Academic literature on the topic 'Mexico – History – Revolution, 1910-1920'
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Journal articles on the topic "Mexico – History – Revolution, 1910-1920"
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Richmond, Douglas W. "Nationalism and Class Conflict in Mexico, 1910-1920." Americas 43, no. 3 (January 1987): 279–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1006765.
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During the Mexican Revolution, nationalism and class conflict became two of the most pervasive aspects of the social upheaval that swept Mexico. Class conflict became so intense that workers did not respond to the bourgeois leader Francisco Madero after he assumed power in 1911. Emiliano Zapata and Francisco Villa also failed to attract urban workers or unite the nation. Venustiano Carranza eventually articulated a version of nationalism that responded to class conflict by promising to alleviate the grim features of Mexican society that required reform. In Mexico as well as many other countries after the nineteenth century, nationalism prevailed over class conflict during periods of crisis.
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Huginnie, A. Yvette, Linda B. Hall, and Don M. Coerver. "Revolution on the Border: The United States and Mexico, 1910-1920." Western Historical Quarterly 21, no. 1 (February 1990): 96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/969001.
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Castillo-Muñoz, Verónica. "“The Caravan of Death”: Women, Refugee Camps, and Family Separations in the US–Mexico Borderlands, 1910–1920." Journal of Women's History 35, no. 4 (December 2023): 118–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jowh.2023.a913385.
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Abstract: This article examines how Mexican border women negotiated war and family separations and gives new insights into the lives of women, families, and children who escaped the violence of the Mexican Revolution (1910–1920). As hundreds of thousands of Mexicans began crossing the border to the United States during the evolution, thousands of them, especially women and children, were detained and interned in refugee camps along the US–Mexico borderlands. This article examines the role of the US military in detention centers and argues that Anglo-American ideologies of race and gender shaped assumptions about Mexican women during the revolution that increasingly prevented Mexican women and children from seeking asylum in the United States.
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Raat, W. Dirk, Linda B. Hall, and Don M. Coerver. "Revolution on the Border: The United States and Mexico, 1910-1920." American Historical Review 95, no. 3 (June 1990): 953. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2164527.
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Smith, Robert Freeman, Linda B. Hall, and Don M. Coerver. "Revolution on the Border: The United States and Mexico, 1910-1920." Hispanic American Historical Review 69, no. 4 (November 1989): 803. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2516156.
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Smith, Robert Freeman. "Revolution on the Border: The United States and Mexico, 1910-1920." Hispanic American Historical Review 69, no. 4 (November 1, 1989): 803–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-69.4.803.
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Bortz, Jeffrey. "“Without Any More Law Than Their Own Caprice”: Cotton Textile Workers and the Challenge to Factory Authority During the Mexican Revolution." International Review of Social History 42, no. 2 (August 1997): 253–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000114907.
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SummaryMuch current literature argues that the Mexican revolution was not a revolution at all, but rather a series of rebellions that did not fundamentally alter the social order. Similarly, many scholars assert the changes in the Mexican work world during the Mexican revolution were the result of a paternalistic state rather than the product of the actions of workers. This article examines cotton textile workers' relationship to authority in the workplace during the most violent phase of Mexico's revolution, 1910–1921. The results suggest that revolution indeed gripped the country, one that energized the country's still emerging factory proletariat. There is compelling evidence that millhands throughout Mexico continuously and successfully challenged the authority of owners and supervisors, fundamentally altering the social relations of work. It is this “hidden” revolution in the factories that explains changes in labor law, labor organization, and worker power in the immediate post-revolutionary period. The effectiveness of the workers' challenge to authority is what explains: 1) the new regime's need to unionize; 2) the development of pro-labor labor law after the revolution; 3) the power of unions after 1920. In short, workers' challenge to authority during the revolution is what explains the labor outcome of the revolution afterwards.
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de la Cruz-Fernández, Paula A. "Multinationals and Gender: Singer Sewing Machine and Marketing in Mexico, 1890–1930." Business History Review 89, no. 3 (2015): 531–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007680515000756.
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Headquartered in the United States, the Singer Sewing Machine Co. did business all around the world in the early twentieth century. It regularly encountered wars, economic nationalism, and revolutions; in response, it normally created subsidiaries or gave in to expropriation. After the revolution in Mexico (1910–1920), Singer's marketing organization maintained normal operations and even prospered. The company succeeded, in part, by constantly associating the sewing machine with the idea of “modern” womanhood in Revolutionary Mexico. By revealing Singer's marketing strategies and focusing on gender, this article shows that multinational corporations and Latin American governments were not always at odds and could sometimes forge a profitable relationship.
