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Journal articles on the topic 'Mexico – History – Revolution, 1910-1920'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 29 July 2024

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1

Richmond, Douglas W. "Nationalism and Class Conflict in Mexico, 1910-1920." Americas 43, no. 3 (January 1987): 279–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1006765.

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During the Mexican Revolution, nationalism and class conflict became two of the most pervasive aspects of the social upheaval that swept Mexico. Class conflict became so intense that workers did not respond to the bourgeois leader Francisco Madero after he assumed power in 1911. Emiliano Zapata and Francisco Villa also failed to attract urban workers or unite the nation. Venustiano Carranza eventually articulated a version of nationalism that responded to class conflict by promising to alleviate the grim features of Mexican society that required reform. In Mexico as well as many other countries after the nineteenth century, nationalism prevailed over class conflict during periods of crisis.

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2

Huginnie, A. Yvette, Linda B. Hall, and Don M. Coerver. "Revolution on the Border: The United States and Mexico, 1910-1920." Western Historical Quarterly 21, no. 1 (February 1990): 96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/969001.

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Castillo-Muñoz, Verónica. "“The Caravan of Death”: Women, Refugee Camps, and Family Separations in the US–Mexico Borderlands, 1910–1920." Journal of Women's History 35, no. 4 (December 2023): 118–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jowh.2023.a913385.

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Abstract: This article examines how Mexican border women negotiated war and family separations and gives new insights into the lives of women, families, and children who escaped the violence of the Mexican Revolution (1910–1920). As hundreds of thousands of Mexicans began crossing the border to the United States during the evolution, thousands of them, especially women and children, were detained and interned in refugee camps along the US–Mexico borderlands. This article examines the role of the US military in detention centers and argues that Anglo-American ideologies of race and gender shaped assumptions about Mexican women during the revolution that increasingly prevented Mexican women and children from seeking asylum in the United States.

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Raat, W. Dirk, Linda B. Hall, and Don M. Coerver. "Revolution on the Border: The United States and Mexico, 1910-1920." American Historical Review 95, no. 3 (June 1990): 953. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2164527.

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Smith, Robert Freeman, Linda B. Hall, and Don M. Coerver. "Revolution on the Border: The United States and Mexico, 1910-1920." Hispanic American Historical Review 69, no. 4 (November 1989): 803. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2516156.

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6

Smith, Robert Freeman. "Revolution on the Border: The United States and Mexico, 1910-1920." Hispanic American Historical Review 69, no. 4 (November 1, 1989): 803–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-69.4.803.

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7

Bortz, Jeffrey. "“Without Any More Law Than Their Own Caprice”: Cotton Textile Workers and the Challenge to Factory Authority During the Mexican Revolution." International Review of Social History 42, no. 2 (August 1997): 253–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000114907.

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SummaryMuch current literature argues that the Mexican revolution was not a revolution at all, but rather a series of rebellions that did not fundamentally alter the social order. Similarly, many scholars assert the changes in the Mexican work world during the Mexican revolution were the result of a paternalistic state rather than the product of the actions of workers. This article examines cotton textile workers' relationship to authority in the workplace during the most violent phase of Mexico's revolution, 1910–1921. The results suggest that revolution indeed gripped the country, one that energized the country's still emerging factory proletariat. There is compelling evidence that millhands throughout Mexico continuously and successfully challenged the authority of owners and supervisors, fundamentally altering the social relations of work. It is this “hidden” revolution in the factories that explains changes in labor law, labor organization, and worker power in the immediate post-revolutionary period. The effectiveness of the workers' challenge to authority is what explains: 1) the new regime's need to unionize; 2) the development of pro-labor labor law after the revolution; 3) the power of unions after 1920. In short, workers' challenge to authority during the revolution is what explains the labor outcome of the revolution afterwards.

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8

de la Cruz-Fernández, Paula A. "Multinationals and Gender: Singer Sewing Machine and Marketing in Mexico, 1890–1930." Business History Review 89, no. 3 (2015): 531–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007680515000756.

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Headquartered in the United States, the Singer Sewing Machine Co. did business all around the world in the early twentieth century. It regularly encountered wars, economic nationalism, and revolutions; in response, it normally created subsidiaries or gave in to expropriation. After the revolution in Mexico (1910–1920), Singer's marketing organization maintained normal operations and even prospered. The company succeeded, in part, by constantly associating the sewing machine with the idea of “modern” womanhood in Revolutionary Mexico. By revealing Singer's marketing strategies and focusing on gender, this article shows that multinational corporations and Latin American governments were not always at odds and could sometimes forge a profitable relationship.

