Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Micro-political'

The primary objective of the study is to examine whether teachers view mentoring as an inherently contrived or collaborative enterprise. Drawing upon a micro-political framework, this study examines the relationships between contrived and collaborative collegial relationships (Hargreaves, 1991), utilizing data from a mentor teacher program in a large Southwestern district. Teacher collegiality has not been viewed within the context of shifting power relationships between teachers and administrators. Some researchers (Conley, Bas-Isaac, & Scull, in press; Hargreaves, 1991) have maintained that while some teacher collegiality mechanisms may be teacher-driven and reflect genuine teacher collaboration, others are contrived and aimed more toward promoting administrative efficiency and gaining greater control over teachers' work. The critical question is whether peer mentoring systems, such as a formalized mentoring component of a Career Ladder program, which are inherently contrived, are capable of generating teacher collaboration. The results suggest that collaborative and contrived collegiality may be complementary relationships, that is, teachers can meet their own needs and interests in what on the surface is a contrived setting.

This thesis deals with the exporting performance of Ukraine. Focusing on the reorientation of merchandise exports, both in terms of geography – from East to West – and in terms of commodity composition, it explores the multi-level determinants of the observed picture. While until 2003-2004 reorientation from East to West appeared to be a steady trend, in 2005 this trend reversed and CIS re-emerged as a leading destination market for Ukraine’s exports. The commodity composition in trade with the EU has also hardly improved, and was more positive in trade with the CIS. Marginal improvements were observed on a more disaggregated level. These findings were confirmed in the macro-level analysis – Ukraine tends to under-trade with the external trade blocs – EU-15 and the then CEFTA, and over trade with the internal trade bloc of CIS. On a micro-level, the analysis has not revealed that trade with the EU has been associated with firm-level industrial upgrading, although FDI does increase the likelihood to export to the EU. Trade with the CIS has been associated with higher commodity diversification, which in turn is known to be associated with higher growth potential. On the level of policy lobbying, on the other hand, business elites have shown an increasing interest in the Western vector of integration.

Purpose - The Hong Kong Government in 2003 introduced a systemic change in its funding policy for Associate Degree programmes which removed funding from previously funded programmes, affecting 3,800 student places and some 150 teaching and support staff of the College of the case institution. The present study aims to explore, through a micro-political perspective, how the institution shaped its original response to this change, which was modified by a range of micro-political factors culminating in a final response negotiated by the management, the College staff and the governing body. In studying the case the research developed a ‘micro-political toolkit’ comprising five core concepts: interests, conflict, groups and coalitions, power and bargaining, Design/methodology/approach - This study employed a qualitative case study research strategy. Qualitative semi-structured interviews were conducted with 10 interviewees and the data collected was triangulated with official documents. Findings - The case evidence supported further development of the five concepts in the ‘toolkit’ to help better explain how the institution managed change. This included exposing the tension between professional and personal interests of teachers and developing a ‘hierarchy of interests’ to explore new types of interests. The study revealed that ‘value’ was the fundamental source of conflict and demonstrated that a coalition which operated predominantly in the informal processes, enhanced the staff’s power position, building up a ‘network of power’ which interlaced between authority and influence to change the decision of those in authority. The process of bargaining enabled actors to resolve their conflict whilst submerging the underlying value controversies once again. Originality/value - The study refines the ‘toolkit’ which can be used to analyse how educational institutions manage complex changes. It fills the gap in the knowledge base of micro-political analysis in the higher education sector in Hong Kong and has implications for theory, practice and research.

This thesis examines the economic effects of mass political instability events, first of the Arab Spring on Tunisia from a macro and micro perspective, and then more broadly, how economies recover from such events. In addition to an introduction and conclusion, this thesis is composed of three self-contained empirical studies, which we term as chapters hereinafter. Chapter 2 uses the Synthetic Control Methodology to estimate the output loss in Tunisia as a result of the “Arab Spring”. Our results suggest that the loss was 5.5 percent, 5.1 percent, and 6.4 percent of GDP per capita in 2011, 2012, and 2013, respectively. These findings are robust to a series of tests, including placebo tests, and are consistent with those from an Autoregressive Distributed Lag model. Moreover, we find that investment was the main channel through which the economy was adversely impacted by the Arab Spring. Chapter 3 extends the analysis to a micro level and explores the impact of political instability that stemmed from the Arab Spring on Tunisian firms. Using a new dataset, we show that political instability was a major concern for small and exporting firms as well as for those that were operating in the tourism sector, those that have suffered from vandalism and those that were located in the interior region of Tunisia. Most importantly, we find that political instability was the most damaging constraint to firm growth after the Arab Spring. Finally, chapter 4 examines the economic implications of mass political instability events, defined as a political regime crisis accompanied by mass civil protest. Using the synthetic control methodology, it is shown that these events significantly reduce output in the short run, and even more so in the long run (up to five years later), although there is considerable heterogeneity across countries. This result was further supported by Difference-in-Difference regression estimates. In addition, we find that countries with increasing investment rates and lower previous income levels are associated with a fast recovery following mass political instability. On the other hand, democratization is found to impede recovery. These results are robust to using different sets of regressors and to the exclusion of potential outliers.

The thesis explores whether and how democratic and autocratic political institutions affect the welfare of people in developing countries. First, we empirically investigate whether democracy improves people's health, by using time-series country-level aggregate statistics. We find that there is a robust cross-sectional correlation between democracy and life expectancy at birth. Country fixed effects estimation, on the other hand, does not yield a statistically significant correlation between the two. This empirical approach, however, does not disentangle the effect of democracy from country-level confounding factors. To overcome this, I empirically examine whether democratization has reduced infant mortality in sub-Saharan Africa in the 1990s, by using micro data on child survival. Mother fixed effects estimation shows that mothers see their infants more likely to survive after democratization than before. This result may suggest that African dictatorships are particularly bad compared to those in other regions. To shed some light on this possibility, we theoretically investigate under what condition autocracy yields good policy outcomes. We show that such a condition is that those enfranchised in autocracy can retain the right of leadership selection after overthrowing a dictator for his bad performance. We also show that such a successful autocracy outperforms a democracy if distributional issues are so important that voters in democracy cannot discipline policy-makers in the general interest policy outcomes. What affects the salience of distributional issues, therefore, needs to be understood. One such factor may be ethnic favoritism by the government, which has rarely been empirically investigated in a systematic way. By using micro data on infant mortality and by exploiting one-time unexpected change in the president's ethnicity in Guinea, I provide evidence on whether the ethnicity of those in power affects infant mortality for each ethnic group under an autocratic rule.

Objektet för min studie är Pow-Wow, en grupp som arbetar mot rasism och mobbning på en svensk grundskola. Syftet med uppsatsen är att genom en kvalitativ undersökning titta närmare på hur Pow-Wow, har startats, genomförts och utvecklats. Utgångspunkten är att liknande grupper som arbetar mot rasism är sällsynta i svenska skolor. Därför är det speciellt intressant att titta närmare på hur det kommer sig att Pow-Wow startades på skolan och varför verksamheten har kunnat överleva så länge.

För att kunna besvara dessa frågor har jag intervjuat skolans nuvarande rektor, skolans före detta rektor, de två lärare som arbetar med Pow-Wow och en elev som var med under Pow-Wows första år. Vid analysen av intervjuerna har jag använt mig av ett mikropolitiskt perspektiv som ser på skolan som en organisation där maktkamp och konflikter mellan olika grupper och individer ständigt pågår.

De två faktorer som i störst utsträckning påverkar Pow-Wow är dels Kajsa och Bengt, de två eldsjälarna som driver verksamheten och dels att Pow-Wow, medvetet eller omedvetet, undviker att försöka förändra skolan och därigenom undviker att hamna i konflikter.

This dissertation seeks to analyse the upsurge of insurgent violence in the North Caucasus following the end of the counter-terrorist operation in Chechnya in 2009. By looking at the development of radical Islam and the impact of the Chechen spillover in the region, this research suggests that these factors should be analysed and contextualized in each republic. By comparing the cases of Kabardino-Balkaria, Ingushetia, and Dagestan, this dissertation seeks to demonstrate the importance of vendetta, criminal activity, religious repression and corruption as local factors that contribute to the increase of violence. By focusing on the case of Dagestan, the author proposes a political ethnographic approach to study the mechanisms and details of religious repression and corruption in everyday life. This analysis permits us to map out the different pathways towards the participation in insurgent groups in Dagestan. By doing so, it demonstrates that one can identify three different generations of insurgent fighters in Dagestan. This dissertation demonstrates that the role of Salafist ideology is often marginal in the early stages of the process of violent radicalisation, and slowly gains importance as the involvement in violence increases. The emphasis should be placed on vengeance and religious repression as crucial triggering factors as they provoke a cognitive opening for young people in Dagestan to engage in violence.

Despite efforts of U.S. education institutions to encourage study abroad participation, Black and low income students are severely underrepresented compared with their White and higher income peers. Literature reveals that a combination of individual and institutional factors influences study abroad involvement; however, they fail to address how these factors work to limit the participation of interested students. Qualitative interviews were conducted with 21 Black and White students to investigate how they navigate the study abroad process. Cultural and social capital theories were used to understand their experiences. My findings demonstrate that for students that did not study abroad, Blacks compared to Whites encountered more difficulties when trying to activate their available resources to navigate the process. Also, non participating White students were more likely to make the conscious decision not to invest their class privileges to study abroad compared with their Black counterparts. Together, these findings suggest that race and class play a role in the activation and usage of cultural and social resources to study abroad.