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Lerner, Victoria. "Exiliados de la Revolucióón mexicana: El caso de los villistas (1915––1921)." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 17, no. 1 (2001): 109–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2001.17.1.109.
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As a result of the Mexican Revolution, many politicians from various factions were forced into exile between 1906 and 1940, particularly between 1910 and 1920. The subject has merited little attention until the present despite the fact that its study can provide another perspective on the Mexican Revolution, the one of the opponents who were defeated. This study focuses on the exile of the villistas that began in the autumn of 1915 and ended at the beginning of the 1920s. The article considers who were the villista exiles, how they escaped from Mexico, how they adapted economically in the United States, and when they returned to their country. It also examines certain political tendencies and their later activities between 1920 and 1940. Four political activities in the United States intended to change the political situation in Mexico are considered. Finally, the article examines how U.S. authorities, closely involved with their Mexican counterparts, treated the exiles. LaRevolucióón mexicanacausóó elexilio de muchos polííticos de distintas facciones entre 1906 y 1940, sobre todo entre 1910 y 1920. Este tema ha merecido muy pocaatencióón hasta elmomento presente,a pesarde que atravéés de éélpodemos aproximarnos desde otra perpectiva a la Revolucióón mexicana, desde el punto de vista de los opositores que muchas veces fueron los vencidos. Este estudio se centra en el exilio de los villistas que empezóó en el otoñño de 1915 y terminóó a principios de la déécada de 1920. En este artíículo se analiza quiéénes fueron los exiliados villistas, cóómo escaparon de Mééxico, su acomodo econóómico y laboral en Estados Unidos y el retorno a su patria, dejando ver ciertas tendencias polííticas de su actuacióónpolíítica ulterior entre 1920y 1940.Se desmenuzan cuatro actividades polííticas que emprendieron en Estados Unidos para cambiar la situacióón mexicana. Finalmente se abarca la forma en que fueron tratados durante su exilio en los Estados Unidos, por las autoridades de este paíís que estaban estrechamente vinculadas con las mexicanas.
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Katz, Friedrich. "Mexico, Gilberto Bosques and the Refugees." Americas 57, no. 1 (July 2000): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500030182.
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In the eyes of many North Americans, Mexico is above all a country of immigration from which hundreds of thousands hope to pass across the border to find the promised land in the United States. What these North Americans do not realize is that for thousands of Latin Americans and for many U.S. intellectuals, Mexico after the revolution of 1910-1920 constituted the promised land. People persecuted for their political or religious beliefs—radicals, revolutionaries but liberals as well—could find refuge in Mexico when repressive regimes took over their country.In the 1920s such radical leaders as Víctor Raúl Haya De La Torre, César Augusto Sandino and Julio Antonio Mella found refuge in Mexico. This policy continued for many years even after the Mexican government turned to the right. Thousands of refugees from Latin American military dictatorships in Argentina, Chile, and Uruguay fled to Mexico. The history of that policy of the Mexican government has not yet been written.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Mexico – History – Revolution, 1910-1920"
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Snow, L. Ray (Livveun Ray). "The Texas Response to the Mexican Revolution: Texans' Involvement with U.S. Foreign Policy Toward Mexico During the Wilson Administration." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1994. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc501180/.
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The Mexican Revolution probably affected Texas more than any other state. As the Revolution intensified, Texans responded with increased efforts to shape the Mexican policies of the Woodrow Wilson administration. Some became directly involved in the Revolution and the U.S. reaction to it, but most Texans sought to influence American policy toward Mexico through pressure on their political leaders in Austin and Washington. Based primarily on research in the private and public papers of leading state and national political figures, archival sources such as the Congressional Record and the Department of State's decimal file, major newspapers of the era, and respected works, this study details the successes and failures that Texans experienced in their endeavors to influence Wilson's Mexican policies.
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Albarran, Elena Jackson. "Children of the Revolution: Constructing the Mexican Citizen, 1920-1940." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/195359.
