Corresponding estimates among adults 65 years or older were 1263 (95% PI = 1199, 1317) per 100 000 in MXC and 1581 (95% PI = 1549, 1621) per 100 000 in NYC. Conclusions. Overall, excess mortality was higher in NYC than in MXC; however, the excess mortality rate among young adults was higher in MXC. Public Health Implications. Excess all-cause mortality comparisons across populations and age groups may represent a more complete measure of pandemic effects and provide information on mitigation strategies and susceptibility factors. (Am J Public Health. Published online ahead of print September 9, 2021: e1–e4. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2021.306430 )

A biological basis for survival and development, the diet of fish represents a baseline for research on ecological aspects related to the structure and function of marine communities. This study focused on the feeding habits of the Pacific red snapper, Lutjanus peru, in Santa Rosalía, Baja California Sur (Mexico), during August 2016 through October 2017. A total of 403 specimens were analyzed and categorized by sex, sexual maturity, and season. The size interval ranged from 21 to 60 cm total length, and the weight ranged from 195 to 1,920 g. A total of 29 prey items were identified, including fish (13 items), crustaceans (11 items), mollusks (4 items), and tunicates (1 item). According to the index of relative importance, the main prey were Sardinops sagax (47.65%), Nycthiphanes simplex (38.50%), Harengula thrissina (11.21%), Myctophidae (0.68%), and Benthosema panamense (0.52%). Prey were consumed in different proportions according to sex (F = 2.01, P < 0.049), sexual maturity (F = 4.99, P < 0.001), and season (F = 45.52, P < 0.001). The trophic width was narrow (Bi = 0.16); this was consistent with the Costello graph, which showed the consumption of mainly pelagic-coastal and mesopelagic gregarious prey. The Pacific red snapper in Santa Rosalía functioned as a tertiary consumer. Its opportunistic diet included few highly abundant prey items, and the diet composition differed from that of L. peru in other areas of the Gulf of California and the Pacific coast of Mexico.

Enrichment of nutrients is believed to lead to coastal hypoxia which have become a seasonal phenomenon over large river estuarine areas such as the Mississippi River-Northern Gulf of Mexico and Changjiang-East China Sea. A similar nutrient enrichment process exists in the Pearl River. However, hypoxia occurs only as episodic events over a relatively small area. We hypothesize that frequent wind events play the interruptive mechanism in preventing the seasonal formation of bottom hypoxia. We used 29 years’ time series data of dissolved oxygen (DO) and winds in the Hong Kong coastal waters to test the hypothesis. Our results show that bottom DO at 3 stations in southern waters of Hong Kong occasionally drops below the hypoxic level (2 mg/L), lasting only for less than one month in summer. Episodic hypoxia events appear to occur more frequently in recent years, but bottom DO does not show a significantly decreasing trend. The wind speed of 6 m/s appears to be a threshold, above which a wind event could destroy water column stratification and interrupt the formation of low-oxygen (DO &lt;3 mg/L) water mass. The wind events above the threshold occur 14.3 times in June, 14.2 times in July and 10.0 times in August during 1990-2018. This explains why episodic events of hypoxia hardly occur in June and July, and only occasionally in August. The frequency of such the above-threshold events appears to show a decreasing trend during 1990-2018, which coincides with an increasing occurrences of episodic hypoxia events in recent years.

<p>This study was conducted in the rainy (June-August 2013) and dry season (April 2014) in the El Salado estuary, Puerto Vallarta, Jalisco, Mexico to understand the behavior of fiddler crabs <em>Uca latimanus </em>Rathbun, 1893 by means of films. Observe behaviors were: feeding, walking (displacement), feeding and walking, standing (stationary), aggression and defense, agitation chela; the feed rate was also obtained. The temperature ranged between 29 and 38 ° C in the two seasons. In rainy season the presence of <em>U. latimanus,</em> mainly due to the humidity when it reaches a maximum of 80% of the land and their behavior is influenced by the daily weather conditions. The organisms spend more time feeding and shaking the chelipeds, but these do not occur simultaneously. The aggression is not only seen among males, which also attack females. <em>U. latimanus</em> males inhabit burrows with sedimentary structures (domed) However, not observed or if females are those who are in charge of construction. In dry season, <em>U. latimanus</em> lives only in small patches of marsh and flood behavior is limited to food. As to feeding time, females are twice as fast than males doing this activity at low tide. <em>U. latimanus</em> cohabits with <em>Uca princeps princeps</em> and <em>Uca zacae</em>, however the first presents a specific territory.</p>

The diversity and distribution of macrofaunal communities in the deep-sea bottoms of Gulf of Mexico (GoM) Mexican waters are poorly known compared to the northern GoM. This study was designed to contribute to the knowledge of macrofauna communities through (i) evaluate the taxonomic composition of macrofauna communities at major taxa level, and (ii) analyze the spatial distribution patterns in the deep sea of the southwestern GoM. Benthic macrofauna composition was analyzed in a large geographical area (92.67°–96.70° W 18.74°–23.04° N) and bathymetric gradient (185-3740 m depth). Samples were collected on board the R/V Justo Sierra (Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México) with a Reineck-type box corer during the oceanographic cruises SOGOM-3 and SOGOM-4 carried out on April 21–May 15, 2017, and on August 29–September 20, 2018, respectively. Thirteen environmental parameters were measured (among them, depth, salinity, temperature, O2, sediment grain size, hydrocarbons, and organic matter). Twenty-five taxa were registered in SOGOM 3 (2315 individuals) all of which were observed in SOGOM 4 (1721 individuals) with exception of the mollusk Class Solenogastres. The average abundance (ind. m-2) registered was 517 (range: 150-1388 ind. m-2), and 347 (range: 38-1088 ind. m-2) for SOGOM 3, and SOGOM 4, respectively. In SOGOM 3 Polychaeta, Nematoda, Amphipoda, Tanaidacea, and Bivalvia contributed with 75% of the total abundance, which were also the most abundant in SOGOM 4 representing 82% of total macrofauna abundance. Highest abundance was registered to the south of the study area near the coast, and the lowest one was found in deeper areas. Macrofauna abundance decreased with depth in both cruises. High diversity values were registered at intermediate depths in the south and west zones of the study area. Both cruises separated in a nMDS analysis. During SOGOM 3 dissolved oxygen, aromatic hydrocarbons, and organic matter (%) were the environmental variables related to macrofauna whereas, in SOGOM 4, depth was the most important one. This study fills a gap in the knowledge of diversity and distribution of macrofaunal communities of the deep-sea bottoms of a large area covering the whole bathymetric range of southern Gulf of Mexico and provides a baseline useful to compare with polluted areas and for assessing the impact of chronic pollution and/or potential oil spill accidents.

Background: Kawasaki disease (KD) is an acute febrile illness characterized by systemic vasculitis of unknown etiology. A BCG reactivation (BCGitis) is not included in the classical clinical criteria for KD. BCGitis recently has been recognized as a clinical marker of incomplete KS in younger children in countries where BCG vaccination is mandatory. Objectives: To assess the frequency of BCGitis in the clinical profile of patients diagnosed with KD in a Mexican third level Children’s Hospital and its association with the presence of coronary artery abnormalities. (CAA) Material and Methods: An observational, comparative, retrospective and case control study of all patients diagnosed with KD at our Institution between August 1995 and May 2014 was performed. The clinical presentation, laboratory results, treatment used and coronary artery abnormalities in the BCG-reactive [BCG(+)] and BCG-nonreactive [BCG(-)] groups were analyzed and compared. Results: We included 356 patients with KD diagnosed at our institution; 83 had BCGitis. (23.3%) The BCG(+) group was younger than the BCG(-) group, 21.2 ± 22.51 vs 44.33 ± 38.85 months (p < 0.00001) There were 17 (20.48%) incomplete cases in the BCG(+) group compared with 52 (19.11%) in the BCG(-) group without statistical significance. The BCG(+) group had a slightly shorter fever duration before IVGG treatment than the BCG(-) group. Laboratory results showed lower hemoglobin counts, higher white blood cell counts, platelet counts, CRP counts, and ALT counts in the BCG(+) group. The BCG+ group developed CAA in 29 cases and the BCG- group developed CAA in 110 cases without statistical significance. Multivariate analysis showed that younger age at diagnosis (< 24 months) was the only factor significantly associated with a reaction at the BCG inoculation site in KD patients Conclusions: In Mexico, as a country with a National BCG Vaccination Program and a low incidence of KD, a reaction at the BCG inoculation site could be a useful and early diagnostic sign of KD among younger patients, especially those younger than 24 months of age.

In order to meet the needs of employers and to make students more employable Laurea University, Finland has developed an “experiential” educational model through project-based learning in English based around real business projects linking theory studied. The programme is a bachelors degree conducted with international exchange students from many different countries (including Turkey, Germany, Romania, Spain, China, Holland, Mexico, Japan, and Italy) within project teams. English is a second language to these students, but it is not known as to how and if their language develops during the programme. The study considers the “experiential” nature of both the programme and the language from a literature perspective then focusing particularly on the learning of English by the students without any formal teaching classes. The students participated within projects for one semester (via an exchange programme) during an academic period from August 2018 to May 2020. There is a quantitative empirical approach (using a written questionnaire) which was qualitative in nature (including open questions) which related to the assessment of the English language learning experience of 29 international exchange students. Their feedback via answers to written questions forms the basis of the study. Findings reveal that such an approach to language learning can be successful and was positive in the sense of flexibility, relevance and enjoyability as well as the easy access and help of technology. The students generally felt their language level had improved through informal discussions and by use of a language app connected to the project work. Also, some students felt that the “learning by doing” (through the projects) improved their language authenticity and application. However, some students felt their language learning would have further increased by the use of a “weekly relevant noun/adjective list” during the project meetings. The research overall shows that some language improvement can be achieved informally within an “experiential” educational model through project-based learning. Additionally, that can be within one semester and by students from different countries with different educational systems. <p> </p><p><strong> Article visualizations:</strong></p><p><img src="/-counters-/edu_01/0770/a.php" alt="Hit counter" /></p>

Abstract Background Currently, therapeutic options for outpatients with COVID-19 are limited, in Mexico Polymerized Collagen type I (PCTI) has been tested as a useful option. Methods Double-blind, randomised, placebo-controlled clinical trial of PTIC vs placebo. To evaluate the safety, efficacy and effect of the intramuscular administration of polymerized type I collagen (PTIC) on hyperinflammation, oxygen saturation and symptom improvement in adult outpatients with symptomatic COVID-19. Eighty-nine adult participants with a confirmed COVID-19 diagnosis and symptom onset within the 7 days preceding recruitment were included from August 31, 2020 to November 7, 2020 and followed for 12 weeks. Final date of follow-up was February 4, 2021. Patients were randomly assigned to receive either 1.5 ml of PTIC intramuscularly every 12 h for 3 days and then every 24 h for 4 days (n=45), or matching placebo (n=44). Results Of 89 patients who were randomised, 87 (97.8%) were included in an intention-to-treat analysis; 37 (41.6%) were male and mean age was 48.5±14.0 years. The IP-10 levels decreased 75% in the PTIC group and 40% in the placebo group vs baseline. The comparison between treatment vs placebo was also statistically significant (P=0.0047). The IL-8 (44%, P=0.045), M-CSF (25%, P=0.041) and IL-1Ra (36%, P=0.05) levels were also decreased in the PTIC group vs baseline. Mean oxygen saturation ≥92% was achieved by 40/44 (90%), 41/42 (98%) and 40/40 (100%) of participants that received PTIC at 8, 15 and 97 days of follow-up vs 29/43 (67%), 31/39 (80%) and 33/37 (89%) of patients treated with placebo (P=0.001). The unadjusted accelerated failure time model showed that patients treated with PTIC achieved the primary outcome 2.70-fold faster (P&lt; 0.0001) than placebo. In terms of risk, the group of patients treated with PTIC had a 63% lower risk of having a mean oxygen saturation &lt; 92% vs placebo (P&lt; 0.0001). Symptom duration in patients treated with PTIC was reduced by 6.1±3.2 days vs placebo. No differences in adverse effects were observed between the groups at 8, 15 and 97 days of follow-up. Conclusion Treatment with PTIC down-regulated IP-10, IL-8, M-CSF and IL-Ra levels, which could explain the PTIC effect on the higher proportion of patients with mean SaO2 ≥92% and a shorter duration of symptoms as compared with placebo. Serum cytokine and chemokine levels of SARS-CoV2-infected symptomatic outpatients at baseline and day 8 post-treatment with PTIC or placebo. Data are expressed as median with 95% confidence. (A) IP-10, IFN-γ inducible protein-10; (B) IL-8, Interleukin-8; (C) M-CSF, Macrophage colony-stimulating factor; (D) IL-1Ra, IL-1 receptor antagonist; (E) TRAIL, TNF-related apoptosis inducing ligand; and (F) Forest plot (95% confidence intervals). (A) Probability of oxygen saturation 92% or greater while breathing ambient air. (B) Accelerated time failure model for oxygen saturation 92% or greater while breathing ambient air among polymerised type I collagen and placebo. Disclosures All Authors: No reported disclosures.

