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Journal articles on the topic 'Micro-political'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 18 February 2022

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1

Yi Junqing. "On Micro-political Philosophy." Diogenes 56, no. 1 (February 2009): 41–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0392192109102154.

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2

McIlvenny, Paul. "Mobilising the micro-political voice." Journal of Language and Politics 16, no. 1 (April 25, 2017): 110–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.16.1.06mci.

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Abstract A notable feature of the participatory communication repertoire developed by the Occupy movement is known as the “Human Microphone” or “People’s Mic”, reminiscent of the call-and-response format of action. A collection was made of more than 160 online amateur videos recorded at an Occupy protest site or event in which the Human Mic and the disaffiliative “mic check” were used in diverse ways. In 19 separate cases, more than one video recording was independently uploaded of the same event, thus giving a unique insight into the constitution of participation in a collective (and yet potentially dissensual) politico-interactional space from disparate technology-mediated spatial positions at the site. Ethnomethodological conversation analysis (EMCA) is used to analyse the social interactional accomplishment and collective organisation of the ‘voice’ of the Human Mic, including its propagation to larger audiences and its interdiscursive translation into new settings as a strategic tool of political communication that attempts to ‘occupy’ institutional speech.
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3

Hulton, Dorinda. "Sites of Micro-Political Theatre." PAJ: A Journal of Performance and Art 30, no. 3 (September 2008): 94–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/pajj.2008.30.3.94.

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4

Pryor, Frederic L. "The political economy of micro‐communism." Communist Economies 2, no. 2 (June 1990): 223–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14631379008427642.

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5

AYEKO-KOMMETH, Jane. "Micro-hegemony and political orders in Uganda." African Journal of Political Science and International Relations 9, no. 1 (January 31, 2015): 27–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.5897/ajpsir2014.0718.

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6

Henneberg, Stephan C., and Nicholas J. O'Shaughnessy. "Political Relationship Marketing: some macro/micro thoughts." Journal of Marketing Management 25, no. 1-2 (February 16, 2009): 5–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1362/026725709x410016.

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7

Blondel, Jean. "A Plea for a Genuine ‘Micro-political’ Analysis in Political Science." Government and Opposition 45, no. 4 (2010): 553–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2010.01322.x.

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8

Ryabtsev, Kirill. "Political Micro-Targeting in Europe: A Panacea for the Citizens’ Political Misinformation or the New Evil for Voting." Groningen Journal of International Law 8, no. 1 (September 30, 2020): 69–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.21827/grojil.8.1.69-89.

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Personalised interaction between political parties and the electorate has existed since the emergence of modern elections. Nowadays, digital technology has moved the relationship between political candidates and voters to a more advanced level. Through collecting and analysing citizens’ personal data via digital means, politicians have the capacity to foresee the electorate’s political behaviour, its preferences, and the choices it is inclined to make. Such campaign strategy is known as ‘political micro-targeting’, and it has raised great interest in academia. One may consider it a panacea for political misinformation, given that political micro-targeting can increase the population’s participation in politics. Nonetheless, it can be argued that this phenomenon poses a long-term threat to democracy. Accordingly, due to the high engagement with personal data that political micro-targeting entails, the question of its compatibility with citizens’ voting rights arises. This thesis will explore the issue of online political micro-targeting and seek to conduct a comparative analysis between presidential election campaigns in three European states, namely France, Italy and the United Kingdom. Accordingly, current political micro-targeting practices in these legal systems, and how they can influence each other, will be illustrated. An important place will be devoted to the analysis of political micro-targeting’s interference with the electorate’s voting rights and its regulatory framework.
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9

Wang, Bin, and Jun Li. "Influence Factor Analysis of Multi-Stage Management Engineering for Multinational Micro Businesses: An Empirical Analysis Using Data Envelopment Analysis." International Journal of Engineering Research in Africa 12 (June 2014): 15–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/jera.12.15.