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9

Lerner, Victoria. "Exiliados de la Revolucióón mexicana: El caso de los villistas (1915––1921)." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 17, no. 1 (2001): 109–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2001.17.1.109.

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As a result of the Mexican Revolution, many politicians from various factions were forced into exile between 1906 and 1940, particularly between 1910 and 1920. The subject has merited little attention until the present despite the fact that its study can provide another perspective on the Mexican Revolution, the one of the opponents who were defeated. This study focuses on the exile of the villistas that began in the autumn of 1915 and ended at the beginning of the 1920s. The article considers who were the villista exiles, how they escaped from Mexico, how they adapted economically in the United States, and when they returned to their country. It also examines certain political tendencies and their later activities between 1920 and 1940. Four political activities in the United States intended to change the political situation in Mexico are considered. Finally, the article examines how U.S. authorities, closely involved with their Mexican counterparts, treated the exiles. LaRevolucióón mexicanacausóó elexilio de muchos polííticos de distintas facciones entre 1906 y 1940, sobre todo entre 1910 y 1920. Este tema ha merecido muy pocaatencióón hasta elmomento presente,a pesarde que atravéés de éélpodemos aproximarnos desde otra perpectiva a la Revolucióón mexicana, desde el punto de vista de los opositores que muchas veces fueron los vencidos. Este estudio se centra en el exilio de los villistas que empezóó en el otoñño de 1915 y terminóó a principios de la déécada de 1920. En este artíículo se analiza quiéénes fueron los exiliados villistas, cóómo escaparon de Mééxico, su acomodo econóómico y laboral en Estados Unidos y el retorno a su patria, dejando ver ciertas tendencias polííticas de su actuacióónpolíítica ulterior entre 1920y 1940.Se desmenuzan cuatro actividades polííticas que emprendieron en Estados Unidos para cambiar la situacióón mexicana. Finalmente se abarca la forma en que fueron tratados durante su exilio en los Estados Unidos, por las autoridades de este paíís que estaban estrechamente vinculadas con las mexicanas.

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10

Katz, Friedrich. "Mexico, Gilberto Bosques and the Refugees." Americas 57, no. 1 (July 2000): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500030182.

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In the eyes of many North Americans, Mexico is above all a country of immigration from which hundreds of thousands hope to pass across the border to find the promised land in the United States. What these North Americans do not realize is that for thousands of Latin Americans and for many U.S. intellectuals, Mexico after the revolution of 1910-1920 constituted the promised land. People persecuted for their political or religious beliefs—radicals, revolutionaries but liberals as well—could find refuge in Mexico when repressive regimes took over their country.In the 1920s such radical leaders as Víctor Raúl Haya De La Torre, César Augusto Sandino and Julio Antonio Mella found refuge in Mexico. This policy continued for many years even after the Mexican government turned to the right. Thousands of refugees from Latin American military dictatorships in Argentina, Chile, and Uruguay fled to Mexico. The history of that policy of the Mexican government has not yet been written.

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Gómez-Galvarriato, Aurora, and Gabriela Recio. "The Indispensable Service of Banks: Commercial Transactions, Industry, and Banking in Revolutionary Mexico." Enterprise & Society 8, no. 1 (March 2007): 68–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1467222700008788.

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Revolutions have important social, political, and economic consequences with which entrepreneurs have to cope to keep their businesses going. This may involve high transaction costs due to the violence that emerges as a result of armed conflicts. In this article we examine the effect that the Mexican Revolution (1910-1920) had on the banking sector and ultimately on bank clients, since revolutionary policies forced most banks to close their doors from 1915 to 1921. By focusing on a major textile firm, the Compañía Industrial Veracruzana, S.A., we observe that companies used nonchartered banks, which spread in the absence of government regulation, and foreign financial institutions, so that daily business operations could continue amidst the revolutionary upheavals.

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12

Falcón, Romana. "Esplendor y ocaso de los caciques militares. San Luis Potosí en la Revolución Mexicana." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 4, no. 2 (1988): 265–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1051824.

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The fall of the lengthy dictatorship of Porfirio Díaz in 1910 caused a massive power vacuum which was rapidly filled by armed revolutionary leaders. In 1920, once the most violent phase of the Revolution ended, military caciques became virtual lords of some states and some regions of Mexico. These cacicazgos became the foundations of an emerging political system. By the end of the 1930s, once the nation state consolidated its power, the regional bosses had to modernize or be eliminated. This article examines San Luis Potosí as a case study of that process.