Armillaria root disease is among the largest causes of mortality and lost productivity of widely ranging horticultural, urban, and forest trees/shrubs in diverse boreal, temperate, and tropical regions around the world (Kim et al. 2022). Damage from Armillaria root disease will likely increase in response to changing climate and extreme weather because environmental stress can predispose host trees to Armillaria root disease (Murray and Leslie 2021; Kim et al. 2021). On August 14, 2021, a mature black oak (Quercus velutina) ca. 29 m in height and 64 cm DBH experienced a complete structural failure originating at the root plate, falling onto a major highway within the Pisgah National Forest near Brevard, North Carolina (35°16'50.876"N, 82°42'51.785"W, elevation 680 m) during sunny, calm conditions. No above-ground indications of predisposing disturbance, injury, or insect/disease activity were observed. Advanced wood decay, however, was present in many structural roots of the exposed root plate; abundant rhizomorphs attached to the surfaces of most roots were noted (Supplemental Figure 1). One large primary root (ca. 23 cm in diameter) exhibited clear signs of Armillaria root disease at the point of failure as evidenced by an extensive decay column, abundant black rhizomorphs on the root surface, and white mycelial fans (a sign of pathogenicity) within the root itself (Supplemental Figure 1). Rhizomorph samples were established in culture, two Armillaria isolates (PNF#001R-1 and PNF#001R-2) were examined, and pairing tests showed that both isolates belonged to the same genet (PNF#001R-1 = PNF#001R-2). Based on translation elongation factor 1α (tef1) sequences, both isolates (one genet) were identified as A. solidipes (GenBank accession no. OP823701), showing 98% similarity with A. solidipes tef1 sequences (e.g., MH879015) in GenBank. Also, nine replications of somatic incompatibility tests of the isolate with five North American Armillaria spp. [A. solidipes, A. mellea, A. gallica, A. mexicana, and Desarmillaria caespitosa (= North American A. tabescens)] showed 67% compatibility with A. solidipes, compared with 0-22% for A. mellea, D. caespitosa, A. gallica, and A. mexicana. All test species but A. mexicana are reported to occur in the eastern and/or southern USA, while A. mexicana occurs in a similar environment in Mexico (Elías-Román et al. 2018). To our knowledge, this is the first confirmed report of A. solidipes in North Carolina, USA, where it was causing disease on black oak, and this is the most southerly confirmed case of A. solidipes in eastern North America. Although Armillaria inoculation tests are impractical, black oak was previously reported as a host of A. solidipes in Massachusetts, USA (Brazee and Wick 2009). Armillaria solidipes is considered as the most important Armillaria root disease pathogen of conifer forests in western USA (Lockman and Kearns 2016), but it has been suggested that A. solidipes can thrive in northern hardwood forests that reside near conifer forests (Brazee and Wick 2009). Climate change is predicted to increase damage caused by A. solidipes on conifers in the western USA (Kim et al. 2021); however, it is undetermined if the occurrence of A. solidipes-caused disease in North Carolina is related to climate change or how climate change could influence this disease across the region. More surveys are needed to assess the impact of Armillaria root disease on health of mixed forests in the eastern USA.

The Directory on Popular Piety and the Liturgy (DPPL) upholds that Christian worship originates and is brought to completion in the Spirit of Christ, which dispenses truthful liturgical devotion and realistic manifestations of popular piety. A vigorous engagement of evangelization and culture is embodied in the Sabuaga Festival, an Easter Sunday celebration in Sto. Tomas, Pampanga. It is a collaboration of the Catholic Church (St. Thomas the Apostle Parish) and the Local Government Unit (Sto. Tomas). This paper argues how a true and fruitful harmony between liturgy and popular piety is achieved in the Sabuaga Festival. Hence, the researcher articulates the following, namely: First, the dimensions of the Sabuaga Festival that make it an expression of popular piety. Second, the principles offered by DPPL for the true and fruitful harmonization of liturgy and popular piety. Third, the pastoral action plan, entitled: “An Authentic Pastoral Action of the Liturgy: Towards Building upon the Riches of the Sabuaga as a Popular Piety,” which provides suitable catechesis for the harmonization of Liturgy and Popular Piety in the Sabuaga Festival. References Archdiocese of Saint Paul and Minneapolis, “What Is ‘Liturgy’? Why Is It Important?” Accessed last March 29, 2021 from https://www.archspm.org/faith-and-discipleship/catholic-faith/what-is-liturgy-why-is-it-important/. Benedict XVI, Jesus of Nazareth. Holy Week: From the Entrance into Jerusalem to the Resurrection. London: Catholic Truth Society. Catholic Church. Catechism of the Catholic Church: Revised in Accordance with the Official Latin Text Promulgated by Pope John Paul II. Vatican City: Libreria Editrice Vaticana, 1997. Catholic Bishops’ Conference of the Philippines. Acts and Decrees of the Second Plenary Council of the Philippines. Manila: CBCP, 1992. Catholic Bishops’ Conference of the Philippines. 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This paper is an exploration of the elements for developing a program of liturgical formation according to the principles and themes indicated in Pope John Paul II’s Dilecti Amici. It is in line with the celebration of the 2019 Year of the Youth, as it endeavors to get to know the youth better in view of ministering to them more effectively. Indicated in the paper is a general overview of the current situation of the youth, highlighting such features as those pertinent to their interests and capacity for liturgical participation. By learning the proper exercise of their ministry and being imbued with the true spirit of the liturgy, they will be able to bring themselves and the people whom they serve to a more devout and fruitful participation in liturgical celebrations. The paper offered an exposition of Pope John Paul II’s Apostolic Letter Dilecti Amici to bring to clearer light his vision for young people in and for the Church and cues that are pertinent and relevant for the liturgical formation of the youth today. Moreover, the paper articulates some considerations and indications for forming young people in and for the liturgy to help them grow spiritually in their formative years and thus equip them with the needed skills and values to make a positive impact on the Church and on the society both now and in their future. References Bacani, T., A Spirituality for Ministry, Manila 2006. Bauerschmidt, F.- Buckley, J., Catholic Theology: An Introduction, Oxford 2017. Catholic Bishops' Conference of the Philippines-Episcopal Commission on Youth (CBCP-ECY) and the Catholic Educational of Association of the Philippines (CEAP), "The National Filipino Catholic Youth Study", Manila 2015. Chupungco, A., "Active Participation," in Pastoral Liturgy: Shepherding God's Flock, ed. G. Diwa, Manila 2013, 29-61. Chupungco, A., "A Definition of Liturgy," in Handbook for Liturgical Studies 1: Introduction to the Liturgy, A.J. Chupungco, Collegeville 2000, p. 3-10. Chupungco, A., "Lay Liturgical Ministries," in Liturgy for the Filipino Church, ed. J. Manabat, Manila 2004, 199-208. Clemens, J., "The Church's Commitment to the Young: From John Paul II to Pope Francis," presented at the International Meeting on World Youth Day (Rio 2013-Krakow 2016) on 10-13 April 2014 at Sassone di Ciampino, Rome, p. 1-17. in <http://www.laici.va/content/dam/laici/documenti/clemens/english/Clemens%20%20the%20Church's%20commitment%20to%20the%20young.pdf.> Episcopal Commission on Catechism and Catholic Education of the Catholic Bishops' Conference of the Philippines, Catechism for Filipino Catholics (CFC), Manila 1997. 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Was it seven or eight summers ago, when the sun first became our enemy and set our skin on fire? We find it now in the normality of strange weather and the telescoping of the seasons; wherein it’s 27 degrees and there are no leaves yet on the trees, a hot August day in April. We watch the media spectacles of monster storms and mud slides that arrive with increasing force and frequency. And we despair over the death of the Polar bears, starving because the Arctic sea-ice upon which they catch seals can no longer bear their weight. Up there, we hear, the permafrost is melting, and the Inuit of Baffin Island are witnessing thunder and lightning for the first time in their lives. Down here, along the southern border of Canada, we are just beginning to feel the fear in our guts. The ambivalence and discomfort which we may feel about these changes – whose effects are as intimate as they are remote – speak to a more subtle perception that everything has now come undone: realigned and re-made by forces beyond our control, and yet, of our own making. That significant futurity which was once the sine qua non of a rational modernity – the self-confident assurance that things can only get better and never worse – has fallen to the wayside of our collective memory, useful now only for the purposes of Hallmark greeting cards. As usual, we suffer from a failure of imagination, wherein the only facts worth knowing become unspeakable, verboten vulgarities never to be uttered out-loud in polite company. What accounts for this silence? While we may increasingly feel that something is amiss in the world, this experience is not authorised or legitimated by the propositions of commercial media or conventional thought. What are the social consequences of this gap between the corporeal experience of global warming and its public representation? Can such affectual experience be mined as a means to advocate social change? In Canadian and American commercial media, discussion of “global warming” is still largely absent (Ungar; Weingart, Engels and Pansegrau). When the hurricanes Katrina and Rita whirled into Level 5 status across the very hot waters of the Gulf of Mexico this Fall, mention of global warming was quickly flicked away as a minor irritant. Such omissions are not surprising, given the political economy of American media. The automobile industry spends US$3 billion out of a total of US$9 billion annual expenditures of all advertising on network television. Not one of these ads is for hybrid cars. It is also our idea of nature that allows us to relegate matters of the environment to the periphery of our concerns. In its more piously Wordsworthian vestiges, nature is deemed as self-evident and unaltered by the ravages of time. It’s this temporal stasis attributed to nature that allows us to absolve ourselves from its fate. Nature, after all, is the non-human. And while the argument that only humans make history – that only humans transform and innovate themselves and their environment and manipulate the dimensions of time – can be recognised as a neat piece of social construction built in the interests of human conquest, we are still reticent to acknowledge nature on its own terms. Val Plumwood has argued that, “if the category of ‘nature’ is seen as phony, if it can only appear when suitably surrounded by scare quotes, [then] we are less likely to be inspired by appeals to nature’s integrity in [it’s defence]” (3). Somehow, believing in nature slides into an unseemly essentialism or a fetishistic form of love. Perhaps it’s not surprising then that so many people do not feel compelled to come to nature’s defense. Survey research from the United States, published in 2000 and 2003, shows that while 90% of Americans have now heard of global warming and believe it’s an important issue, a much smaller percentage are actually concerned about it (Stamm, Clark and Eblacas; Leiserowitz). Other matters such as employment, the economy and the rising costs of housing take priority over environmental issues. Furthermore, the research finds that while espousing environmental values, only a small percentage of respondents would self-identify as “environmentalist”. While being pro-environment is perceived as “having good character”, having too much of this good character is a bad thing. Still, can’t they feel what’s going on? Certainly here on the coast of British Columbia, where rainforests still run along the ocean’s edge, something has changed. Nothing is quite as ‘temperate’ as it once was. The weather shifts unexpectedly and dramatically, and the summers have become too hot and too dry. Global warming has brought a new atmosphere to the forests, as if under all this unfamiliar dryness and dust a latent extinction is beginning to stir. This current prospect – the death of not just a million species of plant and animal life (Kirby), but of countless human lives – may be redirecting our attention now to the interdependent relation, the fluid interchanges, between human and non-human