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This thesis analyses the political nature inherent to the development work done by Sebrae s working system. The research establishes a dialogue between philosophy and political sociology, resulting in the creating a political development definition, from the concepts of Political governance (increase of the public spaces of power; power as a key element of the Policy; associacionism and contesting), political capital (the importance of trust to build social capital; political recruitment and political inclusion: formation of new political leaders) and autogovern (empowerment; protagonism and responsiveness). We also analyse the performance of Sebrae in the area of public politics and its Sebrae s reposture as an agent of local and sectorial development, factors that consolidate its institutional role and corroborate the hypothesis of the research about the implications of the acting of this institution in the political development.
Esta tese analisa a natureza política inerente ao trabalho de desenvolvimento promovido pelo Serviço de Apoio às Micro e Pequenas Empresas de Goiás (Sebrae/GO), usado como estudo de caso. A pesquisa estabelece um diálogo entre a Filosofia e a Sociologia política, tendo como foco a elaboração de uma definição de Desenvolvimento Político a partir dos conceitos de governança política (ampliação dos espaços públicos de poder; associacionismo e cooperação e contestação), capital político (a importância da confiança para a formação do capital social; recrutamento político e a inclusão política: formação de novos líderes políticos) e autogoverno (empoderamento; protagonismo e responsividade). Analisamos, também, a atuação do Sebrae na área de políticas públicas e seu reposicionamento como uma agência de desenvolvimento local e setorial, fatores que fortalecem seu papel institucional e corroboram a hipótese da pesquisa quanto às implicações da atuação do Sebrae na promoção do desenvolvimento político.

Honour-related violence and oppression has been politically prioritised in Sweden during the past two decades. National policies have been formulated, laws adopted, and the school has been identified as a crucial actor for preventing this type of violence at the local level. Yet, the prevalence of the violence still constitutes a threat to the freedom and safety of children and youths in the Swedish society. To gain a deeper understanding about the apparent discrepancy between policy and practice, this study adopts a micro-level perspective and zooms in onto the actors responsible for implementing existing policies. Teachers from four different purposefully selected schools have been interviewed. Drawing on insights from street-level policy implementation theories, the study explores how the teachers work to implement the National Agency for Education’s policy targeting honour-related violence and oppression. Notably, Lipsky’s analytical categories for successful street-level policy implementation, comprehension, capacity and will, function as point of departure. The broad nature of the categories have allowed for contextual insights to be included and a number of constraining and enabling mechanisms for successful micro-level policy implementation to be identified. The findings demonstrate how the teachers’ access to information is contingent upon their personal interest in the topic or on other individuals’ commitment. The large room for manoeuvre permits teachers to use their creativity to include the perspective of honour, but likewise allows for misunderstandings and resistance to influence the policy outcomes. The lack of clear bureaucratic goals, limited resources and a high level of discretion force teachers to find their own strategies to adequately implement the policy. To deal with increased pressure they are however likely to resort to simplifications and familiar routines. In turn these may obstruct at-risk students from receiving appropriate support. Finally, the findings confirm the importance of taking the strategies, decisions and motivations of implementing actors seriously when trying to understand policy success or policy failure.

ABSTRACT

Bachelor essay in political science by Hanna Richter, spring 2006

Supervisor: Mats Lindberg

Title: A study of the phenomenon of micronations

The purpose of this essay is to study the phenomenon of “micronations”, to describe it to the reader and to discuss why this phenomenon is interesting to study in the field of political science. The questions this essay seeks to answer are:

- What are micronations, and which variations are to be found within the phenomenon?

- Why are micronations interesting to study in the field of political science?

Bary Buzans theory of the nature of the state works as a frame of reference to this investigation of micro “state-like” units. The phenomenon of micronations has not been investigated by the social sciences in any extent worth mentioning yet. This makes the research process some what complicated. Despite the fact that micronations is a phenomenon encompassing hundreds of individual units, this essay have studied the phenomenon merely in a qualitative way, due to problems related to the lack of earlier research and time. This study shows that micronations is a complex phenomenon with only a few things working as common traits. The first trait is the fact that all of these units called mikronations in one way or another seeks some kind of sovereignty and self determination. The second is that micronations seem to be a western phenomenon. This study also shows that micronations in various ways question the concept of the “state”. This makes it a political phenomenon worth investigating. The essay suggests different fields of interests that might benefit from the study of micronations. Some of these are: the study of international relations, international law, theory of democracy and the study of constitutions.

The last forty years have witnessed a proliferation of very small states, or micro-states with populations of approximately one million or less. Most of these states are developing economies but in recent years even the smallest European micro-states have won acceptance in the councils of the organised international system. This study is a comprehensive examination of the international relations of these states in three principal areas of concern: issues of status and legitimacy; the conduct of diplomacy and the efforts of micro-states to achieve strategies of self-reliant economic development. While the research has confirmed the vulnerabilities of micro-states in all three areas which have been stressed in the literature of the last decade, it also reveals surprising opportunities for some micro-states to ameliorate their weaknesses and to achieve a constructive engagements within the international system. The international milieu and the many support systems at both the regional and global level have actually reinforced the sovereignty of micro-states while providing them with added resources to exploit the opportunities which an increasingly integrated global economy offers. Unlike earlier studies in the field, this dissertation treats the experience of micro-states within the broad context of post-1945 history and thus provides an overall perspective for assessing the impact of very small size over 50 years. It also represents a departure from the existing literature in its determination to include both the developed micro-states in Europe and the more commonly studied micro-states in the developing world. Finally, much of the analysis compares the experiences of micro-states with those of forty larger small states in the next population class, an approach which has not been undertaken elsewhere. The impact of this comparison further confirms the general findings of the dissertation that the international system of the mid to late 1990s has evolved into a largely supportive milieu for micro-states in spite of the serious and occasionally dangerous problems which they continue to face.

Why do some symbolic acts of protest trigger mass mobilization while others do not? Why did riots following the public suicide of a young street vendor humiliated by local authorities in the Tunisian city of Monastir in March 2010 fail to escalate into mass mobilization while a quasi-identical event in the neighboring city of Sidi-Bouzid helped precipitate a successful revolution only few months later? This study examines four cases of successful and failed instances of social mobilization in Tunisia and Algeria in order to present two complementary arguments. Using the signaling logic of informational cascade theory, this study first argues that successful mobilization needs the early involvement of respected local intermediate actors who identify an opportunity for political mobilization and use their prestige and networks to encourage other people to join mobilization. Second, this work shows that successful social mobilization is the result of a surprise factor, which is fueled by the presence of moderate/prestigious actors during the early acts of protest, regime violence, and unusual media coverage. These factors create a perception of exceptionality, which breaks the locally available cognitive heuristic originally in favor of the regime, and allows for successful informational cascades to occur.
Pourquoi est-ce que certains actes de contestation provoquent une mobilisation de masse alors que d'autres actes similaires n'ont pas le même effet? Pourquoi est-ce que les émeutes faisant suite au suicide d'un jeune vendeur ambulant humilié par les autorités locales dans la ville tunisienne de Monastir ont-elles échouées à se transformer en mouvement de masse alors qu'un évènement quasi-identique dans la ville de Sidi-Bouzid a réussi à précipiter une révolution quelques mois plus tard seulement? Ce travail examine quatre cas de mobilisation sociale en Tunisie et en Algérie et propose deux explications complémentaires. En se basant sur la logique de signalisation développée dans la théorie des cascades informationnelles, ce travail affirme d'abord qu'une mobilisation sociale réussie requiert la présence en amont d'acteurs intermédiaires respectés qui identifient une opportunité de mobilisation politique et utilisent leur prestige et leurs réseaux pour encourager le reste de la population à se mobiliser. Deuxièmement, ce travail démontre qu'une mobilisation sociale réussie est le résultat d'un facteur de surprise alimenté par la présence d'acteurs intermédiaires/prestigieux durant les premiers actes de contestation, par la violence des autorités et par une couverture médiatique inusitée. Ces facteurs mènent au développement d'un sentiment d'exceptionnalité qui casse les raccourcis cognitifs en faveur du régime partagés par la population et permet de la formation d'une cascade informationnelle réussie.