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In recent years, to a large extent the emergence and development of micro businesses has shown the gaps of comparative advantages between large and medium sized enterprises and small enterprises. Owing to its economics of scope in production, micro businesses contribute to the development and prosperity of the overall market. For the multinational micro business, it is exposed to associated micro political risks in a foreign market in different developing stages (i.e. startup, developing, and mature periods). However, literature review indicates that little work has been done to assess and manage the political risks of multinational micro businesses, let alone provide the multi-stage analysis. To address this problem, this paper develops a multi-stage data envelopment analysis (MSDEA) model to investigate the influence of micro political risks on the efficiency of multinational micro businesses. The main influence factors of the micro political risks in the host country in different stages of startup, developing, and mature periods have been modeled by the MSDEA, to provide new perspectives on the influence mechanism of micro political risk on the multinational micro business. Then the decision makers can assess their companies’ micro political risks in different stages and hence develop target-oriented risk prevention policies. Empirical analysis has been implemented in this paper, along with discussion of potential strategies on assessment and management of the micro political risks for multinational micro businesses. The analysis results demonstrate that the factor of labor conditions was the critical one in the development of the multinational micro business in the startup stage. Good labor conditions may be more likely to avoid micro political risk. The factor of the congruence with national economic interests and goals also impacted the development of the multinational micro business in the startup stage. Hence, the findings of this work could provide valuable reference for multinational micro businesses in restraining the micro political risk.
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10

Kefford, Glenn. "Rethinking small political parties: from micro to peripheral." Australian Journal of Political Science 52, no. 1 (October 27, 2016): 95–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2016.1246650.

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11

Dilley, Luke T. M. "Avoiding the political in transition: A micro-analysis of the micro-politics of conflict." Journal of Rural Studies 51 (April 2017): 178–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jrurstud.2017.02.009.

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12

Fisher, Sue. "Doctor-patient communication: a social and micro-political performance." Sociology of Health & Illness 6, no. 1 (June 28, 2008): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9566.1984.tb00443.x.

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13

Vergeer, Maurice, Liesbeth Hermans, and Steven Sams. "Online social networks and micro-blogging in political campaigning." Party Politics 19, no. 3 (June 30, 2011): 477–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068811407580.

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14

Mense-Petermann, Ursula. "Micro-political or inter-cultural conflicts? – An integrating approach." Journal of International Management 12, no. 3 (September 2006): 302–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.intman.2006.07.002.

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15

Camyar, Isa. "Political Parties, Supply-Side Strategies, and Firms: The Political Micro-Economy of Partisan Politics." Journal of Politics 76, no. 3 (July 2014): 725–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022381614000164.

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16

Elsahn, Ziad F., and Maureen Benson-Rea. "Political Schemas and Corporate Political Activities During Foreign Market Entry: A Micro-process Perspective." Management International Review 58, no. 5 (June 12, 2018): 771–811. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11575-018-0350-6.

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17

MISHLER, WILLIAM, and RICHARD ROSE. "What Are the Origins of Political Trust?" Comparative Political Studies 34, no. 1 (February 2001): 30–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414001034001002.

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Popular trust in political institutions is vital to democracy, but in post-Communist countries, popular distrust for institutions is widespread, and prospects for generating increased political trust are uncertain given disagreements over its origins. Cultural theories emphasizing exogenous determinants of trust compete with institutional theories emphasizing endogenous influences, and both can be further differentiated into micro and macro variants. Competing hypotheses drawn from these theories are tested using data from 10 post-Communist countries in Eastern and Central Europe and the former Soviet Union. Aggregate data on economic and political performance are combined with survey data on interpersonal and political trust, political socialization experiences, and individual evaluations of national performance. Results strongly support the superiority of institutional explanations of the origins of political trust, especially micro-level explanations, while providing little support for either micro-cultural or macro-cultural explanations. This encourages cautious optimism about the potential for nurturing popular trust in new democratic institutions.
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18

Kedar, Orit, and W. Phillips Shively. "Introduction to the Special Issue." Political Analysis 13, no. 4 (2005): 297–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/mpi027.