worlds. This deadly probability may engender a new vitality, new ways of feeling life. “Nature”, as Michel Serres puts it, “is reminding us of its existence” (29). The challenge posed by this recognition prohibits the perception of nature in static terms, as a commodity or as handy oubliette for societal debris. In so doing, feeling the life of nature allows consideration of the ways in which nature and human culture have long been wedded to one another, not just in terms of the semiotic operations of a binarism, but as a complex and reciprocal project of interdependent life. Recognition of the interdependence of human and non-human life may also entail a particular affectual sensibility – a means of feeling life as it resonates against our skin and fills our senses. In this moment, “everything that is, resounds”. Here, “the sense and recognisability of things … do not lie in conceptual categories in which we mentally place them, but in their positions and orientations which our postures address” (Lingus 59). It’s not a question then of what nature means to us, but does nature do with us? How does it make us feel? Emotion has remained discursively submerged in discussions of climate change, not only because the stakes are such that only the scientists, with their particular authority and legitimacy, are afforded a voice, but also because it threatens the legitimacy of a formal rationalist representation of nature which excludes the non-human from the purview of ethical consideration. An affectual relationship to the natural world does have its difficulties. “Feeling nature” is based upon some sort of understanding with it, a form of competency, of ‘knowing your way around’. Such knowledges are often bound by class: the privileged remit of the romantic individual in search of an authentic experience, or the uncomfortable locale of hard and often violent labour. Still, it is in feeling the shrinking of life into the shadows of an uncommon heat that we may use this sentience to good effect. In his book The Natural Contract, Michel Serres argues that, “through exclusively social contracts, we have abandoned the bond that connects us to the world. … What language do the things of the world speak that we might come to an understanding of them contractually? … In fact, the Earth speaks to us in terms of forces, bonds and interactions … each of the partners in symbiosis thus owes … life to the other, on pain of death” (39). Long ago, when we were young, many of us made good money working in the coastal forest of British Columbia – either cutting it or milling it or planting it. I was alone there once for 6 weeks and was haunted daily by a raven who would track my movements through the trees, muttering incantations and clicks. By the time I walked out of the woods I was nearly speechless and it took me weeks to recover the easy cultural behaviour that came so naturally before. A friend of mine once had the job of getting rid of the young poplar and alder trees that colonise the logging slash. His task was to “cut and squirt”: to slash the trees with a machete and squirt poison inside the cut. Maybe it was a bad case of anthropomorphism, or maybe it was the drugs, but to this day, he swears he could hear the trees scream. References Kirby, Alex. “Climate Risk to Million Species.” BBC News Online, U.K. Edition, 7 Jan. 2004. Leiserowitz, A. American Opinions on Global Warming: Project Results. Eugene: U of Oregon, 2003. Lingus, Alphonso. The Imperitive. Bloomington: Indiana UP, 1998. Plumwood, Val. “Nature as Agency and the Prospects for a Progressive Naturalism.” Capitalism, Nature, Socialism 4 (2001): 3-32. Serres, Michel. The Natural Contract. (Trans. E. MacArthur and W. Paulson), Ann Arbor: Michigan UP, 1995. Stamm, K.R., F. Clark and P.R. Eblacas. “Mass Communication and Public Understanding of Environmental Problems: The Case of Global Warming.” Public Understanding of Science 9 (2000): 219-37. Ungar, S. “Is Strange Weather in the Air?: A Study of U.S. National News Coverage of Extreme Weather Events.” Climatic Change 41 (1999): 133-50. Weingart, P.A., A. Engels and P. Pansegrau. “Risks of Communication: Discourses on Climate Change in Science, Politics and the Mass Media.” Public Understanding of Science 9 (2000): 261-83. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Seaton, Beth. "Feeling the Heat." M/C Journal 8.6 (2005). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0512/08-seaton.php>. APA Style Seaton, B. (Dec. 2005) "Feeling the Heat," M/C Journal, 8(6). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0512/08-seaton.php>.

I examined variation in community structure, species richness, biomass and abundance of Coprini dung beetles from 45 trapping sites in meadows, 35-year-old secondary forests and primary forests in tropical, high-elevation karst ecosystems of Puluong Nature Reserve, Thanh Hoa Province. My main aim was to explore community response to the influence of land use change. By comparing the structure and community attributes of the beetles between 35-year-old secondary forests and primary forests, I expected to give indications on the conservation value of the old secondary forests for beetle conservation. Community structure significantly differed among land-use types. Species richness, abundance and biomass were significantly higher in forest habitats than in meadows. The cover of ground vegetation, soil clay content and tree diameter are important factors structuring Coprini communities in karst ecosystems of Pu Luong. The secondary forests, after 35 years of regrowth showed similarities in species richness, abundance and biomass to primary forests. This gives hope for the recovery of Coprini communities during forest succession. Keywords: Coprini, dung beetles, karst ecosystems, land use change, Pu Luong. References: [1] I. Hanski, Y. Cambefort, Dung beetle ecology, Princeton University Press, Princeton, 1991.[2] C.H. Scholtz, A.L.V. Davis, U. Kryger, Evolutionary biology and conservation of dung beetles, Pensoft Publisher, Bulgaria, 2009.[3] E. Nichols, S. Spector, J. Louzada, T. Larsen, S. Amezquita, M.E. Favila et al., Ecological functions and ecosystem services provided by Scarabaeinae dung beetles, Biol. Conserv. 141 (2008) 1461-1474. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.biocon.2008.04.011.[4] H.K. Gibbsa, A.S. Rueschb, F. Achardc, M.K. Claytond, P. Holmgrene, N. Ramankuttyf, J.A. 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Since their first encounter with colonial administrators in 1963, approximately 2,000 indigenous people living in the Nimakot region of central New Guinea have been struggling with a tension between their indigenous way of life and the imperatives of the state. It is not just that they are on the international border between Papua New Guinea and Indonesia and therefore difficult to categorise into this or that country. It is that they do not habitually conceptualise themselves and others in categorical terms. They value and focus on relationships rather than categories. In their struggle to adapt the blooming buzzing complexities of their semi-nomadic lifestyle and relational logic to the strict and apparently static lines, grids, and coordinates of rationalistic statecraft they have become torn by duelling conceptions of “kantri” itself (Melanesian Tok Pisin for “country”). On the one hand, kantri invokes an unbroken rural landscape rich with personal and cultural memories that establish a firm and deep relationship with the land and the ancestors. Such a notion fits easily with local conceptions of kinship and land tenure. On the other hand, kantri is a bounded object, part of an often frustrating and mystifying system of categorization imposed by strict and rationalist mechanisms of statecraft. The following analyses this tension based on 22 months of intensive and intimate participant observation in the region from 1999-2006 with a special focus on the uses and impacts of writing and other new communication technologies. The categorical bias of statecraft is enabled, fostered, extended, and maintained by the technology of writing. Statecraft seeks (or makes) categories that are ideally stable, permanent, non-negotiable, and fit for the relative fixity of print, while the relationships emphasised by people of Nimakot are fluid, temporary, negotiable, contested and ambiguous. In contrast to the engaged, pragmatic, and personal view one finds in face-to-face relationships on the ground, the state’s knowledge of the local is ultimately mediated by what can be written into abstract categories that can be listed, counted and aggregated, producing a synoptic, distanced, and decontextualising perspective. By simplifying the cacophonous blooming buzzing complexities of life into legible categories, regularities, and rules, the pen and paper become both the eyes and the voice of the state (Scott 2). Even the writing of this paper is difficult. Many sentences would be easier to write if I could just name the group I am discussing. But the group of people I am writing about have no clear and uncontested name for themselves. More importantly, they do not traditionally think of themselves as a “group,” nor do they habitually conceptualise others in terms of bounded groups of individuals. The biggest challenge to statecraft’s attempts to create a sense of “country” here is the fact that most local people do not subjectively think of themselves in categorical terms. They do not imagine themselves to be part of “adjacent and competitive empires” (Strathern 102). This “group” is most widely known as the western “Atbalmin” though the name is not an indigenous term. “Atbalmin” is a word used by the neighbouring Telefol that means “people of the trees.” It was adopted by early patrol officers who were accompanied by Telefol translators. As these early patrols made their way through the “Atbalmin” region from east to west they frequently complained about names and their inability to pin or pen them down. Tribal names, clan names, even personal names seemed to change with each asking. While such flexibility and flux were perfectly at home in an oral face-to-face environment, it wasn’t suitable for the colonial administrators’ relatively fixed and static books. The “mysterious Kufelmin” (as the patrol reports refer to them) were even more frustrating for early colonial officers. Patrols heading west from Telefomin searched for decades for this mysterious group and never found them. To this day nobody has ever set foot in a Kufelmin village. In each valley heading west patrols were told that the Kufelmin were in the next valley to the west. But the Kufelmin were never there. They were always one more valley to the west. The problem was that the administrators wrongly assumed “Kufelmin” to be a tribal name as stable and categorical as the forms and maps they were using would accept. Kufelmin simply means “those people to the West.” It is a relational term, not a categorical one. The administration’s first contact with the people of Nimakot exposed even more fundamental differences and specific tensions between the local relational logic and the categorical bias of statecraft. Australian patrol officer JR McArthur crested the mountain overlooking Nimakot at precisely 1027 hours on 16 August 1963, a fact he dutifully recorded in his notebook (Telefomin Patrol Report 12 of 1962/63). He then proceeded down the mountain with pen and paper in hand, recording the precise moment he crossed the Sunim creek (1109 hours), came to Sunimbil (1117 hours), and likewise on and on to his final destination near the base of the present-day airstrip. Such recordings of precise times and locations were central to McArthur's main goal. Amidst the steep mountains painted with lush green gardens, sparkling waterfalls, and towering virgin rainforests McArthur busied himself examining maps and aerial photographs searching for the region’s most impressive, imposing, and yet altogether invisible feature: the 141st Meridian East of Greenwich, the international border. McArthur saw his work as one of fixing boundaries, taking names, and extending the great taxonomic system of statecraft that would ultimately “rationalise” and order even this remote corner of the globe. When he came to the conclusion that he had inadvertently stepped outside his rightful domain he promptly left, noting in his report that he purchased a pig just before leaving. The local understanding of this event is very different. While McArthur was busy making and obeying categories, the people of Nimakot were primarily concerned with making relationships. In this case, they hoped to create a relationship through which valuable goods, the likes of which they had never seen, would flow. The pig mentioned in McArthur's report was not meant to be bought or sold, but as a gift signifying the beginning of what locals hoped would be a long relationship. When McArthur insisted on paying for it and then promptly left with a promise that he would never return, locals interpreted his actions as an accusation of