This thesis explores perceptions and preferences on regional action in EU-related frameworks among regional actors in Western Sweden. Building upon the literature on Europeanisation and the Fusion approach, three dimensions of Europeanisation are clarified and explored– download, upload and crossload – and together with a set of five variables that constitute the Micro Fusion Framework; a comprehensive analytical tool is developed. The thesis analyses the intense debate among the members of West Sweden that took place from 2011 to 2013 that focused on how to functionally organise the regional office in Brussels in order to meet future challenges. Surprisingly, the members eventually decided to terminate their cooperation and close the jointly owned office in Brussels in spite of the fact that it has been widely regarded as successful and effective. Diverging perceptions and preferences is understood in terms of three positions on regional action; a download-, upload- and a coherent oriented position. Finally, the thesis presents the empirical findings and discusses in relation to three fusion scenarios, infusion, defusion and clustered fusion. In terms of Micro Fusion Framework, the dynamics shaping why West Sweden was finally regarded as a dysfunctional arena for regional action are explained by a shift of attention and action among regional actors in Western Sweden that led to pressure for further institutional adaptation in order to meet the demand of how ‘to get the best out of the EU’. Further, this redefinition of how to handle EU-affairs within the upload-oriented position was accompanied by positive attitudes towards the potential to bypass the state and thereby pursue regional priorities directly in Brussels given the compound nature of the EU. In contrast, those regional actors that are found to be more download-oriented often question the benefits of uploading activities in practice and advocate close relations to the state. A coherent oriented position recognises the importance of activities related to both of the vertical dimensions of Europeanisation.
I avhandlingen studeras regionala aktörers uppfattningar och attityder till regionalt handlande i EU-relaterade frågor. För att hantera EU-frågor etableras ofta regionala representationskontor i Bryssel. Ett av de största och framgångsrikaste regionala kontoren i Bryssel var West Sweden som representerade västsvenska kommuner och regioners intressen i EU. År 2011 inleds en intern diskussion bland dess medlemmar om hur kontoret bör utvecklas för att möta nya utmaningar i en föränderlig omvärld. Diskussionerna är intensiva, och något överraskande beslutar dess medlemmar att lägga ned verksamheten ett par år senare. I avhandlingen analyseras diskussionen utifrån ett europeiseringsperspektiv. Med hjälp av en analysram som definierar tre dimensioner av europeiseringsprocesser identifieras tre olika positioner i diskussionen; en download-, upload- respektive sammanhållen position. Det kan vara frestande att förstå West Swedens nedläggning som ett uttryck för att subnationella aktörer ”drar sig tillbaka” och föredrar aktiviteter inom nationalstatens domäner. Avhandlingen argumenterar för att så är inte fallet. Nedläggningen av West Sweden förstås som en konsekvens av ökade spänningar mellan regionala aktörer som anammar ett download- respektive upload-orienterat förhållningssätt.

Does political tolerance have any limits? What must people "put up with" to be considered politically tolerant? In political science, tolerance has been conceived and measured as an absolute democratic value. The politically tolerant are willing to put up with everything and any objection to public expression is branded intolerant by empirical political science. This dissertation challenges this approach to the concept of tolerance. It demonstrates that civil liberties decisions in contemporary, multicultural democracies are increasingly complicated by values other than freedom of expression, such as social inclusion and non-discrimination. A more nuanced view of political tolerance is necessary. Drawing from comparative and critical race legal studies' of free speech, a theoretical distinction is developed between exclusionary expression and other types of objectionable speech. Exclusionary speech is defined as a form of public expression with the intent to exclude minorities from full participation in society. The focus is on rights denial, and such speech typically comes from more privileged social groups. This speech is argued to be fundamentally different from other types of speech. This theoretical distinction is examined empirically using the Comparative Youth Study, a survey conducted with 10th and 11th grade students in Belgium and Canada (n=9599). Results suggest that many young people in these countries do distinguish between exclusionary and other forms of speech when making civil liberties judgments. Young people who express tolerance for some forms of speech, but draw the line at exclusionary speech are considered to endorse a multicultural form of political tolerance. Multicultural tolerance is shown to be empiri
Y a-t-il des limites à la tolérance politique? Faut-il que les gens supportent tous genres d'expression pour être considérés comme tolérants? En science politique, la tolérance a été conçue et mesurée comme une valeur démocratique absolue. Les personnes politiquement tolérantes doivent tout supporter et ne jamais restreindre l'expression publique d'aucune manière. Cette thèse remet en question cette approche de la tolérance. Elle démontre que dans les démocraties multiculturelles, les jugements sur les libertés civiques sont fortement compliqués par des valeurs autres que la liberté d'expression, comme l'inclusion sociale et la non-discrimination. Une perspective plus nuancée est nécessaire. En utilisant les perspectives comparatives et les études de critical race theory, une distinction théorique se développe entre les expressions d'exclusion et d'autres types d'expressions publiques. Les propos d'exclusion sont définis par l'expression publique d'idées qui ont pour but d'exclure les minorités de la pleine participation sociétale. Ces propos tendent à bafouer les droits et proviennent d'habitude de groupes sociaux plus privilégiés. Cette forme d'expression publique est considérée comme fondamentalement différente d'autres types d'expression. Cette distinction théorique est examinée avec l'Étude Comparative de la Jeunesse, une enquête présentée aux étudiants de IVème et Vème années de Secondaire, en Belgique et au Canada (n=9599). Les résultats suggèrent que dans ces deux pays, beaucoup de jeunes font la distinction entre les propos d'exclusion et d'autres formes d'expression lorsqu'ils portent des jugements sur les libertés civiques. Les jeunes qui sont capables de tolérer cert

This thesis offers a micro-level analysis of labour and women’s organizing in the context of globalization through the case study of the Comité Fronterizo de Obrer@s (CFO) from 1978 to 2009. We will see how one organization’s journey can give us insights into the complexities of local organizing and transnational networking in the context of globalization. This case study can be seen as a lens through which we can examine the changing context of labour and women’s organizing in the distinct maquiladora environment. My work positions itself in the “globalization from above” and “globalization from below” debate, specifically around the question of transnational social movements that form the “globalization from below” category in the context of a political economy analysis. However, where my thesis differs from a more traditional analysis of the resistance to globalization, such as that found in the global justice movements or alter-globalization movements, is in its focus on the complexities of organizing at the local level and the pressures that these local organizations feel from “above” from their transnational partners. What this thesis adds to the literature are the stories from the actual members of the organization, about the structure, the decision-making process of their organization, the role of the leadership and the connections between the local organizing and the transnational civil society partners. The complex history of an organization that has been there since the beginning of the maquiladora industry allows us a better understanding of the changing conditions and struggles these workers have faced. This journey through the history of the CFO, the richness of this empirical data encompassing more than 30 years of organizing in the maquiladora zone of Northern Mexico also allows us to explore “globalization from below” through different lens. This thesis brings in a micro-detail analysis of a specific organization in a specific context where we can see clearly transnational civil society linkages and the impact of globalizing capitalist neoliberal economy. As such, this research can offer us new insights into the intricacies of local-global linkages and thus contribute to an area often neglected or underdeveloped in international relations (IR).

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD
The broader conception of poverty as ‘quality of social reproduction’ demonstrates the delicate nature of the interaction between the institutions of the family/household, the economy and the state. These institutions interact in the dispensation of individual, productive and collective consumptions important for social well-being and social reproduction in society. The gap in the configuration of these consumptions relationship opens the space for the institution of micro-credits to thrive in South Africa to the detriment of adequate ‘quality of social reproduction’ especially for people living in ‘poverty range’ or ‘precarious prosperity’. The lack of comprehensive social policy regime provides the recipe for the consumption of micro-credit at the desperate, need and choice dimensions, in order to close the gap between income and consumption needs to facilitate social reproduction of concerned family/households. Micro-credit consumption is viewed as an individual response, in the absence of collective consumption in the form of social policy, to smoothen individual consumption, and to cater for the strain or challenges of social reproduction. The implications of this, for concerned family/households, are imperative to how poverty is perceived, hence, the question ‘the lords of poverty’? In addition to the income and expenditure conception of poverty, the understanding of poverty dynamics will be enriched by engaging with the method through which the poor and ‘precarious prosperous’ (people living within ‘poverty range’) respond to the gap between their income and expenditure to finance shortfalls in their consumption needs. The relief sought from micro-credit (the focus of this study) to finance the gap in consumption needs can alleviate poverty, and at the same time perpetuates it through chronic indebtedness. The patronage of micro-credit in the form of cash loan, retail goods credit and informal micro-credit in the way people living within the ‘poverty range’ live their lives, as well as the activities of micro-credit institutions are highlighted in this study. Consumer credit consumption has become such a permanent feature of the social reproduction efforts of individual households in South Africa that it is crucial to understand the broader institutional interaction that may account for this. Further, it is important to understand how the patronage of consumer credit impact on the need that prompted it in the first place and other implications that may speak to the quality of social reproduction of households. These are the core problematics that are engaged in this study. The relationship between poverty (as well-being) and the consumption of micro-credit is considered within the broader framework of political economy. The effects of predatory institutions, such as microcredit, could be significant for the quality of social reproduction of households.

This thesis argues that while the evolution of the African Political Community is based upon both human physiological needs and historical developments, modernity and its challenges and impositions, which are constantly changing the 'memories', imagination and re-imagination of the desires of the human species, also influence it. These desires for collective dignity and respect both as desires in themselves and as vehicles to secure and protect first-order needs have been articulated by David Mitrany's Functional theory of politics. However, in his work, A Working Peace System (1946), Mitrany missed the human and political preconditions and contingencies of Functionalism. He failed to recognise that needs and desires while central in the evolution of political communities cannot by themselves guarantee the success of such communities. In the case of the African continent and its people, it is the authentic articulation of Functionalism, based on the Spiritual basis of identity - the 'cyclical' link between 'the living dead - (ancestors)" 'the living - (present generations), and 'the many generations (future children) yet to be born' and their relationship to the geographical space - called Homeland, - what I have described as Ntu, which forms the African conception of nationality that facilitates success. Therefore, the success of African Political Communities is only possible on the basis of satisfied needs and placated desires which incorporate a Spiritual basis of identity, - what I have described as 'physiological security'. Thus, a circle is drawn, both in this theoretical statement and also, in the framework of African political history that has escaped what I have called the prevailing paradigm of African discourse. The framework, which I illustrate in this thesis, would make more rigorous the teHing of African History - which I agree, has become more sympathetic and elegant (Davidson, 1994: Oliver, 1991). The thesis introduces an African-centred social science paradigm with International Relations - IR as a discipline, at its centre, based on Understanding Africa through the marrying of a macro International Relations (IR) approach and the concerns of micro historical sociologies. This stands as an alternative to those approaches which, aim at explaining the continent as a site of resistance to an external world. The project also introduces a theory of Functional politics aimed at African continental integration based on the ideals of the African Economic Community - AEC (Abuja) Treaty of 1991.