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13

Gonzalez, Luís. "‘Mauser Japonés’ & ‘Remington Ruso’: A History of the Arisaka and Mosin–Nagant Rifles in the Mexican Revolution." Armax: The Journal of Contemporary Arms VIII, no. 2 (January 31, 2023): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.52357/armax73331.

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During periods of arms scarcity, the Mexican army imported several different patterns of bolt-action rifles to address shortages and maintain firepower. During the Mexican Revolution (ca. 1910–1920), the Mexican Army—facing multiple domestic rebellions, European reluctance to supply weapons, and a U.S. arms embargo—turned to Japan to fill the growing gaps in its rifle inventory. Once the U.S. arms embargo was lifted, Mexico purchased numerous bolt-action rifles from the United States, including U.S.-produced Mosin–Nagant rifles. This article seeks to elaborate the historical background of these two unconventional and intriguing arms deals, and examines how a country engulfed in continuous civil wars managed to utilise the purchase and disposition of foreign surplus arms as part of its diplomatic agenda in the 1930s. The author presents a narrative of a twenty-year period of Mexican history as viewed through the histories of two obscure, yet important, rifles.

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14

Knight, Alan. "Frank Tannenbaum and the Mexican Revolution." International Labor and Working-Class History 77, no. 1 (2010): 134–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547909990299.

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AbstractThis article examines Frank Tannenbaum's engagement with Mexico in the crucial years following the Revolution of 1910–1920 and his first visit to the country in 1922. Invited—and feted—by the government and its powerful labor allies, Tannenbaum soon expanded his initial interest in organized labor and produced a stream of work dealing with trade unions, peasants, Indians, politics, and education—work that described and often justified the social program of the Revolution, and that, rather surprisingly, continued long after the Revolution had lost its radical credentials in the 1940s. Tannenbaum's vision of Mexico was culturalist, even essentialist; more Veblenian than Marxist; at times downright folkloric. But he also captured important aspects of the process he witnessed: local and regional variations, the unquantifiable socio-psychological consequences of revolution, and the prevailing concern for order and stability. In sum, Tannenbaum helped establish the orthodox—agrarian, patriotic, and populist—vision of the Revolution for which he has been roundly, if sometimes excessively, criticized by recent “revisionist” historians; yet his culturalist approach, with its lapses into essentialism, oddly prefigures the “new cultural history” that many of these same historians espouse.

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15

Fender, Stephan. "The Mexican Labor Movement and the Global Scripts of Revolution, 1910–1929." Journal of World History 34, no. 3 (September 2023): 433–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jwh.2023.a902027.

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Abstract: This article examines the influence of global revolutionary scripts on the nascent labor movement in revolutionary Mexico. During the turmoil of the 1910s and 1920s, Mexican workers appropriated and utilized a wide range of revolutionary examples from the classical world, the French Revolution, the Paris Commune, and the October Revolution to create a frame and a narrative for events in Mexico. The influence of global scripts was determined by the agency of local actors. Over time, they formed a repository of mobilizing tools and were used or suppressed depending on the current framework of revolutionary politics. Since the historiography of the Mexican Revolution is predominantly national in its perspective, the examination of this process among subaltern actors opens the possibility for global comparative approaches that connect the Mexican case with the development and spread of revolutionary thought in other parts of the world.

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16

Leiker, J. N. "Black and Brown: African Americans and the Mexican Revolution, 1910 -1920." Journal of American History 92, no. 4 (March 1, 2006): 1456. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4485959.

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17

Olcott, Jocelyn. "The Women’s Revolution in Mexico, 1910 – 1953." Hispanic American Historical Review 89, no. 1 (February 1, 2009): 169–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2008-061.

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18

Crider, Gregory S. "Black and Brown: African Americans and the Mexican Revolution, 1910 – 1920." Hispanic American Historical Review 87, no. 4 (November 1, 2007): 763–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2007-062.

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19

Brown, Norman D., Charles H. Harris,, and Louis R. Sadler. "The Texas Rangers and the Mexican Revolution: The Bloodiest Decade, 1910-1920." Western Historical Quarterly 37, no. 2 (July 1, 2006): 236. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25443355.