witchcraft. Witchcraft is the most visible and dramatic aspect of the local relational logic of being, what might be termed a relational ontology. Marilyn Strathern describes this ontology as being as much “dividual” as individual, pointing out that Melanesians tend to conceptualise themselves as defined and constituted by social relationships rather than independent from them (102). The person is conceptualised as socially and collectively constituted rather than individuated. A person’s strength, health, intelligence, disposition, and behaviour depend on the strength and nature of one’s relationships (Knauft 26). The impacts of this relational ontology on local life are far reaching. Unconditional kindness and sharing are constantly required to maintain healthy relations because unhealthy relations are understood to be the direct cause of sickness, infertility, and death. Where such misfortunes do befall someone, their explanations are sought in a complex calculus examining relational histories. Whoever has a bad relation with the victim is blamed for their misfortune. Modernists disparage such ideas as “witchcraft beliefs” but witchcraft accusations are just a small part of a much more pervasive, rich, and logical relational ontology in which the health and well-being of relations are conceptualised as influencing the health and well-being of things and people. Because of this logic, people of Nimakot are relationship experts who navigate the complex relational field with remarkable subtleness and tact. But even they cannot maintain the unconditional kindness and sharing that is required of them when their social world grows too large and complex. A village rarely grows to over 50 people before tensions lead to an irresolvable witchcraft accusation and the village splits up. In this way, the continuous negotiations inspired by the relational ontology lead to constant movement, changing of names, and shifting clan affiliations – nothing that fits very well on a static map or a few categories in a book. Over the past 45 years since McArthur first brought the mechanisms of statecraft into Nimakot, the tensions between this local relational ontology and the categorical logic of the state have never been resolved. One might think that a synthesis of the two forms would have emerged. Instead, to this day, all that becomes new is the form through which the tensions are expressed and the ways in which the tensions are exacerbated. The international border has been and continues to be the primary catalyst for these tensions to express themselves. As it turns out, McArthur had miscalculated. He had not crossed the international border before coming to Nimakot. It was later determined that the border runs right through the middle of Nimakot, inspiring one young local man to describe it to me as “that great red mark that cuts us right through the heart.” The McArthur encounter was a harbinger of what was to come; a battle for kantri as unbounded connected landscape, and a battle with kantri as a binding categorical system, set against a backdrop of witchcraft imagery. Locals soon learned the importance of the map and census for receiving state funds for construction projects, education, health care, and other amenities. In the early 1970s a charismatic local man convinced others to move into one large village called Tumolbil. The large population literally put Tumolbil “on the map,” dramatically increasing its visibility to government and foreign aid. Drawn by the large population, an airstrip, school, and aid post were built in the late 1970s and early 1980s. Locally this process is known as “namba tok,” meaning that “numbers (population, statistics, etc.) talk” to the state. The greater the number, the stronger the voice, so locals are now intent on creating large stable villages that are visible to the state and in line for services and development projects. Yet their way of life and relational cultural logics continue to betray their efforts to create such villages. Most people still navigate the complexities of their social relations by living in small, scattered, semi-nomadic hamlets. Even as young local men trained in Western schools become government officials in charge of the maps and census books themselves, they are finding that they are frustrated by the same characteristics of life that once frustrated colonial administrators. The tensions between the local relational ontology and the categorical imperatives of the state come to rest squarely on the shoulders of these young men. They want large stable villages that will produce a large number in the census book in order to bring development projects to their land. More importantly, they recognise that half of their land rests precariously west of that magical 141st Meridian. A clearly defined and distinct place on the map along with a solid number of names in the census book, have become essential to assuring their continued connection with their kantri. On several occasions they have felt threatened by the possibility that they would have to either abandon the land west of the meridian or become citizens of Indonesia. The first option threatens their sense of kantri as connection to their traditional land. The other violates their new found sense of kantri as nationalistic pride in the independent state of Papua New Guinea. In an attempt to resolve these increasingly pressing tensions, the officers designed “Operation Clean and Sweep” in 2003 – a plan to move people out of their small scattered hamlets and into one of twelve larger villages that had been recognised by Papua New Guinea in previous census and mapping exercises. After sending notice to hamlet residents, an operation team of over one hundred men marched throughout Nimakot, burning each hamlet along the way. Before each burning, officers gave a speech peppered with the phrase “namba tok.” Most people listened to the speeches with enthusiasm, often expressing their own eagerness to leave their hamlet behind to live in a large orderly village. In one hamlet they asked me to take a photo of them in front of their houses just before they cheerfully allowed government officers to enter their homes and light the thatch of their rooftops. “Finally,” the officer in charge exclaimed triumphantly, “we can put people where their names are.” If the tension between local relational logics and the categorical imperatives of the state had been only superficial, perhaps this plan would have ultimately resolved the tension. But the tension is not only expressed objectively in the need for large stable villages, but subjectively as well, in the state’s need for people to orient themselves primarily as citizens and individuals, doing what is best for the country as a categorical group rather than acting as relational “dividuals” and orienting their lives primarily towards the demands of kinship and other relations. This tension has been recognised in other contexts as well, and theorised in Craig Calhoun’s study of nationalism in which he marks out two related distinctions: “between networks of social relationships and categories of similar individuals, and between reproduction through directly interpersonal interactions and reproduction through the mediation of relatively impersonal agencies of large-scale cultural standardization and social organization” (29). The former in both of these distinctions make up the essential components of relational ontology, while the latter describe the mechanisms and logic of statecraft. To describe the form of personhood implicit in nationalism, Calhoun introduces the term “categorical identity” to designate “identification by similarity of attributes as a member of a set of equivalent members” (42). While locals are quick to understand the power of categorical entities in the cultural process of statecraft and therefore have eagerly created large villages on a number of occasions in order to “game” the state system, they do not readily assume a categorical identity, an identity with these categories, and the villages have consistently disintegrated over time due to relational tensions and witchcraft accusations born from the local relational ontology. Operation Clean and Sweep reached its crisis moment just two days after the burnings began. An influential man from one of the unmapped hamlets scheduled for burning came to the officers complaining that he would not move to the large government village because he would have to live too close to people who had bewitched and killed members of his family. Others echoed his fears of witchcraft in the large government villages. The drive for a categorical order came head to head with the local relational ontology. Moving people into large government villages and administering a peaceful, orderly, lawful society of citizens (a categorical identity) would take much more than eliminating hamlets and forced migration. It would require a complete transformation in their sense of being – a transformation that even the officers themselves have not fully undertaken. The officers did not see the relational ontology as the problem. They saw witchcraft as the problem. They announced plans to eradicate witchcraft altogether. For three months, witchcraft suspects were apprehended, interrogated, and asked to list names of other witches. With each interrogation, the list of witches grew longer and longer. The interrogations were violent at times, but not as violent or as devastating as the list itself. The violence of the list hid behind its simple elegance. Like a census book, it had a mystique of orderliness and rationality. It stripped away the ugliness and complexity of interrogations leaving nothing but pure categorical knowledge. In the interrogation room, the list became a powerful tool the officer in charge used to intimidate his suspects. He often began by reading from the list, as if to say, “we already have you right here.” But one might say it was the officer who was really trapped in the list. It ensnared him in its simple elegance, its clean straight lines and clear categories. He was not using the list as much as the list was using him. Traditionally it was not the witch that was of concern, but the act of witchcraft itself. If the relationship could be healed – thereby healing the victim – all was forgiven. The list transformed the accused from temporary, situational, and indefinite witches involved in local relational disputes to permanent, categorical witches in violation of state law. Traditional ways of dealing with witchcraft focused on healing relationships. The print culture of the state focuses on punishing the categorically “guilty” categorical individual. They were “sentenced” “by the book.” As an outsider, I was simply thought to be naïve about the workings of witchcraft. My protests were ignored (see Wesch). Ultimately it ended because making a list of witches proved to be even more difficult than making a list for the census. Along with the familiar challenges of shifting names and affiliations, the witch list made its own enemies. The moment somebody was listed all of their relations ceased recognising the list and those making it as authoritative. In the end, the same tensions that motivated Operation Clean and Sweep were only reproduced by the efforts to resolve them. The tensions demonstrated themselves to be more tenacious than anticipated, grounded as they are in pervasive self-sustaining cultural systems that do not overlap in a way that is significant enough to threaten their mutual existence. The relational ontology is embedded in rich and enduring local histories of gift exchange, marriage, birth, death, and conflict. Statecraft is embedded in a broader system of power, hierarchy, deadlines, roles, and rules. They are not simply matters of belief. In this way, the focus on witches and witchcraft could never resolve the tensions. Instead, the movement only exacerbated the relational tensions that inspire, extend, and maintain witchcraft beliefs, and once again people found themselves living in small, scattered hamlets, wishing they could somehow come together to live in large prosperous villages so their population numbers would be great enough to “talk” to the state, bringing in valuable services, and more importantly, securing their land and citizenship with Papua New Guinea. It is in this context that “kantri” not only embodies the tensions between local ways of life and the imperatives of the state, but also the persistent hope for resolution, and the haunting memories of previous failures. References Calhoun, Craig. Nationalism. Open UP, 1997. Knauft, Bruce. From Primitive to Postcolonial in Melanesia and Anthropology. Ann Arbor: U Michigan P, 1999. McArthur, JR. Telefomin Patrol Report 12 of 1962/63 Strathern, Marilyn. The Gender of the Gift. U California P, 1988. Scott, James. Seeing Like a State: How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human Condition Have Failed. Yale UP, 1998. Wesch, Michael. “A Witch Hunt in New Guinea: Anthropology on Trial.” Anthropology and Humanism 32.1 (2007): 4-17.