Cette recherche présente une méthode d'analyse micro-systémique des mots composés thaïs. Le but denotre étude est de trouver une réponse au questionnement suivant " existe-t- il une voie qui permette de traduireautomatiquement les mots thaïs vers le français avec un résultat parfait ? ". Ce travail est divisé en cinqchapitres. La première partie concerne une histoire brève de la traduction automatique dont celle du thaï. Lespoints de vue des autres travaux sont étudiés. Le deuxième chapitre présente les caractéristiques de la langue thaïe qui possède une forme d'écriture typique sans espacement et peut entrainer des difficultés en termes d'ambiguïté dans la traduction. Certaines divergences entre le thaï et le français sont soulignées à l'aide de la théorie micro-systémique du Centre Tesnière. Le troisième chapitre fait l'étude des mots composés thaïs en utilisant une méthode hybride de l'analyse morphosyntaxique et notre système à base de règles conformes à notre modèle d'analyse de données. Le quatrième chapitre met en évidence un contrôle modélisé des unités lexicales codées syntaxiquement et sémantiquement afin d'en définir des algorithmes efficaces. Le dernier chapitre conclut sur les résultats des nouveaux algorithmes par leur informatisation. Sont enfin énoncées les perspectives ouvertes par cette nouvelle recherche. Cette étude est présentée comme un travail fiable à l'élimination des ambiguïtés. Fondée sur une méthode hybride, elle nous a permis d'atteindre notre objectif et de trouver ainsi une voie efficace qui nous autorise à traduire automatiquement les mots thaïs vers le français. Le résultat place cet outil comme l'un des plus accessibles à la recherche internationale où le thaï et le français prennent leurs places de choix