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The Mexican Revolution of 1910-1920 resulted in a massive population loss that revolutionary officials sought to replace with a generation of active citizens. This dissertation demonstrates that the child's role from 1920 to 1940 transformed from that of an individual bounded by the family to that of a member of the community, the nation, and a transnational generation. Children entered the historical record in unprecedented numbers. Due to the impressive expansion of public education and the increased civic engagement that it yielded, children produced a rich cache of documents--letters, drawings, plays, and speeches--that provide a measure by which to gauge their responses to revolutionary programs.First, I explore adult-produced rhetoric and policies that placed children at the center of plans for creating new revolutionary citizens. Lawmakers, professionals, and governors attempted to construct a homogeneous generation of citizens through the balanced application of sound pedagogy, firm ideology, and modern medicine. Adults transformed public space and assumed new rhetorical styles that refashioned the child as a metaphor for the nation's future.Second, I measure children's responses to government and popular efforts to construct a universal childhood, and I demonstrate the uneven process of cultural dissemination. Unexpected reactions by younger children to itinerant educational puppet shows revealed age as a factor in reception. Children's letters to radio officials demonstrated that middle class children had greater access to the new media. Contributions to the art magazine Pulgarcito suggested a romanticization of rural children.Third, I reveal the ways that participation in civic activities expanded children's social networks and allowed them to imagine themselves as part of a national and international community of their peers. Children's conferences, literacy campaigns, and anti-alcohol marches, allowed children to sample national political culture and gain exposure to its hierarchies and bureaucracy. Pan-American exchanges between schoolchildren meant that Mexican youth saw themselves as part of a hemispheric family, united by a common race and common colonial heritage. The children growing up during these decades learned skills, gained a sense of political awareness, and absorbed and created cultural expressions that became recognized the world over as being distinctly Mexican.
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Mock, Melody. "Hojas Volantes: José Guadalupe Posada, the Corrido, and the Mexican Revolution." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1996. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc277946/.
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This thesis examines the imagery of Jose Guadalupe Posada in the context of the Mexican Revolution with particular reference to the corrido as a major manifestation of Mexican culture. Particular emphasis is given to three corridos: "La Cucaracha," "La Valentina," and "La Adelita." An investigation of Posada's background, style, and technique places him in the tradition of Mexican art. Using examples of works by Posada which illustrate Mexico's history, culture, and politics, this thesis puts Posada into the climate of the Porfiriato and Revolutionary Mexico. After a brief introduction to the corrido, a stylistic analysis of each image, research into the background of the song and subject matter, and comments on the music draw together the concepts of image, music, and text.
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Madrid-Gonzalez, Alejandro Luis. "Writing modernist and avant-garde music in Mexico: performativity, transculturation, and identity after the revolution, 1920-1930." The Ohio State University, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1054237342.
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Silva, Caio Pedrosa da 1984. "Soldados de Cristo Rey : representações da Cristera entre a historiografia e a literatura (Mexico, 1930-2000)." [s.n.], 2009. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/278666.
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Orientador: Jose Alves de Freitas NetoDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: "Cristera" é como ficou conhecida a guerra em que camponeses e organizações católicas lutaram contra as posições anticlericais do Estado mexicano, contestando assim o regime revolucionário instituído. Essa guerra (1926-1929), que só foi considerada um tema importante para os estudos historiográficos a partir da década de 1960, foi antes representada na literatura, especialmente novelas nas quais não era apenas um pano de fundo para a trama, mas o próprio motivo da escrita. Dessa maneira, alguns textos literários foram produzidos com o intuito de justificar a guerra, do ponto de vista de revolucionários ou de católicos. No presente trabalho pretende-se investigar as maneiras como se entrelaçam as representações literárias da Cristera e aquelas realizadas pelos historiadores, tendo em vista como os pesquisadores utilizaram o material literário como fonte histórica, quais desafios e temáticas a respeito da Cristera essa literatura lança para os estudos históricos, e as diferenças com que literatura e historiografia trataram o mesmo tema histórico. Para tanto, utilizaremos como material de análise textos historiográficos e de crítica literária que trataram das novelas cristeras, assim como a novela Héctor de Jorge Gram, que tem como um dos motivos principais da sua escrita justificar a participação dos católicos na guerra.