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20

Graybill, Andrew, Charles H. Harris, and Louis R. Sadler. "The Texas Rangers and the Mexican Revolution: The Bloodiest Decade, 1910-1920." Journal of Southern History 71, no. 4 (November 1, 2005): 918. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27648949.

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21

Knight, A. "History, Heritage, and Revolution: Mexico, c.1910-c.1940." Past & Present 226, suppl 10 (January 1, 2015): 299–325. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtu021.

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22

Smith, Michael M. "The Mexican Secret Service in the United States, 1910-1920." Americas 59, no. 1 (July 2002): 65–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2002.0091.

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Throughout the era of the Mexican Revolution, the United States provided sanctuary for thousands of political exiles who opposed the regimes of Porfirio Díaz, Francisco Madero, Victoriano Huerta, and Venustiano Carranza. Persecuted enemies of Don Porfirio and losers in the bloody war of factions that followed the ouster of the old regime continued their struggle for power from bases of operation north of the international boundary in such places as San Francisco, Los Angeles, El Paso, San Antonio, New Orleans, and New York. As a consequence, Mexican regimes were compelled not only to combat their enemies on domestic battlefields but also to wage more subtle campaigns against their adversaries north of the Río Bravo. The weapons in this shadowy war included general intelligence gathering, surveillance, espionage, counter-espionage, and propaganda; the agency most responsible for these activities was the Mexican Secret Service.

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23

Lorey, David E. "The Revolutionary Festival in Mexico: November 20 Celebrations in the 1920s and 1930s." Americas 54, no. 1 (July 1997): 39–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007502.

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The most important public ritual to arise from the experience of Mexico's Revolution of 1910 came to be held on November 20—“Revolution Day.” The date commemorates Francisco I. Madero's famous call to arms: on November 20 all towns in Mexico were to rise up against the 34-year rule of Porfirio Díaz. Although Madero was forced to take action before the appointed date and the Revolution got off to a premature start, November 20 has generally been accepted as the inception of the violent phase of the revolutionary struggle.

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Richmond, Douglas W. "The Texas Rangers and the Mexican Revolution: The Bloodiest Decade, 1910-1920." Hispanic American Historical Review 86, no. 1 (February 1, 2006): 170–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-86-1-170.

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Young, Elliott. ":The Texas Rangers and the Mexican Revolution: The Bloodiest Decade, 1910–1920." American Historical Review 110, no. 4 (October 2005): 1197–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.110.4.1197.

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26

Brachet-Márquez, Viviane. "Explaining Sociopolitical Change in Latin America: The Case of Mexico." Latin American Research Review 27, no. 3 (1992): 91–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100037237.

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Since Mexico declared its independence from Spanish rule, the country has experienced two extended periods of political stability that are atypical of Latin American societies. The first, known as the Porfiriato, extended from 1875 to 1910. The second, which was heralded by the Revolution of 1910 and consolidated in the 1920s, still holds sway in the last decade of the twentieth century. The weaknesses of the Porfiriato have been analyzed amply, thanks in great part to the hindsight provided by the revolution that ended the era. Until recently, however, most works on twentieth-century Mexico have focused on the exceptional stability of the postrevolutionary regime. This approach has left largely unresearched (Knight 1989) or merely labeled as “crises” (Needier 1987) the recurrent episodes of union insurgency, popular protest, electoral opposition, and other signs of pressure for political change that have punctuated Mexican history since the Revolution. Consequently, analysts who have recently undertaken the arduous task of diagnosing at what points this imposing edifice might “give” have been unable to benefit from insights of work carried out in previous decades.

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27

Hector, Cary. "La izquierda mexicana hoy (una mirada aproximativa y en perspectiva)." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 2, no. 1 (January 1, 1986): 1–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1051991.

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This essay presents both a global and a selective overview of the Left in present-day Mexico. The article attempts to assess the potentialities of the Left for breaking with the Mexican power structure inherited from the 1910 Revolution and institutionalized since 1928. Ideological and political-strategic issues and the question of unity are discussed.

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Damier, Vadim. "“Сommunism is declared in Сoahuila”. Episode from the history of the Mexican Revolution (1912)." Latin-American Historical Almanac 42 (June 29, 2024): 30–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2024-42-1-30-58.

