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Journal articles on the topic 'Middle East nationalism'

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1

Baram, Amatzia. "Territorial nationalism in the middle east." Middle Eastern Studies 26, no. 4 (1990): 425–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263209008700830.

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2

Gökçek, Mustafa. "Late Ottoman Discourses on Nationalism and Islam and the Contributions of Russia’s Muslims." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 32, no. 4 (2015): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v32i4.216.

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This study focuses on the early twentieth-century nationalist and Islamist discourses in the Ottoman Empire. Particularly after the 1908 coup, Turkish and Arab nationalism spread among the intellectuals. Under the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) party’s leadership, Turkish nationalists received tremendous support to spread their views through associations and publications. Some of them defended the compatibility of Turkish nationalism with Islam. In response, traditional Islamist intellectuals argued that Islam was opposed to nationalism and tribalism and pointed out the potential danger
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3

Gökçek, Mustafa. "Late Ottoman Discourses on Nationalism and Islam and the Contributions of Russia’s Muslims." American Journal of Islam and Society 32, no. 4 (2015): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v32i4.216.

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This study focuses on the early twentieth-century nationalist and Islamist discourses in the Ottoman Empire. Particularly after the 1908 coup, Turkish and Arab nationalism spread among the intellectuals. Under the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) party’s leadership, Turkish nationalists received tremendous support to spread their views through associations and publications. Some of them defended the compatibility of Turkish nationalism with Islam. In response, traditional Islamist intellectuals argued that Islam was opposed to nationalism and tribalism and pointed out the potential danger
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4

Gershoni, Israel, and James Jankowski. "Print Culture, Social Change, and the Process of Redefining Imagined Communities in Egypt; Response to the Review by Charles D. Smith of Redefining the Egyptian Nation (IJMES 29, 4 [1997]: 606–22)." International Journal of Middle East Studies 31, no. 1 (1999): 81–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800052983.

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Charles D. Smith's review essay on our book Redefining the Egyptian Nation in the October 1997 issue of IJMES undertakes a critical analysis of the work. Simultaneously, it raises broader questions about the relevance of some of the insights of theoreticians of nationalism, particularly Benedict Anderson, to the case of Egyptian nationalism. The essay's attempt to evaluate the utility of recent theoretical writing on nationalism for the study of the Middle East is a worthwhile endeavor. However, we believe that the essay's analysis of the book itself is based on a familiarity with only a small
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5

Ahmida, Ali Abdullatif. "RALPH M. COURY, The Making of an Egyptian Arab Nationalist: The Early Years of Azzam Pasha, 1893–1936 (Reading, U.K.: Ithaca Press, 1998). Pp. 536. $50.40 cloth." International Journal of Middle East Studies 33, no. 4 (2001): 623–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743801264071.

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With few exceptions, Orientalist polemics and nationalist inventions of history have dominated the study of nationalism in the Arab Middle East. The lack of a critical framework and historical analysis has led many scholars to doubt the very existence of nationalism in the region. Nationalism has been treated either as a political instrument of ambitious leaders and intellectuals or an insignificant phase in Arab history, soon replaced by political Islamic movements, regionalism, and tribalism.
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Ochsenwald, William, James Jankowski, and Israel Gershoni. "Rethinking Nationalism in the Arab Middle East." American Historical Review 104, no. 5 (1999): 1798. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2649544.

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7

Lalor, Paul. "Rethinking Nationalism in the Arab Middle East." Nations and Nationalism 5, no. 2 (1999): 303–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1354-5078.1999.00303.x.

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8

Özoğlu, Hakan. "“NATIONALISM” AND KURDISH NOTABLES IN THE LATE OTTOMAN–EARLY REPUBLICAN ERA." International Journal of Middle East Studies 33, no. 3 (2001): 383–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743801003038.

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The era culminating in World War I saw a transition from multinational empires to nation-states. Large empires such as the Austro-Hungarian and the Ottoman searched for ways to cope with the decline of their political control, while peoples in these empires shifted their political loyalties to nation-states. The Ottoman Empire offers a favorable canvas for studying new nationalisms that resulted in many successful and unsuccessful attempts to form nation-states. As an example of successful attempts, Arab nationalism has received the attention that it deserves in the field of Middle Eastern stu
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9

Bendebka, Ramzi. "Pitfalls of Nationalism in the Middle East and North Africa Region." Current Research Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities 3, no. 1 (2020): 71–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.12944/crjssh.3.1.07.