Abstract: "Cristera" is the name by which it became known the war in which peasants and Catholic organizations fought against the anticlerical statements of the Mexican State, thus challenging the established revolutionary regime. This war (1926-1929), which was considered an important issue for historiographic studies only in the 1960s, was before that represented in literature, especially in novels in which it was not merely a backdrop to the plot, but the very reason for writing. Thus, some literary texts were produced in order to justify the war, from the point of view of revolutionaries or of Catholics. This work aims to investigate the ways by which the literary representations of the Cristera and those made by historians intertwine, paying particular attention to how the researchers used the literary material as historical source, to which challenges and issues concerning the Cristero this literature casts for historical studies, and to the differences with which literature and historiography treated the same historical theme. Therefore, we will employ, as material for analysis, texts of historiography and literary criticism which deal with Cristero novels, as well as the novel Héctor, by Jorge Gram, which counts, as one of the main reasons to its the writing, justifying the participation of Catholics in the war
Mestrado
Historia Cultural
Mestre em História
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Kiddle, Amelia Marie. "La Politica del Buen Amigo: Mexican-Latin American Relations during the Presidency of Lazaro Cardenas, 1934-1940." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/193655.
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Lazaro Cardenas (1934-1940) did more than any other president to fulfill the goals of the Mexican Revolution of 1910, by nationalizing the oil industry, establishing rural schools, distributing an unprecedented amount of land to peasants, and encouraging the organization of workers. To gain international support for this domestic reform programme, the Cardenas government promoted these accomplishments to other Latin American nations. I argue that Cardenas attempted to attain a leadership position in inter-American relations by virtue of his pursuit of social and economic justice in domestic and foreign policy. I investigate the Cardenas government's projection of a Revolutionary image of Mexico and evaluate its reception in Latin America. In doing so, this dissertation expands the analysis of foreign policy to show that Mexico's relations with its Latin American neighbours were instrumental in shaping its foreign relations. I argue that the intersections between culture and diplomacy were central to this process.
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Silva, Caio Pedrosa da 1984. "Mártires de Cristo Rey : revolução e religião no México (1927-1960)." [s.n.], 2015. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281166.
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Orientador: José Alves de Freitas NetoTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: Entre as décadas de 1910-1940, diversos sacerdotes católicos foram fuzilados por tropas revolucionárias mexicanas. Alguns desses personagens foram constantemente lembrados nas décadas posteriores como mártires da "perseguição religiosa". O mais conhecido dos mártires foi o sacerdote jesuíta Miguel Agustín Pro (padre Pro), que terminou fuzilado em 1927 na capital mexicana. A história do padre Pro foi escrita em diferentes contextos como forma de afirmar o lugar do catolicismo na nação mexicana, porém esse lugar não era, de forma alguma, ponto pacífico entre aqueles que se definiam como católicos. O presente trabalho analisa a história dos textos sobre os mártires católicos ¿ em especial o padre Pro ¿ pensando na maneira como eles forneciam uma visão católica para o período revolucionário que contrastava com as construções narrativas que enalteciam a revolução. A elaboração de uma narrativa da Igreja como mártir para o período revolucionário mexicano, realizada entre 1927 e 1960, serviu como antídoto para as narrativas pátrias produzidas por liberais e revolucionários que marginalizavam a importância da Igreja católica na formação nacional, ou mesmo apresentavam-se como abertamente anticlericais
Abstract: Between the decades of 1910-1940, a number of Catholic priests were executed by Mexican revolutionary troops. Quite often, these characters were reminded in the following decades as martyrs of the "religious persecution". The best known of this martyrs was the Jesuit priest Miguel Agustín Pro (padre Pro), killed in front of a firing squad in Mexico City in 1927. Catholics wrote the history/story of padre Pro in different contexts as a way of defining the place of Catholicism in the formation of Mexico as a country. However, this place was not taken for granted among those who defined themselves as Catholics. This dissertation examines the history of the texts about the Catholic martyrs - especially padre Pro - aiming to discuss how they provided a Catholic vision for the revolutionary period that contrasted to the narrative built to praise the revolution. The development, between 1927 and 1960, of a narrative of the Church as a martyr in the Mexican revolutionary period served as an antidote to the narrative produced by liberal and revolutionary authors that marginalized the importance of the Catholic Church in the national formation, or that even presented themselves as openly anti-clerical
Doutorado
Politica, Memoria e Cidade
Doutor em História
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Kilroy, Kevin. "Trading Spaces: An Analysis of Gendered Spaces Before, During, and After the French Revolution of 1789 and the Mexican Revolution of 1910." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/1405.