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The article deals with a little-known and little-studied episode from the history of the Mexican Revolution of 1910-1917, the proclamation of communism by anarchist guerrillas in the state of Coahuila in 1912. A brief but vivid history of the guerrillas, organized by the Magonists from the Mexican Lib-eral Party (PLM) at one of the key moments of the revolution, is considered in the context of the general role of the anar-chist movement at various stages of the revolution in Mexico, of evolution of its ideology, strategy and tactics. An attempt has been made to assess the significance of the events under consideration for the development of the anarchist movement in the world. PLM, led by brothers Riсardo and Enrique Flo-res Magon, was in 1906-1908 the first political force that launched a rebel movement against the dictatorship of Porfirio Diaz, and in 1910-1911 made a significant contribu-tion to the overthrow of the regime. However, after this, the leadership of the Mexican Liberal Party officially switched to the position of anarchism, and its supporters tried to organize a guerrilla movement with the aim of carrying out a social revolution in Mexico. Although the PLM rebel forces were crushed by superior government forces in 1912, and many of their members were killed, the proclamation of anarchist communism by a group of guerrillas on February 9, 1912 in the Mexican state of Coahuila, one of the traditional areas of influence of the Magonists, was the first act of this kind in the history of world anarchist movement and served as an example for anarchists in other countries.

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Buve, Raymond. "Historians and their Instruments in Mexico." Itinerario 14, no. 2 (July 1990): 107–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300010044.

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Until quite recently the majority of Mexican archives were not easily accessible and working conditions were sometimes appalling. Many collections were only poorly catalogued, or not at all. Documents were brought together n i annual legajos or following the particularist norms of a local archivist, often without proper training or schooling. Nineteenth-century revolutions, and the Mexican Revolution (1910-1940) provoked considerable havoc. In several state capitals or municipal seats archives were destroyed or documents were used as wrapping paper in drugstores. In other cases documents were sold to foreign collectors.

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30

Chacón, Ramón D. "Rural Educational Reform in Yucatán: From the Porfiriato to the Era of Salvador Alvarado, 1910-1918." Americas 42, no. 2 (October 1985): 207–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007209.

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The majority of leaders who participated in the 1910 Mexican Revolution agreed that educational reform was essential if the laboring classes were to be assimilated into Mexican society. Despite these deepfelt concerns, in the arena of social reform, education during the years 1910-1920 played a tertiary role behind agrarian and labor reform, issues which received the greatest national attention. Thus, at the national level education failed to attract serious reform until the 1920s. There were, however, other reasons that explain the lack of support for educational change. The political instability that existed due to revolutionary internecine warfare, the shortage of revenues, and the lack of a national education policy further obstructed an educational reform movement. The shortcomings in governmental direction were compounded even more because in 1914 the central government adopted an educational policy of decentralization that gave the states control over education. This experiment in decentralization, lasting from 1914 to 1920, was a fiasco and left little doubt that the national government should assume control over education.

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BUTLER, MATTHEW. "The Church in ‘Red Mexico’: Michoacán Catholics and the Mexican Revolution, 1920–1929." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 55, no. 3 (July 2004): 520–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046904009960.

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This article recreates the everyday experiences of rural Catholics in Mexico during the Church–State crisis of the 1920s and the cristero revolt (1926–9) against Mexico's post-revolutionary regime. Focusing on the archdiocese of Michoacán in western Mexico, the article contends that the 1920s should be viewed not only as a period of political tension between Church and State, but as a period of attempted cultural revolution when the very beliefs of Mexican Catholics were under attack. It is then argued that the behaviour of many Catholics during the cristero revolt is best described not as overt counter-revolutionism, but as defensive cultural and spiritual resistance designed to thwart the state's secularising aims by reaffirming and reproducing proscribed Catholic rituals and practices in collaboration with the parish clergy. The article then examines Catholic strategies of resistance during the cristero revolt and their consequences, above all the parochialisation and laicisation of the Church.

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32

Gonzales, Michael J. "U.S. Copper Companies, the Mine Workers' Movement, and the Mexican Revolution, 1910-1920." Hispanic American Historical Review 76, no. 3 (August 1996): 503. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2517815.

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Gonzales, Michael J. "U.S. Copper Companies, the Mine Workers’ Movement, and the Mexican Revolution, 1910-1920." Hispanic American Historical Review 76, no. 3 (August 1, 1996): 503–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-76.3.503.

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Smith, Michael M. "CarrancistaPropaganda and the Print Media in the United States: An Overview of Institutions." Americas 52, no. 2 (October 1995): 155–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1008260.