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The use of multilevel models—models in which lower-level (“micro”) units are nested within higher-level (“macro”) units—has blossomed recently in political science. Possible relationships in such models include macro variables influencing macro variables; micro variables influencing micro variables; macro variables influencing micro variables, and vice versa; and often most interestingly, micro-micro relationships varying interactively with macro variables. Most work in political science has drawn on the useful introductions of Raudenbush and Bryk (2002), Western (1998), and Steenbergen and Jones (2002). We refer readers to good general introductions/reviews of multi-level modeling in the articles in this issue by Bowers and Drake and by Franzese.
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19

Grimmett, Peter P., Rob Fleming, and Lane Trotter. "Legitimacy and identity in teacher education: a micro‐political struggle constrained by macro‐political pressures1." Asia-Pacific Journal of Teacher Education 37, no. 1 (February 2009): 5–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13598660802616419.

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20

Olkusz, Ksenia. "Micro-dystopias as socio-political constructs in post-apocalyptic narratives." Prace Naukowe Akademii im. Jana Długosza w Częstochowie. Studia Neofilologiczne 14 (2018): 33–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.16926/sn.2018.14.02.

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21

O'Hara, Phillip Anthony. "Political Economy of Systemic and Micro-Corruption Throughout the World." Journal of Economic Issues 48, no. 2 (June 2014): 279–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/jei0021-3624480203.

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22

Whittier, Nancy. "Political Generations, Micro-Cohorts, and the Transformation of Social Movements." American Sociological Review 62, no. 5 (October 1997): 760. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2657359.

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23

Kurt, Ümit. "The Political Micro-Economy of the Armenian Genocide, 1915–1922." Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies 20, no. 6 (August 13, 2018): 618–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19448953.2018.1493860.

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24

Bondy, Elizabeth, and Dorene D. Ross. "Micro-political Competence: How Teachers Can Change the Status Quo." Clearing House: A Journal of Educational Strategies, Issues and Ideas 66, no. 1 (October 1992): 10–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00098655.1992.9955916.

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25

Dong, Bin, and Benno Torgler. "Corruption and Political Interest: Empirical Evidence at the Micro Level." Journal of Interdisciplinary Economics 21, no. 3 (September 2009): 295–325. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02601079x09002100304.

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The topic of corruption has recently attracted a great deal of attention, yet there is still a lack of micro level empirical evidence regarding the determinants of corruption. Furthermore, the present literature has not investigated the effects of political interest on corruption despite the interesting potential of this link. We address these deficiencies by analyzing a cross-section of individuals, using the World Values Survey. We explore the determinants of corruption through two dependent variables (perceived corruption and the justifiability of corruption). The impact of political interest on corruption is explored through three different proxies, presenting empirical evidence at both the cross-country level and the within-country level. The results of the multivariate analysis suggest that political interest has an impact on corruption controlling for a large number of factors. JEL classification: K420, D720, 0170, J240
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26

Janneck, Monique, and Henning Staar. "Playing Virtual Power Games." International Journal of Social and Organizational Dynamics in IT 1, no. 2 (April 2011): 46–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijsodit.2011040103.

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Although virtual organizations and networks have been studied, there is still need for research regarding their inner dynamics and the mechanisms of leadership and governance. This paper investigates micro-political processes i.e. informal actions of individual actors to gain power and exert influence, which is a well-researched concept in traditional organizations with respect to inter-organizational networks. This study investigates structures and strategies of power within virtual networks. Results show that micro-political tactics known from research in traditional organizations are used in inter-organizational settings. Additional micro-political tactics, specific to virtual networks, are identified. The latter are related to the use of information and communication technology (ICT). A second quantitative study surveyed 359 members of inter-organizational networks on their use of micro-political tactics. Results confirm that micro-political strategies are widely used in virtual networks. The degree of virtuality was associated with the use of certain tactics. Possible implications for the structure and governance of virtual networks and the design of the technology that is used to support virtual cooperation are discussed.
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27

Hopkinson, Gillian C., and Asad Aman. "Micro-political processes in a multinational corporation subsidiary: A postcolonial reading of restructuring in a sales department." Human Relations 72, no. 12 (February 15, 2019): 1869–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0018726718817818.