In light of an ongoing debate over the authorship of the Redfern address (was it then Prime Minister Paul Keating or his speechwriter, Don Watson, who was responsible for this historic piece?), the authors of this article consider notions of ownership, authorship, and acknowledgement as they relate to the crafting, delivery, and reception of historical political speeches. There is focus, too, on the often-remarkable partnership that evolves between speechwriters and those who deliver the work. We argue that by drawing on the expertise of an artist or—in the case of the article at hand—speechwriter, collaboration facilitates the ‘translation’ of the politician’s or patron’s vision into a delivered reality. The article therefore proposes that while a speech, perhaps like a commissioned painting or sculpture, may be understood as the product of a highly synergistic collaboration between patron and producer, the power-bearer nonetheless retains essential ‘ownership’ of the material. This, we argue, is something other than the process of authorship adumbrated above. Leaving aside, for the present, the question of ownership, the context in which a speech is written and given may well intensify questions of authorship: the more politically significant or charged the context, the greater the potential impact of a speech and the more at stake in terms of its authorship. In addition to its focus on the latter, this article therefore also reflects on the considerable cultural resonance of the speech in question and, in so doing, assesses its significant impact on Australian reconciliation discourse. In arriving at our conclusions, we employ a method assemblage approach including analogy, comparison, historical reference, and interview. Comprising a range of investigative modalities such as those employed by us, John Law argues that a “method assemblage” is essentially a triangulated form of primary and secondary research facilitating the interrogation of social phenomena that do not easily yield to more traditional modes of research (Law 7). The approach is all the more relevant to this article since through it an assessment of the speech’s historical significance may be made. In particular, this article extensively compares the collaboration between Keating and Watson to that of United States President John F. Kennedy and Special Counsel and speechwriter Ted Sorensen. As the article reveals, this collaboration produced a number of Kennedy’s historic speeches and was mutually acknowledged as a particularly important relationship. Moreover, because both Sorensen and Watson were also key advisers to the leaders of their respective nations, the comparison is doubly fertile.On 10 December 1992 then Prime Minister Paul Keating launched the International Year of the World’s Indigenous People by delivering an address now recognised as a landmark in Australian, and even global, oratory. Alan Whiticker, for instance, includes the address in his Speeches That Shaped the Modern World. Following brief instruction from Keating (who was scheduled to give two orations on 10 December), the Prime Minister’s speechwriter and adviser, Don Watson, crafted the speech over the course of one evening. The oration that ensued was history-making: Keating became the first of all who held his office to declare that non-Indigenous Australians had dispossessed Aboriginal people; an unequivocal admission in which the Prime Minister confessed: “we committed the murders” (qtd. in Whiticker 331). The impact of this cannot be overstated. A personal interview with Jennifer Beale, an Indigenous Australian who was among the audience on that historic day, reveals the enormous significance of the address:I felt the mood of the crowd changed … when Keating said “we took the traditional lands” … . “we committed [the murders]” … [pauses] … I was so amazed to be standing there hearing a Prime Minister saying that… And I felt this sort of wave go over the crowd and they started actually paying attention… I’d never in my life heard … anyone say it like that: we did this, to you… (personal communication, 15 Dec. 2016)Later in the interview, when recalling a conversation in the Channel Seven newsroom where she formerly worked, Beale recalls a senior reporter saying that, with respect to Aboriginal history, there had been a ‘conservative cover up.’ Given the broader context (her being interviewed by the present authors about the Redfern Address) Beale’s response to that exchange is particularly poignant: “…it’s very rare that I have had these experiences in my life where I have been … [pauses at length] validated… by non-Aboriginal people” (op. cit.).The speech, then, is a crucial bookend in Australian reconciliation discourse, particularly as an admission of egregious wrongdoing to be addressed (Foye). The responding historical bookend is, of course, Kevin Rudd’s 2008 ‘Apology to the Stolen Generations’. Forming the focal point of the article at hand, the Redfern Address is significant for another reason: that is, as the source of a now historical controversy and very public (and very bitter) falling out between politician and speechwriter.Following the publication of Watson’s memoir Recollections of a Bleeding Heart, Keating denounced the former as having broken an unwritten contract that stipulates the speechwriter has the honour of ‘participating in the endeavour and the power in return for anonymity and confidentiality’ (Keating). In an opinion piece appearing in the Sydney Morning Herald, Keating argued that this implied contract is central to the speech-writing process:This is how political speeches are written, when the rapid business of government demands mass writing. A frequency of speeches that cannot be individually scripted by the political figure or leader giving them… After a pre-draft conference on a speech—canvassing the kind of things I thought we should say and include—unless the actual writing was off the beam, I would give the speech more or less off the printer… All of this only becomes an issue when the speechwriter steps from anonymity to claim particular speeches or words given to a leader or prime minister in the privacy of the workspace. Watson has done this. (Keating)Upon the release of After Words, a collection of Keating’s post-Prime Ministerial speeches, senior writer for The Australian, George Megalogenis opined that the book served to further Keating’s argument: “Take note, Don Watson; Keating is saying, ‘I can write’” (30). According to Phillip Adams, Keating once bluntly declared “I was in public life for twenty years without Don Watson and did pretty well” (154). On the subject of the partnership’s best-known speech, Keating claims that while Watson no doubt shared the sentiments invoked in the Redfern Address, “in the end, the vector force of the power and what to do with it could only come from me” (Keating).For his part, Watson has challenged Keating’s claim to being the rightfully acknowledged author of the Redfern Address. In an appearance on the ABC’s Q&A he asserted authorship of the material, listing other famous historical exponents of his profession who had taken credit for their place at the wheel of government: “I suppose I could say that while I was there, really I was responsible for the window boxes in Parliament House but, actually, I was writing speeches as speechwriters do; as Peggy Noonan did for Ronald Reagan; as Graham Freudenberg did for three or four Prime Ministers, and so on…” (Watson). Moreover, as Watson has suggested, a number of prominent speechwriters have gone on to take credit for their work in written memoirs. In an opinion piece in The Australian, Denis Glover observes that: “great speechwriters always write such books and have the good sense to wait until the theatre has closed, as Watson did.” A notable example of this after-the-era approach is Ted Sorensen’s Counselor in which the author nonetheless remains extraordinarily humble—observing that reticence, or ‘a passion for anonymity’, should characterise the posture of the Presidential speechwriter (131).In Counselor, Sorensen discusses his role as collaborator with Kennedy—likening the relationship between political actor and speechwriter to that between master and apprentice (130). He further observes that, like an apprentice, a speechwriter eventually learns to “[imitate] the style of the master, ultimately assisting him in the execution of the final work of art” (op. cit., 130-131). Unlike Watson’s claim to be the ‘speechwriter’—a ‘master’, of sorts—Sorensen more modestly declares that: “for eleven years, I was an apprentice” (op. cit., 131). At some length Sorensen focuses on this matter of anonymity, and the need to “minimize” his role (op. cit.). Reminiscent of the “unwritten contract” (see above) that Keating declares broken by Watson, Sorensen argues that his “reticence was [and is] the result of an implicit promise that [he] vowed never to break…” (op. cit.). In implying that the ownership of the speeches to which he contributed properly belongs to his President, Sorensen goes on to state that “Kennedy did deeply believe everything I helped write for him, because my writing came from my knowledge of his beliefs” (op. cit. 132). As Herbert Goldhamer observes in The Adviser, this knowing of a leader’s mind is central to the advisory function: “At times the adviser may facilitate the leader’s inner dialogue…” (15). The point is made again in Sorensen’s discussion of his role in the writing of Kennedy’s Profiles in Courage. In response to a charge that he [Sorensen] had ghost-written the book, Sorensen confessed that he might have privately boasted of having written much of it. (op. cit., 150) But he then goes on to observe that “the book’s concept was his [Kennedy’s], and that the selection of stories was his.” (op. cit.). “Like JFK’s speeches”, Sorensen continues, “Profiles in Courage was a collaboration…” (op. cit.).Later in Counselor, when discussing Kennedy’s inaugural address, it is interesting to note that Sorensen is somewhat less modest about the question of authorship. While the speech was and is ‘owned’ by Kennedy (the President requested its crafting, received it, edited the final product many times, and—with considerable aplomb—delivered it in the cold midday air of 20 January 1961), when discussing the authorship of the text Sorensen refers to the work of Thurston Clarke and Dick Tofel who independently conclude that the speech was a collaborative effort (op. cit. 227). Sorensen notes that while Clarke emphasised the President’s role and Tofel emphasised his own, the matter of who was principal craftsman will—and indeed should—remain forever clouded. To ensure that it will permanently remain so, following a discussion with Kennedy’s widow in 1965, Sorensen destroyed the preliminary manuscript. And, when pressed about the similarities between it and the final product (which he insists was revised many times by the President), he claims not to recall (op. cit. 227). Interestingly, Robert Dallek argues that while ‘suggestions of what to say came from many sources’, ‘the final version [of the speech] came from Kennedy’s hand’ (324). What history does confirm is that both Kennedy and Sorensen saw their work as fundamentally collaborative. Arthur Schlesinger Jr. records Kennedy’s words: “Ted is indispensable to me” (63). In the same volume, Schlesinger observes that the relationship between Sorensen and Kennedy was ‘special’ and that Sorensen felt himself to have a unique facility to know [Kennedy’s] mind and to ‘reproduce his idiom’ (op.cit.). Sorensen himself makes the point that his close friendship with the President made possible the success of the collaboration, and that this “could not later be replicated with someone else with whom [he] did not have that same relationship” (131). He refers, of course, to Lyndon Johnson. Kennedy’s choice of advisers (including Sorensen as Special Counsel) was, then, crucial—although he never ceded to Sorensen sole responsibility for all speechwriting. Indeed, as we shortly discuss, at critical junctures the President involved others (including Schlesinger, Richard Goodwin, and Myer Feldman) in the process of speech-craft and, on delivery day, sometimes departed from the scripts proffered.As was the case with Keating’s, creative tension characterised Kennedy’s administration. Schlesinger Jr. notes that it was an approach practiced early, in Kennedy’s strategy of keeping separate his groups of friends (71). During his Presidency, this fostering of creative tension extended to the drafting of speeches. In a special issue of Time, David von Drehle notes that the ‘Peace’ speech given 10 June 1963 was “prepared by a tight circle of advisers” (97). Still, even here, Sorensen’s role remained pivotal. One of those who worked on that speech (commonly regarded as Kennedy’s finest) was William Forster, Director of the Arms Control and Disarmament Agency. As indicated by the conditional “I think” in “Ted Sorensen, I think, sat up all night…”, Forster somewhat reluctantly concedes that while a group was involved, Sorensen’s contribution was central: “[Sorensen], with his remarkable ability to polish and write, was able to send each of us and the President the final draft about six or