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Despite the voluminous body of historical literature devoted to the Mexican Revolution (1910-1920) and U.S.-Mexican diplomatic relations, few works address the subject of revolutionary propaganda. During this tumultuous era, however, factional leaders recognized the importance of justifying their movement, publicizing their activities, and cultivating favorable public opinion for their cause, particularly in the United States. In this regard, Venustiano Carranza was especially energetic. From the inception of his Constitutionalist revolution, Carranza and his adherents persistently attempted to exploit the press to generate support among Mexican expatriates, protect Mexican sovereignty, secure recognition from the administration of Woodrow Wilson, gain the acquiescence–if not the blessing–of key sectors of the North American public for his Constitutionalist program, enhance his personal image, and defend his movement against the criticism and intrigues of his enemies–both Mexican and North American.

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35

Espinosa, David. "Student Politics, National Politics: Mexico’s National Student Union, 1926–1943." Americas 62, no. 4 (April 2006): 533–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2006.0064.

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In 1926 students enrolled in Mexico City’s exclusive Catholic preparatory schools faced a crisis that threatened to ruin their academic careers. They were in a serious quandary because officials at the government-supported National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM) were placing what were viewed as unfair obstacles to their plans of matriculating into the university, thereby threatening the aspirations that these students and their parents had for their futures. Their predicament was directly related to the deteriorating political climate that would soon produce the religious civil war known as the Cristero Rebellion of 1926-1929. These students were being victimized by pro-government UNAM officials because of their Catholic Church affiliation; this at a time that the Church was locked in a bitter struggle with President Plutarco Elías Calles (1924-1928). The heart of the conflict was Calles’s steadfast determination to enforce the anticlerical provisions contained in the Constitution of 1917. This landmark document encapsulated many of the central demands of the men and women who, like President Calles, had fought in the Mexican Revolution (1910-1920). Calles was a dedicated anticlerical who believed that the nation’s social, political, economic, and educational development required a dramatic reduction in the Roman Catholic Church’s influence within Mexican society.By mid 1926 these affected students had organized themselves into a citywide student group, the Union of Private School Students, with the goal of defending themselves from what they perceived to be the arbitrary, ideologically driven actions of university officials. However, the evolution of this nascent student organization changed dramatically when its activities drew the attention and interest of the country’s most important Catholic official, the Archbishop of Mexico José Mora y del Río.

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Collado, María del Carmen. "Entrepreneurs and Their Businesses during the Mexican Revolution." Business History Review 86, no. 4 (2012): 719–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007680512001195.

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Most of the academic work on the Mexican Revolution (1910–1920) has focused on sociopolitical and military affairs; few scholars have considered the economic aspects of the period. Even though business historians know now that the Revolution did not bring generalized chaos or total destruction of manufacturing, we still need more research on economic issues. This article analyzes the evolution of the businesses of the Braniff family, as well as their involvement in politics once the regime of Porfirio Díaz collapsed. It examines the Braniffs' political ideas, their strategies to gain power, and their support of the political faction favorable to their interests. The article exposes the tactics the family used to guarantee the safety of their businesses, the losses they suffered, and the new ventures they made after the Revolution.

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Raat, W. Dirk, Don M. Coerver, and Linda B. Hall. "Texas and the Mexican Revolution: A Study in State and National Border Policy, 1910-1920." Western Historical Quarterly 17, no. 1 (January 1986): 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/968672.

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Hill, Larry D., Don M. Coerver, and Linda B. Hall. "Texas and the Mexican Revolution: A Study in State and National Border Policy, 1910-1920." Journal of Southern History 52, no. 4 (November 1986): 651. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2209186.

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Gerber, James, and Thomas Passananti. "The US Panic of 1907 and the Coming of the Mexican Revolution." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 37, no. 1 (2021): 35–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2021.37.1.35.

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Speculation about the causal relationship between the US panic of 1907 and the Mexican Revolution of 1910 has generated many hypotheses. We review the hypotheses of contemporary observers and recent historians. Our analysis begins with a timeline of events in both countries and then examines the available data for activities that are theoretically possible avenues for the international transmission of economic events, including trade and investment. Mexican wages, banking, and government debt levels are also examined for signs of stress. We conclude that the US panic and recession had little effect on revolutionary conditions in Mexico.

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Taylor, Lawrence D. "The Great Adventure: Mercenaries in The Mexican Revolution, 1910-1915." Americas 43, no. 1 (July 1986): 25–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007117.