Le moment majeur qui détermine l’inscription de la Roumanie sur la liste des pays démocratiques, en concordance avec les changements politiques qui s’opèrent dans la région de l’Europe centrale et orientale, est situé en 1989. Cette année-là, en décembre, a lieu l’événement politique qui a permis l’introduction du pluralisme politique, apportant à l’intérieur du débat scientifique la problématique du postcommunisme. Le contexte roumain postcommuniste entraîne l’apparition de multiples réflections ayant comme sujet les élites politiques, l’instauration de la démocratie, la fonctionnalité réduite des instruments démocratiques dans cet espace, l’étude du gouvernement, mais en large partie, ce sont des études d’envergure nationale. La nouveauté de cette recherche est centrée précisément sur l’approche du local dans l’analyse du processus de gouvernement dans la période post – 1989, à travers une recherche sur les élites locales. La validité d’une telle démarche peut être augmentée en soulignant l’importance substantielle que le local comme espace politique et administratif détient au niveau européen. Le niveau local est un matriciel, fournisseur d’explications fondamentales concernant la configuration d’un régime politique en son ensemble.Le sujet de ma recherche est représenté par la constitution et l’évolution des élites politiques locales postcommunistes en contexte roumain. Pour traiter ce thème, j’ai choisi une étude de cas sur une commune de la zone sud-est du pays, un découpage administratif riche comme matériel de recherche dans le domaine des sciences politiques et sociales. Mon intérêt est centré sur l’émergence, le devenir et la consolidation du régime politique d’après 1989 et en ce sens je me suis proposé de réaliser une analyse du mode de structuration du gouvernement au niveau local, en partant d’une de ses composantes fondamentales – celle des élites politiques. La nouveauté de la recherche réside justement dans la richesse et l’inédit de l’approche, ayant pour objectif d’apporter une importante contribution à la littérature académique sur les élites politiques. En anticipant, les conclusions du travail mettront en avant toute une série des aspects non – explorés auparavant, relatives à ce sujet. Tout cela est dû à la considéation d’un micro-cosmos, comme image restreinte de la métamorphose générale de la société au cours d’un changement de régime politique. L’organisation administrative du pays prévoit les deux niveaux de gouvernement – national et local, ce qui fait que, pour le dernier, les élites locales, en occupant des positions de pouvoir, ont-elles aussi ont la tâche de gérer une nouvelle réalité politique et sociale introduite suite à l’effondrement du communisme. Le travail de construction politique et institutionnelle à l’échelle micro constitue un objet de recherche passionnant et l’analyse en profondeur des agents de la démocratisation à la base, dans le milieu rural, fait ressortir des résultats pouvant créer de nouvelles pistes d’interprétation de la transformation dans le passage du communisme vers la démocratie. La thèse se concentre sur une relation croisée entre le comportement et les trajectoires des élites locales et les aménagements institutionnels dans le postcommunisme. L’accent tombe donc sur les élites locales, mais celles-ci sont étudiées par rapport au contexte, plus précisément prenant en compte la configuration institutionnelle spécifique qu’elles peuplent et construisent à la fois. Cette étude, circonscrite à un micro-univers local, tiens constamment compte des rapports local – national et de l’articulation entre les deux, incitant à la découverte d’une nouvelle vision combinant les échelles micro et macro dans une perspective enchevêtrée, susceptible de faire paraître de nouveaux chantiers de recherche scientifique.Structure de la thèse Le contenu de la thèse est divisée en sept chapitres principaux et plusieurs sous-chapitres, suivant le fil logique de la construction argumentative. Les positions finales inscrites dans la table des matières joignent à la structure centrale les conclusions rédigées suite à la recherche effectuée, les annexes de la thèse, ainsi que le corpus bibliographique. L’entier travail est précédé par un argument synthétisant les enjeux de la démarche scientifique, ainsi que la motivation du choix d’un tel objet de recherche. Le chapitre introductif est destiné à faire l’entrée dans la matière de la recherche, se proposant aussi de présenter le local comme objet d’étude de la science politique. Celui-ci inclut des considérations à caractère général sur la dynamique du milieu rural roumain, dans un essai d’écriture de son histoire récente (évolution des zones rurales sous le régime communiste et transformation après 1989). Le deuxième chapitre renferme la démarche méthodologique poursuite au cours de la recherche, en se donnant la tâche d’expliquer clairement le sujet, les objectifs, les dimensions, la question et les hypothèses de la recherche. Le terrain de l’enquête vise le niveau micro, une communauté rurale roumaine et les instruments méthodologiques doivent être appropriés; en dépit du niveau restreint établit apriori, le travail ample et les données variées exigent l’utilisation de la triangulation méthodologique. Ensuite, après la description des méthodes de recherche, l’intérêt se penche sur le contexte général des transformations se déroulant dans le passage des régimes communistes à des régimes démocratiques dans la zone centrale et est-européenne, avec un évident accent sur l’espace roumain. Les mutations survenues dans les communautés rurales suite à la désintégration des structures collectivisées, les enjeux de la décollectivisation occuperont la partie centrale du chapitre. Dans le milieu rural roumain, l’effondrement du communisme est assimilable en grandes lignes aux efforts et aux modalités de décollectivisation, de rétablissement de la propriété privée, dans un processus restaurateur de l’ordre précédant l’installation du communisme. Le quatrième chapitre approche la notion de gouvernement local, dans une perspective pluridimensionnelle. Après le passage en revue de la construction du terme de “gouvernement” et des concepts qui lui sont associés, envisagés sous un regard évolutif, le chapitre traite les rapports qui se forgent entre les domaines du politique et de l’administration publique, pour ultérieurement s’attarder sur la configuration du gouvernement local dans la Roumanie postcommuniste. L’analyse prend en compte les dimensions réglementaire, administrative, gestionnaire et politique qui décrivent les efforts de structuration du pouvoir local, se basant sur des sources primaires retrouvables dans les archives locales de la mairie de Ceptura et dans les archives départementales de Prahova. L’investigation des documents d’archive renforce les conclusions écrites sur la naissance et le développement du gouvernement local, apportant des éléments de nouveauté dans le champ de la recherche, liées au fonctionnement des institutions locales durant un changement de régime. Il est nécessaire cependant de rappeler les difficultés rencontrées au cours de la documentation dans les archives :absence, désordre des papiers, accès alourdi aux documents. Le cinquième chapitre est destiné à une esquisse monographique de l’espace étudié, pour la présentation de l’objet de la recherche. La construction du chapitre respecte le schéma classique d’une étude monographique, traitant des éléments de type géographique et historique, démographique, ainsi que des éléments attachés au développement économique et culturel de la commune.Le sixième et le septième chapitre constituent en effet le noyau dur de la thèse de doctorat ;ceux-ci portent sur la construction démocratique au niveau local après 1989, analysant en profondeur les acteurs politiques qui gèrent le devenir du régime politique roumain après la révolution de décembre. Le local comme espace politique est traité sous une perspective dynamique, se penchant sur des aspects comme les élections locales, les institutions et les autorités politico-administratives locales, la vie partisane locale pendant les six législatures postrévolutionnaires, envisagées en articulation avec la transformation d’ensemble, du niveau national. L’attention n’est pas concentrée tellement sur la constitution et le fonctionnement des structures institutionnelles locales démocratiques, mais plutôt sur ses artisans. L’émergence et le développement d’une élite politique locale (post)communiste sera minutieusement analysée, aboutissant à proposer des profils sociologiques des membres de la couche incarnant le pouvoir local. La reconstitution des trajectoires politiques des élus locaux a aussi pour but de vérifier la validité de la théorie de la circulation versus la reproduction des élites dans le contexte du changement de régime politique. Construction théorique de la rechercheRemarquables au niveau global, les analyses de l’élément local dans l’espace autochtone suscitent depuis peu de temps véritablement l’intérêt des chercheurs. Pour ce qui concerne la Roumanie, le niveau local n’a constitué l’objet que d’un numéro assez réduit d’analyses qui s’attardent soit sur le déroulement et les effets de la collectivisation communiste dans différents espaces ruraux, soit sur l’observation de la géographie électorale, soit sur la formulation d’une perspective historique ou bien ethnographique. Le déroulement de la vie politique, culturelle ou économique d’un espace sous-national ne constitue pas véritablement l’objet des études scientifiques.Cette recherche s’inspire des instruments d’une approche de micro-histoire, courant de l’historiographie moderne qui apparaît dans les années 1970. Afin de saisir la profondeur des événements, les conditions de déroulement et le contexte, l’enjeu est de quitter les domaines étendus et s’attarder sur l’individu et sur les parcours particuliers. Le gouvernement local consiste dans la prise de décisions et leur implémentation dans le cadre de la communauté. Ce processus se déroule à l’intérieur des institutions publiques qui existent et s’organisent en suivant les prescriptions des lois nationales, étant toutefois propres à l’unité administrative respective. Soit dans le cadre du niveau basique, qui est celui de la commune ou de la ville, soit à une échelle plus répandue, d’une région ou d’une province, l’exercice du gouvernement est légitimé par les élections directes et par la responsabilité des élus devant les électeurs. La Loi fondamentale de la Roumanie postcommuniste élaborée en 1991 et modifiée en 2003 indique les deux niveaux du fonctionnement des structures de l’administration publique :le niveau central et le niveau local. La Constitution mentionne les principes du fonctionnement de l’administration locale :décentralisation, autonomie locale et déconcentration des services publics, indiquant aussi les principaux acteurs de l’exercice du gouvernement local – les maires et les conseillers locaux.Dimensions de la recherche Tenant compte de l’amplitude du sujet de la recherche, j’essaie de focaliser l’attention autour de ces aspects fondamentaux: les élites politiques considérées comme les agents de la « démocratisation » locale et la formulation d’une perspective monographique. Partant d’une perspective dahlienne sur les élites politiques et sur les relations de pouvoir qui s’établissent au sein d’une communauté de dimensions restreintes, cette recherche se concentre sur une relation croisée entre le comportement et les trajectoires des élites locales et les aménagements institutionnels dans le postcommunisme. L’accent tombe donc sur les élites locales, mais celles-ci sont étudiées par rapport au contexte. En ce qui concerne la dimension des élites, j’identifie en premier lieu de quel type d’élites il s’agit - administratives, entrepreneuriales, politiques, culturelles, j’observe si elles sont ou non différenciées, j’analyse plus précisément quels sont les acteurs qui peuplent cette architecture institutionnelle, en partant d’une dimension éminemment démocratique du régime politique roumain d’après 1989, respectivement la dimension élective. Je réalise un inventaire des personnes qui occupaient des fonctions importantes avant 1989 pour observer s’il existe une perpétuation de celles-ci dans des postes dirigeants. Par une définition simplificatrice et toutefois révélatrice, il faut comprendre par élites politiques les personnes élues pour les fonctions de maire ou conseiller local. Ces élites locales sont envisagées en employant une perspective historique, une perspective anthropologique et une perspective sociologique. La perspective historique va se concentrer sur l’étude des trajectoires des élites politiques, visant la constitution d’une étude positionnelle. Etant donné le fait qu’on se concentre sur un micro-cosmos local, la perspective anthropologique va se pencher sur les interactions symboliques, sur les réseaux qui se forgent, sur l’(auto)représentation, sur la manière de se construire une identité dans le cas de ceux qui forment cette élite. La perspective sociologique consiste dans l’esquisse d’un profile des élus locaux sur la base de critères tels l’âge, le genre ou la profession, le but étant celui d’identifier des caractéristiques générales des élites locales et de proposer une image du leader politique postcommuniste des communautés rurales. L’illustration de la structure monographique du village Ceptura est aussi un des objectifs déclarés de ce travail, ayant le but de réaliser une image très concrète de la réalité étudiée. L’intention s’inscrit dans la direction de soutenir un registre bien nuancé de ce que l’espace local et toutefois unité administrative de base représente et de définir clairement la spatialité de la recherche. Méthodologie L’analyse consiste dans une étude de cas de type longitudinal, s’occupant de l’évolution des trajectoires des élites locales dans l’intervalle de temps 1990 – 2012. Pour bien ancrer la validité des hypothèses de recherche, un regard historique va être opéré afin de saisir les parcours des élites pendant la dernière période du régime communiste. La perspective historique prendra en compte les deux moments-clé du postcommunisme :1989-1990 – « la révolution locale » et l’institution d’une « démocratie locale » et 2007 – année de l’adhésion de la Roumanie à l’Union Européenne, dont l’impact este ressenti fortement au niveau local. Les sources secondaires font partie de la littérature de spécialité dans le domaine du postcommunisme, dédiée au sujet comme par exemple la démocratisation, la transition, les élites politiques. En partant de la qualification de l’objet de la recherche comme “sous-système administratif”, l’opérationnalisation des concepts qui permettra l’ancrage théorique de la recherche sera placée dans le contexte de l’inextricable relation établie entre l’administration et la politique. L’action de gouverner au niveau local représente l’articulation, la mise en marche à niveau micro des mécanismes et processus politiques établis aux échelons supérieurs. Les méthodes de recherche employées seront également quantitatives et qualitatives. Je fais appel aux statistiques avec les résultats des élections pour la Mairie et le Conseil Local commençant avec 1990 et jusqu’au présent. Aussi, j’ai réalisé des entretiens avec les personnes formant l’élite politique locale, mais aussi des entretiens avec des informateurs privilégiés. L’utilisation de la méthode de l’observation participante a été aussi envisagée, puisque l’étendue de la recherche doctorale comprends le moment électoral de 2012 ;une approche comparative entre les trajectoires des élites locales est elle aussi envisagée .Ainsi, le bricolage qui est intrinsèque à une enquête de terrain essayera de produire des données valides en utilisant plusieurs méthodes :l’observation participante, les entretiens, les recensements et d’autres comptages, les listes généalogiques et pas en dernier lieu les sources écrites (les archives de la Mairie, les archives de la Coopérative Agricole de Production « 1 Mai Rotari Ceptura »), respectant le principe de triangulation. Résultats de la recherche Reproduisant au niveau local des patterns de transformation du personnel politique du niveau central, les événements de décembre 1989 permettent la reconversion d’une importante partie de l’ancienne nomenklatura dans des postes dirigeants au sein de nouvelles institutions locales, à côté des représentants provenant des environnements divers, dans un chœur du pluralisme, validé à travers des élections libres. L’équilibre plus ou moins fragile de l’interpénétration anciens communistes – nouvelles élites permet au deux parties de trouver les ressorts pour assurer leur survie.La perspective de la reconversion des élites communistes pour lesquelles la révolution est susceptible à interrompre le parcours politique, incite celles-ci à adopter une double stratégie :accepter les règles d’un jeu démocratique, radicalement différent du régime qu’ils connaissent et une fois la décision prise, trouver des routes accessibles pour entrer dans le nouveau environnement ;l’implication dans la gestion de la situation révolutionnaire assure un parcours logique pour la prise en charge de nouvelles fonctions politico – administrative. En parallele avec la reconversion, le paysage politique local autochtone compte sur un véritable processus de circulation, incontestable si on prend en compte la re-pluralisation évolutive des formations partisanes promouvant continuellement de nouvelles figures dans des postes électives locales. Il s’agit donc d’un renouvellement constant des membres formant l’élite politique locale, personnages qui comptent bien sur un degré haut d’indépendance politique par rapport au régime socialiste. Pour les pays de la zone centre-est européenne, le rural est une réalité dynamique qui pèse significativement si on prend en compte les criteres de l’étendue géographique et la proportion de la population. Le temps du bricolage en matière de politique locale semble avoir être dépassé; le renforcement législatif, le suivi des procédures strictes, la bureaucratisation de l’administration publique, l’augmentation du poids des élections locales sont tout autant des éléments qui soutiennent un changement de paradigme dans la recherche sur les élites politiques locales de la Roumanie dans les 25 ans de postcommunisme. Vingt-cinq après la chute du communisme, le changement générationnel, mais aussi une nouvelle élite retrouvant ses origines dans des activités commerciales (commerçants et chefs d’entreprise), démontre la croissance de l’intérêt des gens impliqués dans des professions libérales d’entrer dans l’arène de la vie politique locale pour y perdurer. Le développement économique des communautés locales fait paraître cette nouvelle couche, dont l’esprit d’initiative va l’orienter vers les institutions politico – administratives.Il est important de favoriser une perspective interactive entre les niveaux macro et micro – institutionnel :il s’agit d’une part d’observer la mise en place dans le territoire des politiques et des actions décidées à l’échelle nationale et d’autre part d’observer les échos allant des zones rurales vers le centre. Le local est en soi un enjeu politique.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

American women continue to be severely underrepresented in the number of elected political positions held. One of the obstacles that women face when seeking public office are gender stereotypes which reinforce beliefs that women may be less viable candidates than men. Gender stereotypes influence a range of evaluations about candidates including judgments about their credibility, competency, and communication strategies. This study analyzes communication campaign strategies as one area in which gender stereotyping may influence voters. Television political advertisements are the context for this analysis because of the increased relevance of advertising in imparting candidate image and issue information to the voters. Language Expectancy Theory and literature from the nonverbal communication field provided the theoretical rationale for this study. A micro-level analysis of the verbal and nonverbal communication strategies in political advertising was conducted to determine if these strategies adhered to or countered gender stereotypes. A total of 124 political advertisements of male and female candidates were content analyzed. Results of the study indicate that differences existed in how male and female candidates presented their image to the electorate. Specifically, for the verbal strategies examined, women candidates used less intense language, less humor, less direct attacks, and more prosocial strategies than their male counterparts. However, no differences were found between how men and women made references to autonomy nor were differences identified in their use of opinionated language. For the nonverbal communication strategies, women were coded as having more pleasant voices, and as using more immediate and dominant kinesic cues. No differences were identified in regard to trait characteristics emphasized nor issues mentioned in the ads. The discussion focuses on how these findings can assist scholars in understanding the communication strategies male and female candidates utilized, and if these strategies supported or violated communication stereotypes. The findings of the study can facilitate future research related to understanding how female candidates can increase the persuasive efficacy of their political advertisements.