seven in the morning…” (op. cit.).In most cases, however, it fell on Sorensen alone to craft the President’s speeches. While Sorenson’s mind surely ‘rolled in unison’ with Kennedy’s (Schlesinger Jr. 597), and while Sorensen’s words dominated the texts, the President would nonetheless annotate scripts, excising redundant material and adding sentences. In the case of less formal orations, the President was capable of all but abandoning the script (a notable example was his October 1961 oration to mark the publication of the first four volumes of the John Quincy Adams papers) but for orations of national or international significance there remained a sense of careful collaboration between Kennedy and Sorensen. Yet, even in such cases, the President’s sense of occasion sometimes encouraged him to set aside his notes. As Arthur Schlesinger Jr. observes, Kennedy had an instinctive feel for language and often “spoke extemporaneously” (op. cit.). The most memorable example, of course, is the 1961 speech in Berlin where Kennedy (appalled by the erection of the Berlin Wall, and angry over the East’s churlish covering of the Brandenburg Gate) went “off-script and into dangerous diplomatic waters” (Tubridy 85). But the risky departure paid off in the form of a TKO against Chairman Khrushchev. In late 1960, following two independent phone calls concerning the incarceration of Martin Luther King, Kennedy had remarked to John Galbraith that “the best strategies are always accidental”—an approach that appears to have found its way into his formal rhetoric (Schlesinger Jr. 67).Ryan Tubridy, author of JFK in Ireland, observes that “while the original draft of the Berlin Wall speech had been geared to a sense of appeasement that acknowledged the Wall’s presence as something the West might have to accept, the ad libs suggested otherwise” (85). Referencing Arthur Schlesinger Jr.’s account of the delivery, Tubridy notes that the President’s aides observed the orator’s rising emotion—especially when departing from the script as written:There are some who say that Communism is the way of the future. Let them come to Berlin. And there are some who say in Europe and elsewhere we can work with the Communists. Let them come to Berlin … Freedom has many difficulties and democracy is not perfect, but we have never had to put up a wall to keep our people in.That the speech defined Kennedy’s presidency even more than did his inaugural address is widely agreed, and the President’s assertion “Ich bin ein Berliner” is one that has lived on now for over fifty years. The phrase was not part of the original script, but an addition included at the President’s request by Kennedy’s translator Robert Lochner.While this phrase and the various additional departures from the original script ‘make’ the speech, they are nonetheless part of a collaborative whole the nature of which we adumbrate above. Furthermore, it is a mark of the collaboration between speechwriter and speech-giver that on Air Force One, as they flew from West Germany to Ireland, Kennedy told Sorensen: “We’ll never have another day like this as long as we live” (op. cit. 88; Dallek 625). The speech, then, was a remarkable joint enterprise—and (at least privately) was acknowledged as such.It seems unlikely that Keating will ever (even semi-publicly) acknowledge the tremendous importance of Watson to his Prime Ministership. There seems not to have been a ‘Don is indispensable to me’ moment, but according to the latter the former Prime Minister did offer such sentiment in private. In an unguarded moment, Keating allegedly said that Watson would “be able to say that [he, Watson, was] the puppet master for the biggest puppet in the land” (Watson 290). If this comment was indeed offered, then Keating, much like Kennedy, (at least once) privately acknowledged the significant role that his speechwriter played in his administration. Watson, for his part, was less reticent. On the ABC’s Q&A of 29 August 2011 he assessed the relationship as being akin to a [then] “requited” love. Of course, above and beyond private or public acknowledgement of collaboration is tangible evidence of such: minuted meetings between speechwriter and speech-giver and instructions to the speechwriter that appear, for example, in a politician’s own hand. Perhaps more importantly, the stamp of ownership on a speech can be signalled by marginalia concerning delivery and in the context of the delivery itself: the engagement of emphases, pause, and the various paralinguistic phenomena that can add so much character to—and very much define—a written text. By way of example we reference again the unique and impassioned delivery of the Berlin speech, above. And beyond this again, as also suggested, are the non-written departures from a script that further put the stamp of ownership on an oration. In the case of Kennedy, it is easy to trace such marginalia and resultant departures from scripted material but there is little evidence that Keating either extensively annotated or extemporaneously departed from the script in question. However, as Tom Clark points out, while there are very few changes to Watson’s words there are fairly numerous “annotations that mark up timing, emphasis, and phrase coherence.” Clark points out that Keating had a relatively systematic notational schema “to guide him in the speech performance” (op. cit.). In engaging a musical analogy (an assemblage device that we ourselves employ), he opines that these scorings, “suggest a powerful sense of fidelity to the manuscript as authoritative composition” (op. cit.). While this is so, we argue—and one can easily conceive Keating arguing—that they are also marks of textual ownership; the former Prime Minister’s ‘signature’ on the piece. This is a point to which we return. For now, we note that matters of stress, rhythm, intonation, gesture, and body language are crucial to the delivery of a speech and reaffirm the point that it is in its delivery that an adroitly rendered text might come to life. As Sorensen (2008) reflects:I do not dismiss the potential of the right speech on the right topic delivered by the right speaker in the right way at the right moment. It can ignite a fire, change men’s minds, open their eyes, alter their votes, bring hope to their lives, and, in all these ways, change the world. I know. I saw it happen. (143)We argue that it is in its delivery to (and acceptance by) the patron and in its subsequent delivery by the patron to an audience that a previously written speech (co-authored, or not) may be ‘owned’. As we have seen, with respect to questions of authorship or craftsmanship, analogies (another device of method assemblage) with the visual and musical arts are not uncommon—and we here offer another: a reference to the architectural arts. When a client briefs an architect, the architect must interpret the client’s vision. Once the blueprints are passed to the client and are approved, the client takes ownership of work that has been, in a sense, co-authored. Ownership and authorship are not the same, then, and we suggest that it is the interstices that the tensions between Keating and Watson truly lie.In crafting the Redfern address, there is little doubt that Watson’s mind rolled in unison with the Prime Minister’s: invisible, intuited ‘evidence’ of a fruitful collaboration. As the former Prime Minister puts it: “Watson and I actually write in very similar ways. He is a prettier writer than I am, but not a more pungent one. So, after a pre-draft conference on a speech—canvassing the kind of things I thought we should say and include—unless the actual writing was off the beam, I would give the speech more or less off the printer” (Keating). As one of the present authors has elsewhere observed, “Watson sensed the Prime Minister’s mood and anticipated his language and even the pattern of his voice” (Foye 19). Here, there are shades of the Kennedy/Sorensen partnership. As Schlesinger Jr. observes, Kennedy and Sorensen worked so closely together that it became impossible to know which of them “originated the device of staccato phrases … or the use of balanced sentences … their styles had fused into one” (598). Moreover, in responding to a Sunday Herald poll asking readers to name Australia’s great orators, Denise Davies remarked, “Watson wrote the way Keating thought and spoke” (qtd. in Dale 46). Despite an uncompromising, pungent, title—‘On that historic day in Redfern, the words I spoke were mine’—Keating’s SMH op-ed of 26 August 2010 nonetheless offers a number of insights vis-a-vis the collaboration between speechwriter and speech-giver. To Keating’s mind (and here we might reflect on Sorensen’s observation about knowing the beliefs of the patron), the inspiration for the Prime Minister’s Redfern Address came from conversations between he and Watson.Keating relates an instance when, on a flight crossing outback Western Australia, he told Watson that “we will never really get Australia right until we come to terms with them (Keating).” “Them”, Keating explains, refers to Aborigines. Keating goes on to suggest that by “come to terms”, he meant “owning up to dispossession” (op. cit.)—which is precisely what he did, to everyone’s great surprise, in the speech itself. Keating observes: I remember well talking to Watson a number of times about stories told to me through families [he] knew, of putting “dampers” out for Aborigines. The dampers were hampers of poisoned food provided only to murder them. I used to say to Watson that this stuff had to be owned up to. And it was me who established the inquiry into the Stolen Generation that Kevin Rudd apologised to. The generation who were taken from their mothers.So, the sentiments that “we did the dispossessing … we brought the diseases, the alcohol, that we committed the murders and took the children from their mothers” were my sentiments. P.J. Keating’s sentiments. They may have been Watson’s sentiments also. But they were sentiments provided to a speechwriter as a remit, as an instruction, as guidance as to how this subject should be dealt with in a literary way. (op. cit.)While such conversations might not accurately be called “guidance” (something more consciously offered as such) or “instruction” (as Keating declares), they nonetheless offer to the speechwriter a sense of the trajectory of a leader’s thoughts and sentiments. As Keating puts it, “the sentiments of the speech, that is, the core of its authority and authorship, were mine” (op. cit.). As does Sorensen, Keating argues that that such revelation is a source of “power to the speechwriter” (op. cit.). This he buttresses with more down to earth language: conversations of this nature are “meat and drink”, “the guidance from which the authority and authorship of the speech ultimately derives” (op. cit.). Here, Keating gets close to what may be concluded: while authorship might, to a significant extent, be contingent on the kind of interaction described, ownership is absolutely contingent on authority. As Keating asserts, “in the end, the vector force of the power and what to do with it could only come from me” (op. cit.). In other words, no Prime Minister with the right sentiments and the courage to deliver them publicly (i.e. Keating), no speech.On the other hand, we also argue that Watson’s part in crafting the Redfern Address should not be downplayed, requiring (as the speech did) his unique writing style—called “prettier” by the former Prime Minister. More importantly, we argue that the speech contains a point of view that may be attributed to Watson more than Keating’s description of the speechwriting process might suggest. In particular, the Redfern Address invoked a particular interpretation of Australian history that can be attributed to Watson, whose manuscript Keating accepted. Historian Manning Clark had an undeniable impact on Watson’s thinking and thus the development of the Redfern address. Per Keating’s claim that he himself had “only read bits and pieces of Manning’s histories” (Curran 285), the basis for this link is actual and direct: Keating hired Clark devotee Watson as a major speech writer on the same day that Clark died in 1991 (McKenna 71). McKenna’s examination of Clark’s history reveals striking similarities with the rhetoric at the heart of the Redfern address. For example, in his 1988 essay The Beginning of Wisdom, Clark (in McKenna) announces:Now we are beginning to take the blinkers off our eyes. Now we are ready to face the truth about our past, to acknowledge that the coming of the British was the occasion of three great evils: the violence against the original inhabitants of the of the country, the Aborigines, the violence against the first European labour force in Australia, the convicts and the violence done to the land itself. (71)As the above quote demonstrates, echoes of Clark’s denouncement of Australia’s past are evident in the Redfern Address’ rhetoric. While Keating is correct to suggest that Watson and he shared the sentiments behind the Address, it may be said that it took Watson—steeped as he was in Clark’s understanding of history and operating closely as he did with the Prime Minister—to craft the Redfern Address. Notwithstanding the concept of ownership, Keating’s claim