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This thesis investigates the affects of the French Revolution of 1789 and the Mexican Revolution of 1910 on gender roles in their respective societies. Women that contributed to political discourse challenged separations of public and private spheres, which dictated order in the late and postrevolutionary periods of France and Mexico. Given the deliberate acts by both postrevolutionary governments to send women to the periphery of their respective societies, it is vital to revisit the examples of female influence that shaped the early French and Mexican Revolutions. The understanding that comes from a detailed analysis of the parameters of gendered spaces before, during, and after revolution sheds light on the relationships between order and gender that determined the future of women in their respective postrevolutionary worlds.
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Alexander, Ryan M. "FORTUNATE SONS OF THE MEXICAN REVOLUTION: MIGUEL ALEMÁN AND HIS GENERATION, 1920-1952." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/216972.
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Miguel Alemán, who in 1946 became the first civilian president to represent Mexico's official revolutionary party, ushered into national office a new generation of university-educated professional politicians. Nicknamed the "cachorros (puppies) of the revolution," these leaders were dismissed as slick college boys by their opponents. Despite this objection, the rise to power of this new cadre represented a major turning point in the nation's political history. The prior ruling generation, composed of military officers who had faced calamitous violence during the Revolution, had carried out a decades-long social program that sought to address social-economic inequalities, redistribute resources, and draw previously marginalized groups into a politically, culturally, and ethnically unified nation. The members of the Alemán administration, by contrast, dedicated federal resources to promoting industrial development by implementing protectionist measures and constructing massive public works. Powerful hydroelectric dams and expansive irrigation networks supported large-scale commercial agriculture, while ambitious urban projects, including modernist housing complexes, planned suburbs, and the sprawling University City, symbolized the government's middle-class orientation. Despite these advances, their program came with high social costs: suspended redistributive policies and suppressed political liberties led many to accuse them of abandoning the legacy of social revolution they had inherited, an accusation bolstered by rampant corruption. While their policies fomented impressive economic growth over the next three decades, their focus on urban industry ultimately contributed to a debt crisis and a capital city overburdened by rapid inward migration. This controversial policy agenda and ambivalent legacy reflected their collective social formation. Their experiences as politically active students and as career politicians inculcated a sense of pragmatism that set them apart from their military predecessors. Once in office, Alemán and his colleagues exploited the geopolitical circumstances of the early Cold War period to solicit foreign loans as well as private investment, especially from the United States. These leaders fashioned a new image of the ruling Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI). Carlos Denegri, a journalist during the Alemán years, captured the essence of this transformation best: "The Revolution," he lamented, "has gotten off its horse and into a Cadillac."
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Varela, D. Isabela. "Narratives of the Mexican Revolution in the 1910s: newspapers and a new national literature." Diss., University of Iowa, 2015. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/2019.
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This dissertation examines various texts that were published in Mexican newspapers during the Revolution (1910-1917) and attempts to determine to what extent the authors of those texts combined journalism with literary creativity as they wrote about the Revolution. The main argument is that many of the texts that appeared in newspapers during the 1910s and covered topics related to the Revolution displayed language, style, and structural elements similar to those found in the official literary narratives of the Mexican Revolution that emerged in the 1920s. The argument is founded on the understanding that sociopolitical and ideological changes in Mexican society, as well as the desire for a new national literature, led intellectuals to re-classify some of the texts that appeared in newspapers in the 1910s from journalism to literary works and adopted their stylistic and thematic elements for the new literature. This is evident in Mariano Azuela’s novel, Los de Abajo and Ricardo Flores Magón’s well-known short stories “Dos revolucionarios” and “El apóstol.”
The theoretical framework of this study is informed by the work of Mikhail Bakhtin, Tzvetan Todorov, and Juan Carlos Parazuelos that contend that the value of a narrative changes continuously in response to changes in the society that creates it. Furthermore, the study utilizes Anibal Gonzalez’ notion that there is a gray area between literary narrative and journalism and, therefore, narratives that fall inside the borders of journalism and literature can be classified as one or another or both depending how they interact with social elites, governments, and political affiliations.
Finally, this study maintains that journalism, in combination with artistic expression, provided the foundations upon which the later narrative of the Revolution began its development. It was in the realm of journalism that the authors first applied the elements of brevity, direct speech, expressive, yet concise language, episodic narration, and emphasis on action over description and characterization that characterize the literature of the Mexican Revolution.