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Scholarly studies of the Mexican revolutionary period seldom have approached the subject from the standpoint of how this momentous struggle was actually waged by its combatants. While considerable investigation has rendered valuable insights into leading personalities and movements of the time, no comparable effort has been made to unravel the myriad military complexities and paradoxes of one of the major wars waged on the North American continent.A case in point concerns the foreign soldiers who fought side by side with Mexican troops in the rebel armies. Such military personnel are commonly referred to in modern-day parlance as mercenaries, a term indicating “paid soldiers in the service of a foreign country.” However, not all foreigners who served in the Revolution were professional soldiers for hire, nor did all have previous military experience. Such words and phrases as soldiers of fortune or adventurers, in vogue during the period, more clearly define the status of these combatants as “men fighting for pay or love of adventure under the flag of any country.” Be that as it may, all of the terms given above are basically synonymous and can be used interchangeably to refer to the foreign volunteers who joined the various armed factions contending for supremacy in Mexico.

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Buchenau, Jürgen. "Counter-Intervention Against Uncle Sam: Mexico's Support for Nicaraguan Nationalism, 1903-1910." Americas 50, no. 2 (October 1993): 207–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007139.

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The United Mexican States are the advance sentinels of Latin America and guard their northern frontier, the plow in one hand and the rifle in the other.Mexican diplomat José Manuel Gutiérrez Zamora, 1909Mexico has long been the principal rival of the United States in Central America. Throughout the past century, the country has, to the measure of its ability, steadfastly resisted U.S. interference in the area. Because of Mexico's geographical location and its experience with U.S. intervention, the strengthening of nationalist forces in Central America has always been a subject of paramount importance for any Mexican regime. Both before and after the Revolution of 1910, Mexico frequently resorted to intervention of its own in attempts to create or maintain a counterweight to U.S. influence. The country has pursued its goals mainly by providing encouragement, diplomatic protection, money, and sometimes arms to Central American governments and factions that have portrayed themselves as opponents of U.S. hegemony.

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Lawrence, Mark. "Popular violence and ‘lay religion’ in centre-west Mexico during Mexico’s Cristero war (1926-29)." Historical Encounters: A journal of historical consciousness, historical cultures, and history education 10, no. 2 (December 21, 2023): 84–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.52289/hej10.208.

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This article suggests that the Cristero insurgency of 1926-29 was a form of lay religious violence inimical not only to the Mexican Revolution but also to the interests of the Catholic civilians and hierarchy the rebels claimed to represent. By the same token, Cristeros shared with their Revolutionary enemies a habit of plebeian vigilantism which was informed by economic and politico-religious mobilisation underway since 1910. Focusing on the mestizo and indigenous populations in the states of Zacatecas, Durango and Jalisco, this article shows how the external conflict presented by the Church-state crisis of 1926 was used as a pretext for localised disputes concerning land and pillage. The Cristiada of 1926-29 thus deserves to be understood as part of the pattern of popular protest over land, property and autonomy which had been unleashed by the onset of the Mexican Revolution in 1910. This article concludes with an explanation of the military and political relevance of the Cristero conflict today.

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Wasserman, Mark. "Enrique C. Creel: Business and Politics in Mexico, 1880–1930." Business History Review 59, no. 4 (1985): 645–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3114598.

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Enrique C. Creel was Mexico's leading banker, an innovative industralist, venture capitlist, and representative of the nation's largest land and cattle owner; he was also the political boss of the state of Chihuahua and the key conciliator of the conflicting intersts of the north and the national regime of dictator Porfirio Díaz. In this essay, Professor Wasserman describes Creel's activities, showing how he and his family built the greatest business empire in Mexico before 1910, survived the decade-long destruction of the revolution (1910–20), and rebuilt their empire in the 1920s. Better than any of his contemporaries, Creel combined managerial talent and vision with a mastery of the interplay of politics, regional interests, and foreign capital that comprised his economic entrepreneurship and the special nature of economic entrepreneurship and the intimate relationship between business and politics in pre-and post-revolutionary Mexico.

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Gonzales, Michael J. "United States Copper Companies, the State, and Labour Conflict in Mexico, 1900–1910." Journal of Latin American Studies 26, no. 3 (October 1994): 651–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00008555.