The research conducted was done on the basis of providing an initial platform or starting point for insight and discussion into what a strategic transcultural model of leadership might look like which was relevant to the early 21st Century Christian context in the cities of Southern Africa. A strategic transcultural leader is essentially a transformational leader who exhibits an ability beyond the norm in being able to cross socio-political barriers and thus inspiring the multicultural dynamic, while also honouring the individual cultures represented. In order to study strategic transcultural leadership models a strong leadership angle was taken, which employed investigating six leaders, three political and three Christian as to the structures, styles, values, transcultural abilities and Christian/political beliefs and/or philosophies they employed. The thesis poses the problem of urban unrest in the cities of Southern Africa. The problem of an influx into the cities, of the many different ethnicities and tribes from throughout Southern Africa and the pressures this has caused is briefly alluded to. This problem has been further exacerbated in South Africa by the arrival of many peoples from throughout Africa, south of the Sahara seeking their fortune without having to leave the African Subcontinent, and in Zimbabwe by the political policies of the Zimbabwean government, over land and in clearing away her unapproved urban high-density housing, and her informal business and white farming sectors of the economy. With these issues in mind, there is a need for strategic transcultural leadership to address these and other issues of unrest. The examples of Mandela and De Klerk as transformational leaders, inspire hope, that the vacuum of strategic transcultural leadership seen in Africa at large and specifically in relation to Southern Africa can be met, as is noted by the progress made in recent years in the arena of transformational leadership which the Group of eight and the United Nations and others allude to. While this is true, there are still problems in relation to the political decision-making within South African, as seen by Mbeki’s stance in the past on HIV-AIDS, and Zimbabwe’s woes. The stage is set from a missiological and historical perspective by looking at multicultural models of leadership in the Early Church with specific reference to Paul and the Antiochan model he used as a prototype. The Jerusalem Church is mentioned as a bi-cultural model, which has significant use outside of large urban environs. However it was the Pauline-Antiochan model that provided a platform, in the later use of a synthetic-semiotic model, to deduce or synthesis a transcultural model. Paul’s model of leadership was analysed specifically in relation to the five elements already noted (structures, styles, etc.) and is particularly useful as a model as Paul himself provides firstly an insight into a man of bi-cultural heritage yet someone who was empire-conscious. Paul was able to uphold both the cultural distinctive or uniqueness of both the Greek and Jew (noting Paul’s use of both Hebraic and Hellenistic styles of the diatribe for example) as well as the universal, in that he was empire-conscious which played into his Kingdom perspective. Secondly he provides a reasonable grounds for understanding that if the belief system of the individual is changed on one of its most fundamental levels – allegiance – then given time the macro-cultural identity of a nation, even empire can be significantly altered. He was able to do this primarily because the Graeco-Roman Empire had a common linguafranca in Greek, and the Christian community – as the followers of the Way became known as – had an ethos of reconciliation, enhancing the multicultural and one also of inclusivity (for example a worship style that encompasses both Jewish and local expressions) enhancing the particular. In declaring the One God of Israel and Jesus Christ – Messiah, as the only true Kyrios, Paul replaced the Emperor and the whole Greek pantheon of the Gods with the one true God and Father of us all, and his one and only Son.< /p> The three political leaders – Moshoeshoe, Smuts and Mandela – and the three Christian leaders – Mutendi, Cassidy and Tutu – are investigated in terms of the five elements (structures, styles, values etc.) that comprise the model of leadership. Each of these leaders in turn made a lasting contribution to national and/or tribal change. After looking at the six leadership models an initial conceptual framework for a multicultural model of leadership is outlined. However, in order to bring significant current postmodern/neo-African/tribal/multicultural paradigms of thought and the associated socio-political forces and philosophies of the day, to bear on the evolving model, these were specifically highlighted and brought into the process of synthesizing a model. Lastly once all these inputs are brought together in a tabulated framework, and the evolving multicultural model is screened against three known working scenarios, and further synthesized such that the refined model was then called a strategic transcultural model of leadership. Before this can be achieved however, various North American multicultural models posited were looked at in a literary review, which served to reinforce the understanding of the need to balance the universal and the particular aspects of culture. In refining a strategic transcultural model, the thesis next attempted to address the problem of developing a national macro-cultural identity. A strict delineation in a postmodern era between Church and State was considered to be not only unnecessary but a modern myth, also noting that the State mirrors the Church in many of the problems of community and identity. Thus the meso-level of the Church provided key insights into the macro-level of the State. An argument all along was posed for not just orchestrating a macro-culture based on multiculturalism, nor in just upholding the micro-cultural individual identities at the expense of participation in a national framework and beyond this the global village, but an argument was made for a both/and scenario. In doing this the thesis sought to address both the macro-cultural and individual cultural identities at every level and in every element of the model of leadership. The plausibility of the argument for today was based on the prevalence of a language of choice – in most cases English – and an ethos of reconciliation and inclusivity for which Madiba and Tutu among others have set the standard. A final picture of a community based on both was posited for reflection, a picture that John paints where the great heavenly host (mirroring the macro-level of the Kingdom) is contrasted with the micro-level of a people made up “from every tribe and language and people and nation” (Rev 5:9).
Thesis (PhD (Science of Religion and Missiology))--University of Pretoria, 2007.
Science of Religion and Missiology
PhD
Unrestricted

La tesi consisteix en quatre assaigs sobre les causes i conseqüències de la intervenció del govern en l'economia, i un assaig sobre els efectes de la immigració en el país amfitrió. El primer capítol quantifica els retorns econòmics de les connexions polítiques, i examina els canals a través dels quals aquestes afecten les empreses. El segon capítol estudia la relació entre la confiança entre els individus i les preferències d'aquests per la intervenció governamental, i utilitza aquesta relació per reinterpretar evidència existent sobre els efectes de les regulacions. El tercer capítol examina la substitució entre els mercats financers i les pensions publiques, com a dos alternatives per proveir la jubilació. El quart capítol estima els efectes de la fragmentació política sobre la velocitat de les reformes estructurals, centrant-se en el cas particular de les privatitzacions. Finalment, l'últim capítol investiga empíricament la relació entre immigració i crim.
The thesis collects four essays about the causes and consequences of government intervention in the economy and one essay about the effects of immigration. The first chapter quantifies the private returns and the social costs of political connections. The second chapter studies the relationship between individual trust toward the others and preferences for government intervention, and it draws the implications of this relationship for re-interpreting previous evidence about the effects of regulation. The third chapter examines the substitutability between financial markets and public pensions as two alternative ways to provide for retirement. The fourth chapter estimates the effect of political fragmentation on the timing of structural reforms, focusing in particular on privatization. Finally, the last chapter empirically investigates the relationship between immigration and crime.

The overall purpose of this study is to assess various market-based versus aid based approaches to financial autonomy for Dalit women in rural India and the goals and assumptions of the multiple stakeholders involved in each method (mainly, national and international NGOs, the state, and micro-finance organizations). I argue that approaches to income generation such as entrepreneurship, capital investment, and skill building, are based on similar objectives of economic agency, but ultimately lend to different results because of their varying assumptions about “women’s empowerment.” By separating these approaches into three methods of income generation based on their objective to promote either wages, labor, or capital, the political incentives of each stakeholder becomes more clear. The research presented in my literature review ultimately led me to predict that for Dalit women in India to experience financial autonomy, wage labor that produces immediate outcomes is a more viable route to overall empowerment than entrepreneurship due to its cultural constraints women fact. However, after analyzing my comparative case studies which focused on three different methods of handicraft and textile production facilitated through state, institutional, private stakeholders, I began to see how a a multiple-income generating approach, such as combining the resources of NGOs, micro-finance, and the state, reduces caste and gender barriers to entrepreneurship. Through a feminist and Marxist analysis, I assess the problems that occur when actors determine a blanket approach to empowering all women without considering their diverse contexts, and more specifically, how different identities and standpoints work to inform and oppress notions of empowerment. My interviews with experts in the field have led me to recommend that methods of income generation facilitated through grassroots Self Help Groups is the best way for rural, Dalit women to women to achieve economic agency.