Books on the topic "Mexico – History – Revolution, 1910-1920"
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Stein, R. Conrad. The Mexican Revolution, 1910-1920. New York: New Discovery Books, 1994.
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Stein, R. Conrad. The Mexican Revolution, 1910-1920. New York: New Discovery Books, 1994.
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1959-, Frazer Chris, ed. Competing voices from the Mexican Revolution: Fighting words. Santa Barbara, Calif: Greenwood Press, 2009.
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1943-, Coerver Don M., ed. Revolution on the border: The United States and Mexico, 1910-1920. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1988.
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Rosales, Rafael Luna. La revolución mexicana: Otras voces, otros escenarios. 2nd ed. México, D.F: Palabra de Clío, 2010.
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Beller, Susan Provost. The aftermath of the Mexican Revolution. Minneapolis, MN: Twenty-First Century Books, 2009.
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Nugent, Daniel. Spent cartridges of revolution: An anthropological history of Namiquipa, Chihuahua. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993.
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Plana, Manuel. Pancho Villa and the Mexican Revolution. New York: Interlink Books, 2002.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Mexico – History – Revolution, 1910-1920"
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Zabludovsky, Gina. "Sociology Precursors: From Scientific Positivism to the “Mexican Renaissance” (1856–1930)." In Sociology in Mexico, 9–25. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-42089-4_2.
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AbstractThe chapter analyses two periods. During the first period (1856–1910), sociology and positivism acquired exceptional relevance as an intellectual and governmental discourse to legitimize science, the separation of church and state, and the importance of secular and free education. The second part deals with the aftermath of the Mexican Revolution (1910–1920), the revolt against positivism, and the search of a new national identity through cultural expression and a new interest in anthropology over sociology.
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Womack, John. "The Mexican Revolution, 1910–1920." In The Cambridge History of Latin America, 385–406. Cambridge University Press, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/chol9780521395250.063.
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Womack Jr, John. "The Mexican Revolution, 1910–1920." In The Cambridge History of Latin America, 79–154. Cambridge University Press, 1986. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/chol9780521245173.003.
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Knight, Alan. "Border Violence in Revolutionary Mexico, 1910–1920." In These Ragged Edges, 265–94. University of North Carolina Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469668390.003.0012.
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Alan Knight focuses on the relationship between the border and political violence during the Mexican Revolution. Mexico’s civil conflict spilled across the US-Mexico line during the mid-to-late 1910s, as a shift toward irregular warfare in the struggle led to a series of raids and counter raids that culminated in the Plan de San Diego in southern Texas and, more famously, Pancho Villa’s attack on Columbus, New Mexico. From the beginning, Knight argues, the border proved essential to the revolutionary struggle as norteños found themselves in the vanguard of the fight and relied on the advantages their proximity to the international boundary could provide. Being close to the border – and thus far from central Mexico – made it easier for norteños to defy federal authority, and they tapped into a long tradition of norteño military culture that derived, in part, from the long history of violent clashes with Indians along the border. More important, revolutionary norteños could use the border as a line of refuge and safe haven -- much as the Comanches of the mid-nineteenth century had used it – as well as a source for badly needed military supplies that would allow them to continue their fight.
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Schedler, Andreas. "23. Mexico." In Politics in the Developing World. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198737438.003.0023.
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This chapter examines Mexico’s gradual and largely peaceful transition to democracy, followed by a sudden descent into civil war. In the closing decades of the twentieth century, Mexico’s major challenge was political democratization. Today, it is organized criminal violence. Vicente Fox’s victory in the presidential elections of 2000 ended more than seventy years of hegemonic party rule. However, a civil war soon broke out, sparking a pandemic escalation of violence related to organized crime. The chapter first traces the history of Mexico from its independence in 1821 to the Mexican Revolution of 1910–1920 before discussing the foundations of electoral authoritarianism in the country. It then considers the structural bases of regime change in Mexico, along with the process of democratization by elections. It concludes by analysing why a civil war broke out in Mexico following its transition to democracy.
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Butler, Matthew. "East Michoacán from the Conquest to the Revolution." In Popular Piety and Political Identity in Mexico's Cristero Rebellion. British Academy, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197262986.003.0002.