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What shapes micro-political contest in the subsidiary of a multinational corporation? We use observational and interview data from a Pakistani subsidiary of a global company to address this question. We trace debate surrounding the entry of modern (self-service) retail through multiple voices. Following postcolonial theory, we show how top management create a narrative that combines the progressiveness of modern retail with the locally salient discourse of izzat/honour. This hybrid narrative defines the terrain and terms of micro-political contest for all others in the subsidiary. Our analysis shows how some workers adapt this hybrid story to support their interests, whilst the attachment of izzat to the modern restricts the possibility of resistance for others. We examine how the narrative enables the establishment of an elite and a dominated group. The postcolonial approach allows us to argue that the subsidiary is a specific site of micro-political struggle where both geo-political factors and relationships with other parts of the multinational corporation shape micro-political processes.
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28

Cwalina, Wojciech, Andrzej Falkowski, and Bruce I. Newman. "The macro and micro views of political marketing: the underpinnings of a theory of political marketing." Journal of Public Affairs 12, no. 4 (April 17, 2012): 254–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/pa.1421.

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29

Lewis, Rebecca. "“This Is What the News Won’t Show You”: YouTube Creators and the Reactionary Politics of Micro-celebrity." Television & New Media 21, no. 2 (October 17, 2019): 201–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1527476419879919.

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This article explores the implications of micro-celebrity practices employed by political and ideological influencers on YouTube. I take a case study approach, performing a content analysis of the videos from three political YouTubers from January 1, 2017, to April 1, 2018. My analysis reveals that for these influencers, micro-celebrity practices are not only a business strategy but also a political stance that positions them as more credible than mainstream media. All three conflate the mainstream media with “social justice” politics, claiming both are sensationalized and silence dissenting voices. By adopting micro-celebrity practices that stress relatability, authenticity, and accountability, they differentiate themselves from both the mainstream media and progressive politics as they perceive them. Thus, the YouTubers in this study align micro-celebrity practices with a reactionary political standpoint. These findings complicate previous mythologies of Internet celebrity that treat participatory culture as inherently progressive.
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30

Balcells, Laia, and Patricia Justino. "Bridging Micro and Macro Approaches on Civil Wars and Political Violence." Journal of Conflict Resolution 58, no. 8 (September 4, 2014): 1343–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002714547905.

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This article reflects on the importance of linking micro and macro levels of analysis in order to advance our current understanding of civil wars and political violence processes and discusses the contributions of the articles in this special issue. We first identify the main problems in research on political violence that is focused on a single level of analysis and describe the challenges faced by research that attempts to establish connections between different levels. We then introduce the different articles in the special issue, with an emphasis on the micro–macro-level linkages they develop and highlighting their commonalities. We conclude by emphasizing the importance of a new research agenda for the study of civil wars and political violence that bridges social, economic, and political dynamics occurring at the local level and conflict processes taking place in the macro arena.
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31

Miller, Gale. "Depicting Family Trouble: A Micro-Political Analysis of the Therapeutic Interview." Journal of Strategic and Systemic Therapies 5, no. 1-2 (March 1986): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1521/jsst.1986.5.1-2.1.

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32

Dupas, Pascaline, and Jonathan Robinson. "Coping with Political Instability: Micro Evidence from Kenya's 2007 Election Crisis." American Economic Review 100, no. 2 (May 1, 2010): 120–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.100.2.120.