The aim of this thesis is to analyse the mutual impact which social relations and entrepreneurship had in relation to the success of four actors in a rural area in northern Sweden at the beginning of the nineteenth century. Many Swedish scholars have studied the process of social differentiation, before the industrial revolution. However, we still know very little about the forces behind this process, why some peasant households became more successful than others, especially during the first half of the nineteenth century when the economic differences were increasing. To grasp this process, the notion of social position has been used as a tool to grade the population on a scale from low- to high-ranked households in an economic and political sense. The fact that households were more or less successful turns our attention to the ability among individuals and households to change their social position. A theoretical concept chosen to investigate such change is the notion of entrepreneur, which implies a focus on the actor working for personal profit in a changing economic world. The main question has been how important social relations connected to entrepreneurship are in order to promote success among peasant households in the pre-industrial society. The empirical investigation has been conducted on two different levels. The first level is a structural study analysing the physical landscape of the court district of Rödön, the economic stratification and the political activity of the population in the area and, finally, their economic behaviours as peasants and rural businessmen. The second is a qualitative study emphasising on four individual actors: the businessman Per Wikström in the town of Östersund and three of the most successful peasant households in the region. The four case studies reveal that the rural elite had a pragmatic and dynamic approach to choosing social relations outside the family. Many acquaintances grew persistent and embedded in family or kinship relations, whereas others were short-lived or sacrificed for a calculated economic gain.

Varieties of Capitalism theory predicts that the skill specificity of workers determines their demand for social protection. In this thesis, I test this assumption using a measure of occupational mobility between pre- and post-unemployment, which I apply to European workers in different skill groups as defined by Fleckenstein et al., (2011). Using this measure as an indicator of the portability of workers' skills, I then evaluate whether the lower marketability of human capital investments is associated with greater demand for unemployment protection. The findings demonstrate that whilst this relationship is apparent in certain countries, notably Coordinated Market Economies such as Germany, the assumptions do not apply across institutional settings. Consequently, skill specificity cannot explain variation in attitudes towards unemployment protection policies between countries.

Cette thèse de doctorat s’articule autour de cinq concepts-clés : espace public, réseaux sociaux, opinion publique, communication politique, et éthique de la discussion. Elle porte sur les configurations possibles de l’espace public dans la société chinoise, avec le développement des réseaux sociaux chinois et, par là-même, sur l’opportunité d’une éventuelle influence exercée par ceux-ci sur le système social et politique. La recherche est ainsi centrée sur l’analyse des divers stratégies des acteurs sociaux impliqués et le jeu croisé les uns avec les autres.Face aux prérogatives de l’État absolutiste et grâce aux technologies numériques d'information et de communication, un contre-discours est apparu et s’est développé sur les réseaux sociaux chinois, contestant le monopole du gouvernement sur la diffusion de l'information et le pouvoir de la parole. Ce dernier a dû depuis lors, ajuster sa stratégie de communication politique afin d’assurer sa légitimité politique, ce qui constitue également une occasion sans précédent pour les citoyens ordinaires d'exprimer leurs réclamations et revendications politiques et sociales.Cela nous amène à explorer les possibilités de l'espace public chinois à l'ère numérique. Cependant, nous avons constaté que de nombreux facteurs entravent la formation de cet espace public potentiel, y compris les facteurs politiques et les facteurs culturels spécifiques aux acteurs sociaux chinois. Notre travail de recherche met l’accent sur ces obstacles sous-jacents
This doctoral dissertation revolves around five key concepts: public space, social networks, public opinion, political communication, and the ethics of discussion. It focuses on the possible configurations of the public space in Chinese society, with the development of Chinese social networks and, consequently, on the opportunity of a possible influence exerted by these on the social and political system. The research is thus centered on the analysis of the various strategies of the social actors involved and the interplay with each other.Faced with the prerogatives of the absolutist state, thanks to digital information and communication technologies, a counter-discourse appeared and developed on Chinese social networks, challenging the monopoly of the government on the dissemination of information and the power of speech. The latter has since had to adjust its political communication strategy to ensure its political legitimacy, which is also an unprecedented opportunity for ordinary citizens to express their claims and political demands.This leads us to explore the possibilities of Chinese public space in the digital age. However, we found that many factors hinder the formation of this potential public space, including political factors and cultural factors specific of these chinese social actors. Our research work focuses on these underlying obstacles

A wide range of research fields have studied how emotions and behavior are affected by the physical environment. This gestalt theorist approach of experimental research as well seeks to measure emotion (using the valence-arousal scale) and micro-scale community development interactions when weighted physical environment factors are adjusted. Community development (CD) interactions at the micro-scale have received but slight attention from scholars in the CD research field and this study aims partially to investigate developing objective measures from social observations. CD interactions from recordings along with self-reported emotion through surveys in four quasi-experimental groups (where the environments were constructed based on peer-reviewed literature to cause emotional reactions) and one control group made up the data collected for this experiment. While the results of this experiment displayed apparent convincing quantitative differences in both CD interactions and emotion when the physical environment was manipulated, the results of a one-way ANOVA indicated no statistical significance to either dependent variable. The conclusions suggest limiting the physical factors of the environment to produce more precise changes as a result of the manipulated quasi environments.

碩士
國立中正大學
成人及繼續教育研究所
105
Awareness of lifelong learning has attracted increasing concern in modern society, among which the community college is considered as one of the important adult education institutions in Taiwan. Community college provides courses that can raise public consciousness and it also yearns for creating civil society and seeking emancipation knowledge. Teachers of community college who take charge of planning courses and teaching play a key role in imparting knowledge. If teachers cannot cope with troubles in teaching field, they will have direct impact on courses and the interests or developments of students, administrative staffs and the whole community college. Organizations in community college tend to be more open and free, so teachers of community college should have the ability to communicate and medicate in the course of dealing with teaching troubles. The conflicts of interests, communication and interaction involved in teaching troubles can be described in details, or the research can provide reference for similar situation in days to come, if it analyzes the course of coping with teaching troubles with view of micro-politics. The purpose of this research includes two parts. The first part discusses the teaching troubles which teachers may encounter in community college and teacher’s process of dealing with troubles. And it will be narrated in the second part, which is how to communicate or negotiate with people involved by adopting the strategy of micro-politics to deal with teaching troubles. Researchers select the topic by adopting qualitative research methods for the purpose of study, then inviting seven teachers of community college who were once trapped in teaching troubles to participate through purposive sampling and snowball sampling methods. Later on, researchers interview them in depth according to the interview outline for collecting information. The contents of interview have been transcribed into transcripts. And researchers analyze the interview from the perspective of Grounded Theory and analysis procedures, then structuring out gradually the teaching problems and the process of coping with troubles encountered in community college with the strategy of micro-politics. Research conclusions go as follows: 1. Since community college by its nature is open and free, it can be found with view of micro-politics that power involved is complex, intricate and extensive. (a)The competition is fierce in the educational talent market, so only by conducting more aspects in political, community college can seek benefits and take a place in the market. (b)Community college puts emphasis on members’ participation so that various characters can be seen in the organization. The richness of character leads to frequent interaction among members and more intricate viewpoint of micro-politics. 2. Community college will run successfully if teachers, administrative staffs and students are closely connected through communication with each other. 3. The course of coping with teaching troubles in community college can be divided into 4 stages, including formative period, derived period, strategic response period and outcome evaluation period. 4. Teaching troubles facing by teachers of community college mainly consist of two types, they are conditions of delivering courses and problems encountered in teaching. 5. Teachers should be able to resolve problems or should have adequate literacy of micro-politics when coping with different teaching situations. 6. It can be concluded that the interest of teaching in community college (including job interest, career interest and other interest) is extremely important to teachers of community college from the perspective of micro-politics interests. (a)Most of the community college teachers of continue to work just for main reason that community college can satisfy their job interests, career interests and other interests. (b)Teaching troubles may do damages to a number of interests of community college teachers, sometimes they can be triggered as well as by conflicts of interests. Both teaching problems and interests are reciprocal and relevant. (c)The more damages the job interest affected by teaching troubles, the more active the measures or the strategies of micro-politics adopted by the teachers can be. 7. Students play an important role in market-oriented adult education. (a)Students are important who play the role of customer in market-oriented adult education. (b)Students can be considered as one of the great assistance for teachers of community college to cope with the teaching troubles. 8.The administrative staff plays a passive role in assisting teachers of community college when suffering teaching problems. 9. There are many difficult but lasting teaching troubles which are mainly caused by mechanism and tendency. 10.Teaching conditions provided by community college often have influence on teaching. Finally, the research supply some suggestions on ways of coping with teaching troubles, teachers and administrative staffs of community college, subsequent studies and so on. (1).suggestions on teachers of community college (a)Teachers should possess adequate micro-politics literacy； (b)Teachers should have interpersonal connections; (c)Teachers should establish good relationships with members of community college. (2).suggestions on community college (a)Community college ought to provide sufficient teaching resources and conditions to support teachers; (b)Community college ought to play a positive role in resolving teaching troubles; (c)Community college ought to organize communication group for students. (3).suggestions on future researches (a)Research objects: Scope of research can be restricted within a community college, then doing research based on the beginning and end of an event and members involved; research can be done according to the classification of community college, while the participants are teachers of each group, which benefits analyzing in depth and contextually. (b)Research methods It is suggested that ethnography methods can contribute to conducting researches. Moreover, to have an actual visit to community college is helpful for observing and analyzing. (c)Research methods This research is based on the subject of teaching problems. And it is suggested that the future researches can analyze the course of making decision with micro-politics method. Micro-politics can be applied to analyzing interest, power and interaction of each object in the case of specific events. Keywords: community university, community university teachers, micro-politics, teaching problems, coping strategies

碩士
國立中正大學
教育研究所
95
The purpose of this research was to analyze, from the micro-political perspective, the exercise of power and tactics conducted by principal, staffs, teachers, and partners in elementary school in developing school characterization, and to fine solutions to the micro-political problem. This research methodically adopted case study which was example of one school’s football, interviews, and observation; and concludes the following findings: 1.Development of school characterization: (1)The chose of school characterization mostly was determined by the principal. (2)Parents much care the school characterization concerning their children’s future. (3)The more hiding conflict among the principle, teachers, and partners existed, the more complicated school characterization was. (4)There was no definite method and rule of the curriculum and teaching in the school characterization. 2.The micro-politics of development school characterization from principal: (1)The principal faced obstacles both from the inside and outside of the school in the school reform proceeding. (2)The principal exercised coercive leadership to salve the weak school culture. (3)The more coercive the principal lead, the more strong the staff resisted privately. 3.The micro-politics of development school characterization from teachers: (1)The powerful teachers forged an alliance against the principal privately. (2)The teacher empowerment was limited in the classroom. (3)The majority of teachers quested the teachers’ association could assure their empowerment. 4.The micro-politics of development school characterization from parents: (1) The parents’ communication led negative and positive outcomes for school activities. (2) Communication regularly between school members and parents could foster the parents understanding the school activities. (3)The parents’ responses still tend to passive to participate in school activates.