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Nationalism in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region is a fundamental issue. As long as this fundamental issue is not well discussed, any reforms in the regional system, including integration and state building, would be insufficient in alleviating the challenges faced by Arab nations as they attempt unity in the region. Any understanding of how and why MENA states make political choices towards stability and unity, necessitates the understanding of how they view themselves in terms of representing identity. The objective of this study is to investigate the transformation and the chan
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10

Razi, G. Hossein. "Legitimacy, Religion, and Nationalism in the Middle East." American Political Science Review 84, no. 1 (1990): 69–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1963630.

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The significance of legitimacy to regime maintenance has been much neglected in recent investigations of the Third World, particularly by behavioralists and rational choice theorists. I define legitimacy, discuss factors that may have contributed to this neglect, and explore the significance of nationalism and religion as major sources of legitimacy in the Middle East. Both a misunderstanding of the role of higher values and rationality in individuals' relationship to social systems and a faulty projection applied to the mainsprings of behavior in other cultures have distorted the perceptions
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11

Eliassi, Barzoo. "Nationalism, cosmopolitanism and statelessness: An interview with Craig Calhoun." Kurdish Studies 2, no. 1 (2014): 61–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v2i1.379.

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This interview with Professor Craig Calhoun expands on issues of nationalism and cosmopolitanism in relation to the question of statelessness. Since the 1990s, Calhoun has worked on nationalism, ethnicity and cosmopolitanism. For Calhoun, nations still matter despite post-national and cosmopolitan elaboration and repudiation of so-called parochial and provincialised identities like nation or national identity and citizenship. In this interview, Calhoun dis-cusses the material, political and cultural situations of the Kurds in the Middle East and the role of Kurdish nationalism in the context o
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12

Ashaf, Mohammad Arifullah. "AKAR EPISTEMIK HEGEMONI POLITIK BARAT TERHADAP NASIONALISME DI TIMUR TENGAH." Walisongo: Jurnal Penelitian Sosial Keagamaan 24, no. 2 (2016): 225. http://dx.doi.org/10.21580/ws.24.2.954.

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<p class="IIABSBARU">Nationalism in the Middle East until now have not been able to create an atmosphere of peace in the life of the nation. This spawned the thesis that the nationalism that developed there really is not free from the influence of Western Europe to split the power of Islamic world power. This paper is directed to probe the roots of Western European political epistemic hegemony on nationalism in the Middle East by applying the method of literature study. Hegemony of colonialism in Middle East supported the rise of nationalism. Nationalism made Islam no longer used as the
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13

Bokhari, Kamran Asghar. "Challenges to Democracy in the Middle East." American Journal of Islam and Society 19, no. 1 (2002): 124–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v19i1.1958.

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Many scholars have attempted to tackle the question of why democracy has seemingly failed to take root in the Islamic milieu, in general, and the pre dominantlyArab Middle East, in particular, while the rest of the world has witnessed the fall of"pax-authoritaria" especially in the wake of the demercratic revolution triggered by the failure of communism. Some view this resistance to the Third Wave, as being rooted in the Islamic cultural dynamics of the region, whereas others will ascribe it to the level of political development (or the lack thereof). An anthology of essays, Challenges to Demo
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14

Behar, Moshe. "DO COMPARATIVE AND REGIONAL STUDIES OF NATIONALISM INTERSECT?" International Journal of Middle East Studies 37, no. 4 (2005): 587–612. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743805052219.

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The question behind this article evolved from two separate observations. While the expansion of comparative and cross-regional research has been actively promoted by leading scholars of the Middle East (and was later encouraged by such bodies as the Middle East Studies Association and this journal), so has the incorporation of scholarly insights from area studies been urged by leading political scientists as a prerequisite for revitalizing all of the discipline's subfields and institutionally endorsed by the American Political Science Association. Viewed as interrelated, these observations pro
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15

Burrows, Mathew. "‘Mission Civilisatrice’: French Cultural Policy in the Middle East, 1860–1914." Historical Journal 29, no. 1 (1986): 109–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00018641.

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Mission civilisatnce was one of the bywords of French colonial expansion under the Third Republic. Unfortunately until now there have been few works devoted to its study. Indeed, the notion itself has not been taken very seriously by scholars. As long ago as 1960 when Henri Brunschwig published his seminal work on French colonialism, he stated quite categorically: ‘en Angleterre la justification humanitaire l'emporta’ while ‘en France le nationalisme de 1870 domina’ even if that nationalism ‘ne s'exprima presque jamais sans une mention de cette “politique indigène” qui devait remplir les devoi
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16

Mikdashi, Maya. "Queering Citizenship, Queering Middle East Studies." International Journal of Middle East Studies 45, no. 2 (2013): 350–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743813000111.