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33

Deng, Xiaopeng, Sui Pheng Low, Xianbo Zhao, and Tengyuan Chang. "Identifying micro variables contributing to political risks in international construction projects." Engineering, Construction and Architectural Management 25, no. 3 (April 16, 2018): 317–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ecam-02-2017-0042.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explore the micro-level variables contributing to political risks in international construction projects. Design/methodology/approach A total of 25 micro-level variables were identified from the literature review, and a questionnaire survey was performed with 138 professionals from both academia and industry. Then, the Spearman rank correlation was used to test whether there was agreement on ranking between the two respondent groups. Furthermore, the 25 variables were grouped into six underlying factors through the exploratory factor analysis. Findings The results indicated that the most critical variables were “project desirability to the host country,” “relationship with governments,” “misconduct of contractors,” “public opposition to the project,” “experiential knowledge of political risks” and “advantageous conditions of contract.” In addition, the opinions within each group were consistent and there was no significant disagreement on the rankings of variables between academics and practitioners. However, the academic and practitioner groups held different opinions on some individual variables. The impact direction of the variables was associated with confusion among the respondents. Originality/value The findings presented in this paper can help international construction enterprises effectively manage political risks in international construction projects.
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34

LANE, JAN-ERIK, and SVANTE ERSSON. "Macro and micro understanding in political science: What explains electoral participation?" European Journal of Political Research 18, no. 4 (July 1990): 457–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.1990.tb00243.x.

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35

Granzow, Tanja, Andreas Hasenclever, and Jan Sändig. "Introduction: Framing Political Violence – A Micro-Approach to Civil War Studies." Civil Wars 17, no. 2 (April 3, 2015): 113–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13698249.2015.1070448.

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36

Suparman, NFN. "STRUKTUR WACANA BERITA POLITIK SURAT KABAR PALOPO POS." UNDAS: Jurnal Hasil Penelitian Bahasa dan Sastra 16, no. 2 (December 1, 2020): 141. http://dx.doi.org/10.26499/und.v16i2.2185.

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This study aims to describe the macro structure, superstructure, and micro structure of political news discourse in the Palopo Pos newspaper. This type of research is a qualitative descriptive study. The data source of this research is the political news discourse in Palopo Pos newspaper 23 and 24 February 2018. The research data are excerpts, words, clauses, phrases, sentences, and discourse contained in the political news of Palopo Pos newspaper 23 and 24 February 2018. The object of this research is the macro structure, superstructure, and micro structure of political news discourse. Data obtained by reading and note taking techniques. The results of research on the political news Palopo Pos published 23 and 24 February 2018 are divided into three structures, namely the macro structure, superstructure, and micro structure. In the research on the micro structure of news text discourse, many attitudes of journalists were found to support the Palopo Pos political news text discourse. This shows that the ideology of a journalist greatly influences the formation of a news text. Journalists disguise their alignments in the news discourse by using these elements. With the discourse strategy, journalists can implicitly or explicitly state their ideology and guide public opinion in the direction journalists expect.
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37

INOGUCHI, TAKASHI, SANJAY KUMAR, and SATORU MIKAMI. "Macro-Political Origins of Micro-Political Differences: A Comparison of Eleven Societies in East and South Asia." Japanese Journal of Political Science 8, no. 3 (December 2007): 387–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109907002721.

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This article examines the cross-level causal relationship between macro-political settings and micro-political attitudes in eleven Asian societies using the 2006 AsiaBarometer Survey (China, Hong Kong, Japan, South Korea, Singapore, and Taiwan) and the 2006 South Asian Survey (Bangladesh, India, Nepal, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka). After extracting the four underlying dimensions of political attitudes from the broadly comparable questions used in the two surveys, the study first detects national differences in terms of (1) citizens' attitudes toward political activities other than voting, (2) their commitment to a democratic system, (3) their political frustration, and (4) their confidence in their ability to govern themselves. Then, regression analysis examines the possibility that the micro-level variations in each of the four dimensions of political attitudes are related to the abundant macro-level variations found in these Asian countries. The results show that although the country-level predictors for citizens' attitudes toward direct political actions are common to both regions (ethno-linguistic fractionalization and the degree of institutionalization of preference articulation), factors influencing the variations in other dimensions are different. Specifically, the effects of political competitiveness and inclusiveness are more salient in South Asia than in East Asia.
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Barker, John. "Passengers or political actors? Children's participation in transport policy and the micro political geographies of the family." Space and Polity 7, no. 2 (August 2003): 135–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1356257032000133900.