that the “vector force” for the speech could only come from him unreasonably diminishes Watson’s role.ConclusionThis article has considered the question of authorship surrounding the 1992 Redfern Address, particularly in view of the collaborative nature of speechwriting. The article has also drawn on the analogous relationship between President Kennedy and his Counsel, Ted Sorensen—an association that produced historic speeches. Here, the process of speechwriting has been demonstrated to be a synergistic collaboration between speechwriter and speech-giver; a working partnership in which the former translates the vision of the latter into words that, if delivered appropriately, capture audience attention and sympathy. At its best, this collaborative relationship sees the emergence of a synergy so complete that it is impossible to discern who wrote what (exactly). While the speech carries the imprimatur and original vision of the patron/public actor, this originator nonetheless requires the expertise of one (or more) who might give shape, clarity, and colour to what might amount to mere instructive gesture—informed, in the cases of Sorensen and Watson, by years of conversation. While ‘ownership’ of a speech then ultimately rests with the power-bearer (Keating requested, received, lightly edited, ‘scored’, and delivered—with some minor ad libbing, toward the end—the Redfern text), the authors of this article consider neither Keating nor Watson to be the major scribe of the Redfern Address. Indeed, it was a distinguished collaboration between these figures that produced the speech: a cooperative undertaking similar to the process of writing this article itself. Moreover, because an Australian Prime Minister brought the plight of Indigenous Australians to the attention of their non-Indigenous counterparts, the address is seminal in Australian history. It is, furthermore, an exquisitely crafted document. And it was also delivered with style. As such, the Redfern Address is memorable in ways similar to Kennedy’s inaugural, Berlin, and Peace speeches: all products of exquisite collaboration and, with respect to ownership, emblems of rare leadership.ReferencesAdams, Phillip. Backstage Politics: Fifty Years of Political Memories. London: Viking, 2010.Beale, Jennifer. Personal interview. 15 Dec. 2016.Clark, Tom. “Paul Keating’s Redfern Park Speech and Its Rhetorical Legacy.” Overland 213 (Summer 2013). <https://overland.org.au/previous-issues/issue-213/feature-tom-clarke/ Accessed 16 January 2017>.Curran, James. The Power of Speech: Australian Prime Ministers Defining the National Image. Melbourne: Melbourne UP, 2004.Dale, Denise. “Speech Therapy – How Do You Rate the Orators.” Sun Herald, 9 Mar.2008: 48.Dallek, Robert. An Unfinished Life: John F. Kennedy 1917-1963. New York: Little Brown, 2003.Foye, Jonathan. Visions and Revisions: A Media Analysis of Reconciliation Discourse, 1992-2008. Honours Thesis. 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(Tilman Haug, Essen) Kullick, Christian, „Der herrschende Geist der Thorheit“. Die Frankfurter Lotterienormen des 18. Jahrhunderts und ihre Durchsetzung (Studien zu Policey, Kriminalitätsgeschichte und Konfliktregulierung), Frankfurt a. M. 2018, Klostermann, VII u. 433 S. / Abb., € 69,00. (Tilman Haug, Essen) Barzman, Karen-edis, The Limits of Identity. Early Modern Venice, Dalmatia, and the Representation of Difference (Art and Material Culture in Medieval and Renaissance Europe, 7), Leiden / Boston 2017, Brill, XVII u. 315 S. / Abb., € 139,00. (Stefan Hanß, Manchester) Deutsche Reichstagsakten unter Maximilian I., Bd. 10: Der Reichstag zu Worms 1509, bearb. v. Dietmar Heil (Deutsche Reichstagsakten. Mittlere Reihe, 10), Berlin / Boston 2017, de Gruyter Oldenbourg, 874 S., € 169,95. (Thomas Kirchner, Aachen) Deutsche Reichstagsakten unter Maximilian I., Bd. 11: Die Reichstage zu Augsburg 1510 und Trier/Köln 1512, 3 Bde., bearb. v. Reinhard Seyboth (Deutsche Reichstagsakten. Mittlere Reihe, 11), Berlin / Boston 2017, de Gruyter Oldenbourg, 2822 S., € 349,00. (Thomas Kirchner, Aachen) Fitschen, Klaus / Marianne Schröter / Christopher Spehr / Ernst-Joachim Waschke (Hrsg.), Kulturelle Wirkungen der Reformation / Cultural Impact of the Reformation. Kongressdokumentation Lutherstadt Wittenberg August 2017, 2 Bde. (Leucorea-Studien zur Geschichte der Reformation und der Lutherischen Orthodoxie, 36 u. 37), Leipzig 2018, Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, 639 S. / Abb.; 565 S. / Abb., je € 60,00. (Ingo Leinert, Quedlinburg) Johnson, Carina L. / David M. Luebke / Marjorie E. Plummer / Jesse Spohnholz (Hrsg.), Archeologies of Confession. Writing the German Reformation 1517 – 2017 (Spektrum, 16), New York / Oxford 2017, Berghahn, 345 S., £ 92,00. (Markus Wriedt, Frankfurt a. M.) Lukšaitė, Ingė, Die Reformation im Großfürstentum Litauen und in Preußisch-Litauen (1520er Jahre bis zum Beginn des 17. Jahrhunderts), übers. v. 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Jahrhundert (Spätmittelalter, Humanismus, Reformation, 103), Tübingen 2017, Mohr Siebeck, XIV u. 455 S., € 89,00. (Fabian Schulze, Elchingen / Augsburg) Reller, Jobst, Die Anfänge der evangelischen Militärseelsorge, Berlin 2019, Miles-Verlag, 180 S. / Abb., € 19,80. (Marianne Taatz-Jacobi, Halle a. d. S.) Mayenburg, David von, Gemeiner Mann und Gemeines Recht. Die Zwölf Artikel und das Recht des ländlichen Raums im Zeitalter des Bauernkriegs (Studien zur europäischen Rechtsgeschichte, 311), Frankfurt a. M. 2018, Klostermann, XIX u. 487 S., € 89,00. (Matthias Bähr, Dresden) Gleiß, Friedhelm, Die Weimarer Disputation von 1560. Theologische Konsenssuche und Konfessionspolitik Johann Friedrichs des Mittleren (Leucorea-Studien zur Geschichte der Reformation und der Lutherischen Orthodoxie, 34), Leipzig 2018, Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, 344 S. / Abb., € 68,00. (Ingo Leinert, Quedlinburg) Ulbricht, Otto, Missbrauch und andere Doku-Stories aus dem 17. und 18. 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Hans-Joachim Behr (Veröffentlichungen des Vereins für Geschichte und Altertumskunde Westfalens, Abteilung Münster, 9; Veröffentlichungen der Historischen Kommission für Westfalen. Neue Folge, 23; Veröffentlichungen des Landesarchivs Nordrhein-Westfalen, 49), Münster 2015, Aschendorff, 508 S. / Abb., € 72,00. (Heinz Duchhardt, Mainz) Bd. 11: 1840 – 1844, bearb. v. Hans-Joachim Behr / Christine Schedensack (Veröffentlichungen des Vereins für Geschichte und Altertumskunde Westfalens, Abteilung Münster, 11; Veröffentlichungen der Historischen Kommission für Westfalen. Neue Folge, 55; Veröffentlichungen des Landesarchivs Nordrhein-Westfalen, 74), Münster 2019, Aschendorff, 516 S. / Abb., € 74,00. (Heinz Duchhardt, Mainz)

IntroductionIn 1802 George Howe (1769-1821), the recently appointed Government Printer, published Australia’s first book. The following year he established Australia’s first newspaper; an enterprise that ran counter to all the environmental factors of the day, including: 1) issues of logistics and a lack of appropriate equipment and basic materials to produce a regularly issued newspaper; 2) issues resulting from the very close supervision of production and the routine censorship by the Governor; and 3) issues associated with the colony’s primary purposes as a military outpost and as a penal settlement, creating conflicts between very different readerships. The Sydney Gazette was, critically for Howe, the only newspaper in the infant city for over two decades. Alternative voices would not enter the field of printed media until the 1820s and 1830s. This article briefly explores the birth of an Australian industry and looks at how a very modest newspaper overcame a range of serious challenges to ignite imaginations and lay a foundation for media empires.Government Printer The first book published in Australia was the New South Wales General Standing Orders and General Orders (1802), authorised by Governor Philip Gidley King for the purposes of providing a convenient, single-volume compilation of all Government Orders, issued in New South Wales, between 1791 and 1802. (As the Australian character has been described as “egalitarian, anti-authoritarian and irreverent” [D. Jones 690], it is fascinating that the nation’s first published book was a set of rules.) Prescribing law, order and regulation for the colony the index reveals the desires of those charged with the colony’s care and development, to contain various types of activities. The rules for convicts were, predictably, many. There were also multiple orders surrounding administration, animal husbandry as well as food stuffs and other stores. Some of the most striking headings in the index relate to crime. For example, in addition to headings pertaining to courts there are also headings for a broad range of offences from: “BAD Characters” to “OFFENSIVE Weapons – Again[s]t concealing” (i-xii). The young colony, still in its teenage years, was, for the short-term, very much working on survival and for the long-term developing ambitious plans for expansion and trade. It was clear though, through this volume, that there was no forgetting the colony of New South Wales was first, and foremost, a penal settlement which also served as a military outpost. Clear, too, was the fact that not all of those who were shipped out to the new colony were prepared to abandon their criminal careers which “did not necessarily stop with transportation” (Foyster 10). Containment and recidivism were matters of constant concern for the colony’s authorities. Colonial priorities could be seen in the fact that, when “Governor Arthur Phillip brought the first convicts (548 males and 188 females) to Port Jackson on 26 January 1788, he also brought a small press for printing orders, rules, and regulations” (Goff 103). The device lay dormant on arrival, a result of more immediate concerns to feed and house all those who made up the First Fleet. It would be several years before the press was pushed into sporadic service by the convict George Hughes for printing miscellaneous items including broadsides and playbills as well as for Government Orders (“Hughes, George” online). It was another convict (another man named George), convicted at the Warwick Assizes on March 1799 (Ferguson vi) then imprisoned and ultimately transported for shoplifting (Robb 15), who would transform the small hand press into an industry. Once under the hand of George Howe, who had served as a printer with several London newspapers including The Times (Sydney Gazette, “Never” 2) – the printing press was put to much more regular use. In these very humble circumstances, Australia’s great media tradition was born. Howe, as the Government Printer, transformed the press from a device dedicated to ephemera as well as various administrative matters into a crucial piece of equipment that produced the new colony’s first newspaper. Logistical Challenges Governor King, in the year following the appearance of the Standing Orders, authorised the publishing of Australia’s first newspaper, The Sydney Gazette and New South Wales Advertiser. The publication history of The Sydney Gazette, in a reflection of some of the challenges faced by the printer, is erratic. First published on a Saturday from 5 March 1803, it quickly changed to a Sunday paper from 10 April 1803. Interestingly, Sunday “was not an approved day for the publication of newspapers, and although some English publishers had been doing so since about 1789, Sunday papers were generally frowned upon” (Robb 58). Yet, as argued by Howe a Sunday print run allowed for the inclusion of “the whole of the Ship News, and other Incidental Matter, for the preceeding week” (Sydney Gazette, “To the Public” 1).The Sydney Gazette and New South Wales Advertiser Vol. 1, No. 1, 5 March 1803 (Front Page)Call Number DL F8/50, Digital ID a345001, State Library of New South WalesPublished weekly until 1825, then bi-weekly until 1827 before coming out tri-weekly until 20 October 1842 (Holden 14) there were some notable pauses in production. These included one in 1807 (Issue 214, 19 April-Issue 215, 7 June) and one in 1808-1809 (Issue 227, 30 August-Issue 228, 15 May) due to a lack of paper, with the latter pause coinciding with the Rum Rebellion and the end of William Bligh’s term as Governor of New South Wales (see: Karskens 186-88; Mundle 323-37). There was, too, a brief attempt at publishing as a daily from 1 January 1827 which lasted only until 10 February of that year when the title began to appear tri-weekly (Kirkpatrick online; Holden 14). There would be other pauses, including one of two weeks, shortly before the final issue was produced on 20 October 1842. There were many problems that beset The Sydney Gazette with paper shortages being especially challenging. Howe regularly advertised for: “any quantity” of Spanish paper (e.g.: Sydney Gazette, “Wanted to Purchase” 4) and needing to be satisfied “with a variety of size and colour” (P.M. Jones 39). In addition, the procurement of ink was so difficult in the colony, that Howe often resorted to making his own out of “charcoal, gum and shark oil” (P.M. Jones 39).The work itself was physically demanding and papers printed during this period, by hand, required a great