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This chapter examines the political, economic and cultural history of Michoacán, Mexico from the colonial period to the 1910 revolution. It argues that different processes of historical formation produced rather different cultural and religious outcomes in different local communities. It explains that the post-revolutionary state formation was a bloody process and that local conflicts tended to crystallize around three local institutions, which are village lands, schools and churches.
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Kim, Jessica M. "Like Cuba and the Philippines." In Imperial Metropolis, 111–41. University of North Carolina Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469651347.003.0005.
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This chapter explores how investors based in Los Angeles expected the U.S. government to intervene on their behalf to protect personal and urban interests from the unrest caused by the Mexican Revolution and the rewriting of the Mexican Constitution in 1917. Drawing on a history of imperial interventions on the part of the United States across Latin America and the Caribbean as well as in the Philippines and Hawaii, Los Angeles investors rolled out a forceful lobbying campaign to push the federal government, particularly President Woodrow Wilson and Secretary of the Interior Franklin K. Lane, to intervene militarily in Mexico. The effort was led by Los Angeles lawyer Thomas Gibbon and oil producer Edward Doheny, and through a lobbying organization formed in Los Angeles, the National Association for the Protection of American Rights in Mexico. These maneuvers for intervention placed Angelenos at the forefront of American foreign policy toward Mexico between 1910 and 1930.
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Washbrook, Sarah. "Introduction." In Producing Modernity in Mexico. British Academy, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197264973.003.0001.
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This book analyzes production and modernity in pre-revolutionary Mexico, focusing specifically on the relationship between labour, race, and the state in Chiapas during the Porfiriato. The thirty-five-year dictatorship of Porfirio Díaz (1876–1911) was a key period in the history of modern Mexico. Following upon fifty years of political turmoil and economic stagnation after independence, the regime oversaw an unprecedented period of growth and political modernization, which ended in the ‘first social revolution of the twentieth century’ (1910–20). In order to understand the twin processes of state formation and market development that took place in Mexico during these years, the book examines changing political, economic, and social relations in the southern state of Chiapas between Díaz's seizure of national power in the Tuxtepec rebellion of 1876 and the arrival of revolutionary troops in the state capital, Tuxtla Gutiérrez, in 1914. In this period Chiapas was subject to the same processes and tendencies that took place throughout the Mexican republic, which centred on rapid export-led development and growing political centralization. However, the state's distinct regional characteristics — notably its majority Mayan Indian population, polarized ethnic relations, strong historical and administrative links to Central America, and poor communications with the rest of Mexico — also contributed to the particular quality of modernization and modernity in Chiapas.
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Womack, John. "The Mexican Revolution, 1910–1920." In Mexico since Independence, 125–200. Cambridge University Press, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9780511626050.004.
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Ruiz Tresgallo, Silvia. "Mexican Revolution." In Routledge Encyclopedia of Modernism. London: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781135000356-rem1945-1.
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The Mexican Revolution is considered one of the first social upheavals of the twentieth century. The military phase of the Mexican Revolution (1910–1920) started in 1910 with the insurrection led by Francisco I. Madero as a reaction to the politics of Porfirio Díaz. General Díaz had seized power in a coup in 1876 and was the president of Mexico for a three-decade period known as the Porfiriato (1876–1911). Díaz stabilized the country and inaugurated a period of modernization and economic growth. However, the cost of modernization was the use of brute force, the manipulation of elections, and the suppression of basic rights such as freedom of the press. In addition, only a select elite of mainly European descent, the hacendados, owned large estates, had access to education, and became wealthy, while the majority of Mexicans were landless, illiterate, and lived in utter poverty.
Conference papers on the topic "Mexico – History – Revolution, 1910-1920"
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Gruschetsky, Valeria, and Ana Goméz Pintus. "“Turismo relámpago”: el proyecto de la avenida costanera y la construcción de la ribera norte de Buenos Aires. (1910-1940)." In Seminario Internacional de Investigación en Urbanismo. Bogotá: Universidad Piloto de Colombia, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5821/siiu.10031.