博士
國立臺灣師範大學
工業科技教育學系
97
In Taiwan-based 9-year Integrated Curriculum, orthodox curricula had been replaced by school-centered curricula, wherein two originally individual subjects, Living Technology and Science, were incorporated into one single subject area — Science and Living Technology. The focus of this study was to build a full picture of current curriculum implementation of Living Technology in junior high school and explore the gap between the curriculum goal and the current implementation in light of micro-political phenomena. This study tried to provide quantitative data as well as qualitative analyses to make the research objective and extensive. The instrumentation included questionnaire, interview and life-history approach. The respondents of the questionnaire were from 26 public junior high schools in Taichung City. The questionnaire tried to find out the number of Living Technology teachers, their background and their teaching. Based on the results of the questionnaire, one principal, one teacher and one student were selected to be interviewed to gather in-depth data. To testify the results of the questionnaire and the in-depth interview, life-history approach was conducted to a junior high principal, qualified as a Living Technology teacher. Results are as follows: 1. Fewer qualified Living Technology teachers were recruited than needed because schools did not recruit teachers of this subject. 2. The majority of qualified Living Technology teachers transferred to other subject areas or businesses, which further marginalized the course of Living Technology. 3. Living Technology was still delivered in few junior high schools because some teachers insisted on delivering it or were not competent in other subject matters. 4. Living Technology was mostly delivered by science teachers, who might not follow the curriculum guidelines of it. 5. Some micro-political phenomena such as ideology, benefits and power, affected the implementation of Living Technology and then influenced the teachers in their career choice. 6. Living Technology was being marginalized, infertilized, and diminished in terms of ideology, benefits and power respectively.

碩士
臺北市立大學
教育行政與評鑑研究所
105
The purpose of this study was to comprehend the effects of micro-political strategies on the allocation issue of educational resources in their departments. Hence, the questionnaire method was adopted for investigating professors from northern Taiwan universities. Overall, about 202 out of 1493 questionnaires were collected and the return rate was 14%. This study applied descriptive analysis, independent-samples t-test, one-way ANOVA, Pearson's product-moment correlation coefficient and multiple regression to understand the micro-political practice applied by professors, as well as the adaptation of each department. According to the analysis results, the findings could be depicted as following statements: 1.Professors have high recognition in the current situations and educational resources of their departments. 2.The micro-political strategy is often adopted by professors, such as exposure, persuasion, coalition, negotiation, ingratiation, and exchange. 3.Different factors of individual backgrounds might cause significant differences on using micro-political strategies, the situations of departments and the recognition of educational resources. 4.The situations of departments and educational resources have positive moderately correlated. 5.The institutional power from the situations of departments has adaptive function when they utilize the coalition strategy of micro politics to endeavor the funds for educational resources. According to results, this study provides suggestions to administrator in universities and future study for researchers. Keywords: educational resources, educational resource allocation, micro-political strategy, the situation of department

碩士
國立中正大學
課程研究所
100
Micro-political Analysis on Teacher-pupil Interaction in Fifth and Sixth Grade Class in the Elementary School Pei-Chia, Wang Graduate Institute of Curriculum Studies National Chung Cheng University Abstract The study is to analyze the strategies of teacher-pupil interaction by micro-political perspective. Exploring the variety of power strategies that teachers and students in the class will adopt to achieve their goals and demands. According to the study conclusions, the suggestions are raised for teachers, students, and parents. The study is conducted through qualitative methods such as interview, observation and relevant documents employed to collect empirical data from teachers and students. The subject consists of four homeroom teachers in fifth and sixth grade of elementary school in Yunlin county. The major findings are as follows: Teachers’ strategies---(1) Teachers establish the master image and use the influence-type strategy to manage the classroom students effectively. (2) Teachers build the relationship with students in the background to maintain smooth operation of power, and use a variety of protective-type strategies to diversify their responsibility as well as protect self-image. (3) Adding the current issues in the teaching and taking into account the different levels of students. (4) Teachers’ strategies will take into account the opinions of school administrators and parents. Students’ strategies---(1) Most students use mild and obedience attitude to face teacher’s authority. (2) Students use the strategies to build a good relationship with teachers, and seek the best timing with mild attitude to negotiate. Keywords: teacher-pupil interaction, micro-politics, strategy

碩士
南華大學
應用社會學系社會學碩士班
99
The problem of surplus teachers is getting serious because of the sinking birth rate, and “who is the surplus” is my concern in this paper. In order to realize the operating process of selecting the surplus teachers, I use the case study method, collect the information by observing and interviewing, and analyze the factors of influencing the decision making. 　 　　Seven important findings are obtained from the analysis. First, the teacher with more seniority or the administrative staff is less likely to be the surplus teacher. Second, there is gender discrimination in the process. Third, the headmaster applies the political strategy of “effect” to handle the operating process, including legal requirements, arbitrary strategy, rewards/punishments, information control, etc; and teachers applies the political strategy of “protection” to keep them away from being selected, including alienation, flattering and fawning. Fourth, these political strategies make the organization members isolated, etc. Fifth, Teacher Association is not capable of inspecting the operation system, and the administrative staff is more powerful and arbitrary. Sixth, this process becomes into the one solving the problem of incompetent teachers. Seventh, students’ right to education is affected under this operation, and the inequality of access educational resources is increased.

博士
國立臺北教育大學
教育經營與管理學系
106
The main purposes of this study are to understand the current situations and the realationships of principals’ micro-political leadership, organizational trust and school effectiveness in elementary schools, and to analyze the differences among principals’ micro-political leadership, organizational trust and school effectiveness among different teachers and school environment backgrounds in elementary schools. Furthermore, it also explores the relationships among principals’ micro-political leadership, organizational trust and school effectiveness in elementary schools. Finally, it verifies the proper fit situation of the structural equation model among principals’ micro-political leadership, organizational trust and school effectiveness in elementary schools. To achieve these purposes, this study adopts a questionnaire survey. “The investigative questionnaire of relationships among principals’ micro-political leadership, organizational trust and school effectiveness in elementary schools”, is the main tool we use. The samples are 1,600 teachers selected from elementary schools in Taiwan, and 861 of the distributed copies are returned as valid. The return rate is 54%. A series of statistical methods such as descriptive statistics, t-test, one-way ANOVA, Pearson product-moment correlation, stepwise multiple regression analysis and structural equation model are conducted to analyze the data collected. The conclusions of this study are as follows: 1.Elementary school principals showed above moderate performances on their micro-political leadership in overall and various aspects, especially the highest score in "Balanced interests" but the lowest in "Handling conflicts ". 2.Elementary schools showed above moderate performances on their organizational trust in overall and various aspects, especially the highest score in " Leader trust" but the lowest in " System trust ". 3.Elementary schools showed above moderate performances on their school effectiveness in overall and various aspects, especially the highest score in " School resources " but the lowest in " Student performance ". 4.Educators’ perception of principals’ micro-political leadership showed significant differences. 5.Educators’ perception of organizational trust showed significant differences. 6.Educators’ perception of effectiveness of school showed significant differences. 7.There was a significant positive correlation among principals' micro-political leadership, organizational trust and school effectiveness. 8.The proper fit situation of structural equation model among principals’ micro-political leadership, organizational trust and school effectivenes was verified as positive, and can explain the relationships among these main variables. According to the conclusions, some suggestions are provided as references for principals in elementary schools, Department of Education, school teachers and future follow-up study.

碩士
國立高雄大學
政治法律學系碩士班
102
A fine promotion system can attract talent to serve for administrative agencies and motivate personnel’s morale. Therefore, a whole promotion system can enhance government performance and enrich human resources. The promotion system is full of politics in local government, so it is worthy to explore and research. The present study applied micro-political analysis to discuss the status, factors and micro-political strategies in promotion system of administrative agency in Pingtung County. The study adopted semi-structure in-depth interview and designed interview outlines according to research purposes, research questions and literature surveys. The findings of this research were as follows: 1. The decision of promotion is usually controlled by politics. 2. The key factors to promotion system are mayor’s favor and personal relationship. 3. Survey candidates are not generally satisfied with current promotion system. 4. The staff adopted protective strategy, influence strategy and interactive strategy to interfere organization promotion system. Based upon the findings, some suggestions are addressed as follows: 1. The system should limit directors’ personalgewalt and eliminate improper promotion factors. 2. Promotion system should correspond openness, equity and justice. 3. Revise selection method in all levels and positions. 4. Adopt multiple reference criteria in promotion system. 5. Decide promotion positions by group discussion and decision.