deal of effort with approximately “250 sheets per hour … [the maximum] produced by a printer and his assistant” (Robb 8). The printing press itself was inadequate and the subject of occasional repairs (Sydney Gazette, “We Have” 2). Type was also a difficulty. As Gwenda Robb explains, traditionally six sets of an alphabet were supplied to a printer with extras for ‘a’, ‘e’, ‘r’ and ‘t’ as well as ‘s’. Without ample type Howe was required to improvise as can be seen in using a double ‘v’ to create a ‘w’ and an inverted ‘V’ to represent a capital ‘A’ (50, 106). These quirky work arounds, combined with the use of the long-form ‘s’ (‘∫’) for almost a full decade, can make The Sydney Gazette a difficult publication for modern readers to consume. Howe also “carried the financial burden” of the paper, dependent, as were London papers of the late eighteenth century, on advertising (Robb 68, 8). Howe also relied upon subscriptions for survival, with the collection of payments often difficult as seen in some subscribers being two years, or more, in arrears (e.g.: Sydney Gazette, “Sydney Gazette” 1; Ferguson viii; P.M. Jones 38). Governor Lachlan Macquarie granted Howe an annual salary, in 1811, of £60 (Byrnes 557-559) offering some relief, and stability, for the beleaguered printer.Gubernatorial Supervision Governor King wrote to Lord Hobart (then Secretary of State for War and the Colonies), on 9 May 1803: it being desirable that the settlers and inhabitants at large should be benefitted by useful information being dispersed among them, I considered that a weekly publication would greatly facilitate that design, for which purpose I gave permission to an ingenious man, who manages the Government printing press, to collect materials weekly, which, being inspected by an officer, is published in the form of a weekly newspaper, copies of which, as far as they have been published, I have the honor to enclose. (85)In the same letter, King wrote: “to the list of wants I have added a new fount of letters which may be procured for eight or ten pounds, sufficient for our purpose, if approved of” (85). King’s motivations were not purely altruistic. The population of the colony was growing in Sydney Cove and in the outlying districts, thus: “there was an increasing administrative need for information to be disseminated in a more accessible form than the printed handbills of government orders” (Robb 49). There was, however, a need for the administration to maintain control and the words “Published By Authority”, appearing on the paper’s masthead, were a constant reminder to the printer that The Sydney Gazette was “under the censorship of the Secretary to the Governor, who examined all proofs” (Ferguson viii). The high level of supervision, worked in concert with the logistical difficulties described above, ensured the newspaper was a source of great strain and stress. All for the meagre reward of “6d per copy” (Ferguson viii). This does not diminish Howe’s achievement in establishing a newspaper, an accomplishment outlined, with some pride, in an address printed on the first page of the first issue:innumerable as the Obstacles were which threatened to oppose our Undertaking, yet we are happy to affirm that they were not insurmountable, however difficult the task before us.The utility of a PAPER in the COLONY, as it must open a source of solid information, will, we hope, be universally felt and acknowledged. (Sydney Gazette, “Address” 1)Howe carefully kept his word and he “wrote nothing like a signature editorial column, nor did he venture his personal opinions, conscious always of the powers of colonial officials” (Robb 72). An approach to reportage he passed to his eldest son and long-term assistant, Robert (1795-1829), who later claimed The Sydney Gazette “reconciled in one sheet the merits of the London Gazette in upholding the Government and the London Times in defending the people” (Walker 10). The censorship imposed on The Sydney Gazette, by the Governor, was lifted in 1824 (P.M. Jones 40), when the Australian was first published without permission: Governor Thomas Brisbane did not intervene in the new enterprise. The appearance of unauthorised competition allowed Robert Howe to lobby for the removal of all censorship restrictions on The Sydney Gazette, though he was careful to cite “greater dispatch and earlier publication, not greater freedom of expression, as the expected benefit” (Walker 6). The sudden freedom was celebrated, and still appreciated many years after it was given:the Freedom of the Press has now been in existence amongst us on the verge of four years. In October 1824, we addressed a letter to the Colonial Government, fervently entreating that those shackles, under which the Press had long laboured, might be removed. Our prayer was attended to, and the Sydney Gazette, feeling itself suddenly introduced to a new state of existence, demonstrated to the Colonists the capabilities that ever must flow from the spontaneous exertions of Constitutional Liberty. (Sydney Gazette, “Freedom” 2)Early Readerships From the outset, George Howe presented a professional publication. The Sydney Gazette was formatted into three columns with the front page displaying a formal masthead featuring a scene of Sydney and the motto “Thus We Hope to Prosper”. Gwenda Robb argues the woodcut, the first produced in the colony, was carved by John W. Lewin who “had plenty of engraving skills” and had “returned to Sydney [from a voyage to Tahiti] in December 1802” (51) while Roger Butler has suggested that “circumstances point to John Austin who arrived in Sydney in 1800” as being the engraver (91). The printed text was as vital as the visual supports and every effort was made to present full accounts of colonial activities. “As well as shipping and court news, there were agricultural reports, religious homilies, literary extracts and even original poetry written by Howe himself” (Blair 450). These items, of course, sitting alongside key Government communications including General Orders and Proclamations.Howe’s language has been referred to as “florid” (Robb 52), “authoritative and yet filled with deference for all authority, pompous in a stiff, affected eighteenth century fashion” (Green 10) and so “some of Howe’s readers found the Sydney Gazette rather dull” (Blair 450). Regardless of any feelings towards authorial style, circulation – without an alternative – steadily increased with the first print run in 1802 being around 100 copies but by “the early 1820s, the newspaper’s production had grown to 300 or 400 copies” (Blair 450).In a reflection of the increasing sophistication of the Sydney-based reader, George Howe, and Robert Howe, would also publish some significant, stand-alone, texts. These included several firsts: the first natural history book printed in the colony, Birds of New South Wales with their Natural History (1813) by John W. Lewin (praised as a text “printed with an elegant and classical simplicity which makes it the highest typographical achievement of George Howe” [Wantrup 278]); the first collection of poetry published in the colony First Fruits of Australian Poetry (1819) by Barron Field; the first collection of poetry written by a Australian-born author, Wild Notes from the Lyre of a Native Minstrel (1826) by Charles Tompson; and the first children’s book A Mother’s Offering to Her Children: By a Lady, Long Resident in New South Wales (1841) by Charlotte Barton. The small concern also published mundane items such as almanacs and receipt books for the Bank of New South Wales (Robb 63, 72). All against the backdrop of printing a newspaper.New Voices The Sydney Gazette was Australia’s first newspaper and, critically for Howe, the only newspaper for over two decades. (A second paper appeared in 1810 but the Derwent Star and Van Diemen’s Land Intelligencer, which only managed twelve issues, presented no threat to The Sydney Gazette.) No genuine, local rival entered the field until 1824, when the Australian was founded by barristers William Charles Wentworth and Robert Wardell. The Monitor debuted in 1826, followed the Sydney Herald in 1831 and the Colonist in 1835 (P.M. Jones 38). It was the second title, the Australian, with a policy that asserted articles to be: “Independent, yet consistent – free, yet not licentious – equally unmoved by favours and by fear” (Walker 6), radically changed the newspaper landscape. The new paper made “a strong point of its independence from government control” triggering a period in which colonial newspapers “became enmeshed with local politics” (Blair 451). This new age of opinion reflected how fast the colony was evolving from an antipodean gaol into a complex society. Also, two papers, without censorship restrictions, without registration, stamp duties or advertisement duties meant, as pointed out by R.B. Walker, that “in point of law the Press in the remote gaol of exile was now freer than in the country of origin” (6). An outcome George Howe could not have predicted as he made the long journey, as a convict, to New South Wales. Of the early competitors, the only one that survives is the Sydney Herald (The Sydney Morning Herald from 1842), which – founded by immigrants Alfred Stephens, Frederick Stokes and William McGarvie – claims the title of Australia’s oldest continuously published newspaper (Isaacs and Kirkpatrick 4-5). That such a small population, with so many pressing issues, factions and political machinations, could support a first newspaper, then competitors, is a testament to the high regard, with which newspaper reportage was held. Another intruder would be The Government Gazette. Containing only orders and notices in the style of the London Gazette (McLeay 1), lacking any news items or private advertisements (Walker 19), it was first issued on 7 March 1832 (and continues, in an online format, today). Of course, Government orders and other notices had news value and newspaper proprietors could bid for exclusive rights to produce these notices until a new Government Printer was appointed in 1841 (Walker 20).Conclusion George Howe, an advocate of “reason and common sense” died in 1821 placing The Sydney Gazette in the hands of his son who “fostered religion” (Byrnes 557-559). Robert Howe, served as editor, experiencing firsthand the perils and stresses of publishing, until he drowned in a boating accident in Sydney Harbour, in 1829 leaving the paper to his widow Ann Howe (Blair 450-51). The newspaper would become increasingly political leading to controversy and financial instability; after more changes in ownership and in editorial responsibility, The Sydney Gazette, after almost four decades of delivering the news – as a sole voice and then as one of several alternative voices – ceased publication in 1842. During a life littered with personal tragedy, George Howe laid the foundation stone for Australia’s media empires. His efforts, in extraordinary circumstances and against all environmental indicators, serve as inspiration to newspapers editors, proprietors and readers across the country. He established the Australian press, an institution that has been described asa profession, an art, a craft, a business, a quasi-public, privately owned institution. It is full of grandeurs and faults, sublimities and pettinesses. It is courageous and timid. It is fallible. It is indispensable to the successful on-going of a free people. (Holden 15)George Howe also created an artefact of great beauty. The attributes of The Sydney Gazette are listed, in a perfunctory manner, in most discussions of the newspaper’s history. The size of the paper. The number of columns. The masthead. The changes seen across 4,503 issues. Yet, consistently overlooked, is how, as an object, the newspaper is an exquisite example of the printed word. There is a physicality to the paper that is in sharp contrast to contemporary examples of broadsides, tabloids and online publications. Concurrently fragile and robust: its translucent sheets and mottled print revealing, starkly, the problems with paper and ink; yet it survives, in several collections, over two centuries since the first issue was produced. The elegant layout, the glow of the paper, the subtle crackling sound as the pages are turned. The Sydney Gazette and New South Wales Advertiser is an astonishing example of innovation and perseverance. It provides essential insights into Australia’s colonial era. It is a metonym for making words matter. AcknowledgementsThe author offers her sincere thanks to Geoff Barker, Simon Dwyer and Peter Kirkpatrick for their comments on an early draft of this paper. The author is also grateful to Bridget Griffen-Foley for engaging in many conversations about Australian newspapers. ReferencesBlair, S.J. “Sydney Gazette and New South Wales Advertiser.” A Companion to the Australian Media. Ed. Bridget Griffen-Foley. North Melbourne: Australian Scholarly Publishing, 2014.Butler, Roger. Printed Images in Colonial Australia 1801-1901. Canberra: National Gallery of Australia, 2007.Byrnes, J.V. “Howe, George (1769–1821).” Australian Dictionary of Biography, National Centre of Biography: 1788–1850, A–H. Canberra: Australian National University, 1966. 557-559. 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