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In this work we propose to historically analyze the material and symbolic construction of the north bank in the suburban area of the city of Buenos Aires (the coastal path that goes from the vicinity of the Nuñez neighborhood to the town of Tigre) from the spaces for circulation. The investigation will take as a starting point the paved road - or at least some of its sections - that linked the Capital with El Tigre-, inaugurated by the Governor of the Province of Buenos Aires, Mr. Ignacio Darío Irigoyen and Minister Etcheverry as part of the works that were carried out for the celebrations of the Centennial of the May Revolution in 1910. In this way, we are interested in accounting for the existence of a link between the city and the northern suburb that was defined during the first decades of the century XX. How did this waterfront take shape in relation to mobility practices? What type of activities characterized the localities that made it up? What kind of image was built on that territory? In the 1920s, a project arises to build a coastal avenue to join the Capital with the town of Tigre, considering the topography of the land, the link with the river and the popularity that it was acquiring as a relatively close place of relaxation and recreation. to the capital.Although this project did not materialize in a coastal avenue, we consider it a relevant element when thinking about the image built on the riverside towns of the north of Buenos Aires. Now, in terms of connectivity, the space for the “good circulation” of automobiles was made on a trace some 20/25 blocks away from the coast that was only consolidated between the decades of 1950-1960 with the construction of the North access, branch Tiger. A branch that in terms of the project recovers that picturesque suburban image of low houses, green spaces where space for speed and walking are combined.From the use of historical sources such as mass circulation magazines, local tourism promotion guides, maps, urbanization projects and the development of road works, we are interested in analyzing the relationship between these first projects and mobility infrastructure works for the area of the north bank and the construction of a picturesque suburban landscape.In these terms, from a historical perspective that allows us to take a broad temporality, we argue that these incipient milestones (projects of particular routes and mobility infrastructures not necessarily developed) gained relevance in shaping the suburban image built on this space of the GBA .Keywords: mobility, suburbs, lightning tourism, North of Buenos AiresThematic block: Theory and History of the city En este trabajo nos proponemos analizar históricamente la construcción material y simbólica de la ribera norte en el área suburbana de la ciudad de Buenos Aires (el trayecto costero que abarca desde las inmediaciones del barrio de Nuñez hasta la localidad de Tigre) a partir de los espacios para la circulación. La investigación tomará como punto de partida el camino pavimentado – o por lo menos algunos de sus tramos- que unía a la Capital con el Tigre-, inaugurado por el Gobernador de la Provincia de Buenos Aires, Señor Ignacio Darío Irigoyen y el ministro Etcheverry como parte de las obras que se realizaron para los festejos del Centenario de la Revolución de Mayo en 1910. De esta forma nos interesa dar cuenta de la existencia de un vínculo entre la ciudad y el suburbio norte que se fue definiendo durante las primeras décadas del siglo XX. ¿Cómo se fue conformando esa costanera en relación a las prácticas de movilidad? ¿Qué tipo de actividades caracterizaron a las localidades que la integraron? ¿Qué tipo de imagen se construyó sobre ese territorio? En la década de 1920, surge un proyecto para construir una avenida costanera para unir la Capital con la localidad del Tigre, ponderando la topografía del terreno, la vinculación con el río y la popularidad que fue adquiriendo como un lugar de esparcimiento y recreación relativamente cercano a la Capital.
Si bien este proyecto no se materializó en una avenida costanera, lo consideramos un elemento relevante a la hora de pensar la imagen construida sobre los pueblos ribereños del norte de Buenos Aires. Ahora bien, en términos de conectividad, el espacio para la “buena circulación” automotor se realizó sobre una traza alejada unas 20/25 cuadras de la costa que recién se consolidó entre las décadas de 1950-1960 con la construcción del acceso Norte, ramal Tigre. Un ramal que en términos de proyecto recupera esa imagen pintoresca suburbana de casas bajas, espacios verdes donde se combinan el espacio para la velocidad y el paseo.
A partir del uso de fuentes históricas como revistas de circulación masiva, guías de promoción del turismo local, mapas, proyectos de urbanización y de desarrollo de obras viales nos interesa analizar la relación entre estos primeros proyectos y obras de infraestructuras de movilidad para el área de la ribera norte y la construcción de un paisaje suburbano pintoresco.
En estos términos, desde una perspectiva histórica que nos permite tomar una temporalidad amplia, sostenemos que estos hitos incipientes (proyectos de trazados particulares y de infraestructuras de movilidad no necesariamente desarrollados) cobraron relevancia en la conformación de la imagen suburbana construida sobre este espacio del GBA.
Palabras clave: movilidad, suburbios, turismo relámpago, Norte de Buenos Aires
Bloque temático: Teoría e Historia de la ciudad