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No topic encapsulates better the fundamental contradiction in capitalist development in Porfirian Mexico than the turbulent history of the copper industry. Within the space of a few years, the industry simultaneously experienced rapid growth, labour conflict and political controversy with international implications. This historical dynamic was unleashed, in part, by the Mexican government's policy of attracting overseas investors to Mexico through generous concessions and tax breaks that facilitated foreign control over key industries. The privileged position that public policy afforded foreign companies resulted in a nationalist backlash and exacerbated tension between native labour and foreign capital. The famous strike at Cananea, Sonora, in 1906 brought to national attention the grievances of Mexican workers over wage scales that favoured foreign workers over natives, falling real wages, and the power and arrogance of United States companies in Mexico. The strike became a scandal when armed North Americans from nearby Arizona crossed the border and assisted local authorities in crushing Mexican workers. This violation of Mexican sovereignty caused a storm of protest from both liberals and conservatives and unsettled the Díaz regime on the eve of the Mexican Revolution.

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Cardoso, Lawrence A., Don M. Coerver, and Linda B. Hall. "Texas and the Mexican Revolution: A Study in State and National Border Policy, 1910-1920." American Historical Review 93, no. 1 (February 1988): 243. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1865860.

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Garcia, Mario T., Don A. Coerver, and Linda B. Hall. "Texas and the Mexican Revolution: A Study in State and National Border Policy, 1910-1920." Hispanic American Historical Review 66, no. 2 (May 1986): 429. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2515191.

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Garcia, Mario T. "Texas and the Mexican Revolution: A Study in State and National Border Policy, 1910-1920." Hispanic American Historical Review 66, no. 2 (May 1, 1986): 429–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-66.2.429.

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Huízar-Hernández, Anita. "Unpublished Saints: Making Mexican Martyrs in American Archives." American Literary History 36, no. 1 (February 1, 2024): 74–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/alh/ajad227.

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Abstract In the early 1940s US–Mexico borderlands, two siblings named Carlos and María de la Torre dedicated years of their lives to drafting, revising, and completing, but not publishing, a 32-page biographical profile of their close friend Fidel Muro, who had been executed by the Mexican government for his participation in the Cristero War (1926–1929). The completed semblanza, which the De la Torres titled “Fidel Muro, Mexican Martyr,” follows Muro from his childhood to his days as a Cristero fighter and, ultimately, to his death as a Cristero martyr. In telling Muro’s story, the De la Torres also memorialize the broader Cristero movement, which sought to overthrow the postrevolutionary Mexican government and replace its secularizing policies with a religious nationalism that insisted on the synonymity of Catholicism and Mexican identity. Though the Cristeros were unsuccessful, exiles like the De la Torres kept the ideals of the movement alive through writing, much of it produced in the US. Cristero writing has garnered far less attention within Mexican and Latinx literary criticism than writing depicting the Mexican Revolution (1910–1920), yet I argue that both early twentieth-century conflicts have played a fundamental role in shaping the uneven terrain of US and Mexican modernities.Placing the [De la Torres’] unpublished semblanza at the center of Latina/o/x literary history begins to reveal the multiplicity of conceptualizations of Latina/o/x identity, from the fully realized to the barely imagined.

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BUTLER, MATTHEW. "Revolution and the Ritual Year: Religious Conflict and Innovation in Cristero Mexico." Journal of Latin American Studies 38, no. 3 (July 19, 2006): 465–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x06001131.

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This article analyses Catholic responses to persecution of the Church by the Mexican state during Mexico's cristero rebellion (1926–9) and seeks to make a new contribution to the revolt's religious history. Faced with the Calles regime's anticlericalism, the article argues, Mexico's episcopate developed an alternative cultic model premised on a revitalised lay religion. The article then focuses on changes and continuities in lay – clerical relations, and on the new religious powers of the faithful, now empowered to celebrate ‘white’ masses and certain sacraments by themselves. The article concludes that persecution created new spaces for lay religious participation, showing the 1910–40 Revolution to be a period of religious, as well as social, upheaval.

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Yankelevich, Pablo. "Mexico for the Mexicans: Immigration, National Sovereignty and the Promotion of Mestizaje." Americas 68, no. 03 (January 2012): 405–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500006519.

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After peace was restored in Mexico following the Revolution of 1910, the country's rulers, like their Porfirian forebears, continued to believe in the need to attract foreign immigrants. However, this view began to shift in die mid-1930s in the face of fears about the arrival of foreigners that were considered undesirable. On matters of immigration, the country did not stray far from the restrictive practices that extended across the Americas from Canada to Argentina, yet in Mexico, unlike anywhere else on the continent, the authorities were forced to confront a dual problem posed by migration in the nation they sought to govern.

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