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39

Yeren, Tang. "Empricial Analysis on Influencing Factors and Effects of Political Education Micro-Blogs." Open Cybernetics & Systemics Journal 9, no. 1 (November 11, 2015): 2941–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.2174/1874110x01509012941.

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40

Dörrenbächer, Christoph, and Mike Geppert. "Micro-political Games in the Multinational Corporation: The Case of Mandate Change." management revu 20, no. 4 (2009): 373–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0935-9915-2009-4-373.

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41

TSENG, CHIN-PEI, and EDMUND C. PENNING-ROWSELL. "Micro-political and related barriers to stakeholder engagement in flood risk management." Geographical Journal 178, no. 3 (March 9, 2012): 253–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-4959.2012.00464.x.

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42

Marshall, Alasdair, Udechukwu Ojiako, and Max Chipulu. "Micro-Political Risk Factors for Strategic Alliances: Why Machiavelli's Animal Spirits Matter." Competition & Change 18, no. 5 (October 2014): 438–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/1024529414z.00000000070.

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Sociological perspectives on strategic alliances between firms are heavily influenced by economic theory. As such, they regard alliance entry, maintenance and exit decisions as following calculative rationalities concerned with the consequences for access to resources and transaction costs. Our theoretical article offers a contrasting sociological perspective whereby ‘animal spirits’ trump these calculative rationalities as factors in alliance decision making. Using Machiavelli's well-known psychological realism, we explain how ‘vulpine’ and ‘leonine’ animal spirits can shape psychological and cultural contexts for the micro-political aspects of alliance decision making. This enables us to specify micro-political risk factors related to very common psycho-cultural differences, which we think all firms that forge alliances across cultural distance should consider.
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43

Wagner, Aiko. "A micro perspective on political competition: Electoral availability in the European electorates." Acta Politica 52, no. 4 (October 25, 2016): 502–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41269-016-0028-7.

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44

Nilep, Chad. "Sibling interaction and symbolic capital: Toward a theory of political micro-economy." Journal of Pragmatics 41, no. 9 (September 2009): 1683–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.pragma.2009.02.005.

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45

Rudolph, Ross. "The Micro-Foundations of Hobbes's Political Theory: Appetites, Emotions, Dispositions, and Manners." Hobbes Studies 4, no. 1 (1991): 34–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187502591x00048.

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46

Lehman, Glen, and Elizabeth Morton. "Accountability, corruption and social and environment accounting: Micro-political processes of change." Accounting Forum 41, no. 4 (December 2017): 281–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.accfor.2017.10.004.

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47

Thompson, Andrew, Paul Potrac, and Robyn Jones. "‘I found out the hard way’: micro-political workings in professional football." Sport, Education and Society 20, no. 8 (December 3, 2013): 976–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13573322.2013.862786.

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48

De Carvalho Filho, Irineu, and Marcos Chamon. "A Micro-Empirical Foundation for the Political Economy of Exchange Rate Populism." IMF Staff Papers 55, no. 3 (July 2008): 481–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/imfsp.2008.15.

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49

Ludema, Rodney D., Anna Maria Mayda, Zhi Yu, and Miaojie Yu. "The political economy of protection in GVCs: Evidence from Chinese micro data." Journal of International Economics 131 (July 2021): 103479. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jinteco.2021.103479.

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Ph.D. [Economics], Peter Bearse,. "Finance and Political Participation." Advances in Politics and Economics 2, no. 3 (July 19, 2019): p224. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/ape.v2n3p224.

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This essay identifies and discusses the factors and forces arising from finance that influence peoples’ political participation. It does so at two levels: (1) micro-economic or individual and (2) macro-economic and social. We find that both factors and forces at work are significantly adverse to political participation at all levels. The prime intermediate factor here is economic inequality, which is the subject of a companion essay published earlier.
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