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Critical citizenship studies have argued that researchers should not take the myth of the universal unmarked citizen to heart, but rather focus on the distance between the ideal of citizenship and its everyday embodied practices and on what the citizen and the state do rather than on the state's narration of itself. As Partha Chatterjee writes in his critique of Benedict Anderson, to endorse “unbound serialities” such as the universal and anonymous citizen is to imagine that nationalism and state practices can function without governmentality. In fact, the state's job is to organize and regula
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17

Brown, L. Carl, and Salim Yaqub. "Containing Arab Nationalism: The Eisenhower Doctrine and the Middle East." Foreign Affairs 83, no. 3 (2004): 153. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20034019.

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18

Matthews, Elizabeth G. "Containing Arab Nationalism: The Eisenhower Doctrine and the Middle East." Presidential Studies Quarterly 35, no. 1 (2005): 209–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0360-4918.2005.244_6.x.

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19

Liu, Zhongmin. "The Relations between Nationalism and Islam in the Middle East." Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies (in Asia) 2, no. 1 (2008): 69–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19370679.2008.12023112.

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20

Baban, Feyzi. "Nationalism and the crisis of community in the Middle East." Dialectical Anthropology 42, no. 4 (2018): 351–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10624-018-9534-5.

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21

Burton, Elise K. "Narrating ethnicity and diversity in Middle Eastern national genome projects." Social Studies of Science 48, no. 5 (2018): 762–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306312718804888.

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Most Middle Eastern populations outside Israel have not been represented in Western-based international human genome sequencing efforts. In response, national-level projects have emerged throughout the Middle East to decode the Arab, Turkish and Iranian genomes. The discourses surrounding the ‘national genome’ that shape scientists’ representation of their work to local and international audiences evoke three intersecting analytics of nationalism: methodological, postcolonial and diasporic. Methodologically, ongoing human genome projects in Turkey and Iran follow the population logics of other
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22

Chalcraft, John. "Question: What Are the Fruitful New Directions in Subaltern Studies, and How Can Those Working in Middle East Studies Most Productively Engage With Them?" International Journal of Middle East Studies 40, no. 3 (2008): 376–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743808080963.

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More than twenty-five years ago, a small group of South Asianists challenged the bourgeois-nationalist and colonialist historiography of Indian nationalism. Based mostly in India and critical of “economistic” Marxism, they aimed to recover the occluded histories of what Antonio Gramsci calls “subaltern social groups” and to put into question the relations of power, subordination, and “inferior rank” more generally. The influence of subaltern studies quickly became international, inspiring research projects in Africa, Asia, the Caribbean, Latin America, and the Middle East.
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23

Joshi, S. "Being Modern in the Middle East: Revolution, Nationalism, Colonialism, and the Arab Middle Class." Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 29, no. 2 (2009): 334–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-2009-014.

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24

Rickenbacher, Daniel. "The Anti-Israel Movement in Québec in the 1970s: At the Ideological Crossroads of the New Left and Liberation-Nationalism." Canadian Jewish Studies / Études juives canadiennes 29 (June 13, 2020): 81–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.25071/1916-0925.40170.

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Since the late 1950s, Third World nationalism in Algeria, Vietnam, and the Middle East had fascinated radical Quebec nationalists. Quebec nationalism’s militant arm, the Front de libération du Québec (FLQ), styled itself as a national-liberation movement fighting against Anglo-Canadian exploitation and oppression. After the Six-Day-War, the PLO became a significant source of inspiration for these elements. Quebec was their Palestine, as one prominent Quebec Nationalist asserted. This militant Quebec nationalism coincided and often overlapped with the rise of the New Left at Quebec’s universiti
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25

Lawson, Fred H. "Pensée 4: Out with the Old, In with the New." International Journal of Middle East Studies 41, no. 1 (2009): 19–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743808090077.

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Historical scholarship on Arab nationalism has experienced a conceptual revolution over the last two decades. It is now widely accepted among historians that local identities and loyalties have been crucial components of nationalist thought and action from the very beginning; it is equally well established that the line between nationalism and various elements of Islam is much harder to draw than one might imagine. In addition, there is solid evidence that nationalism across the Arab world took shape, arguably as an unintended consequence, out of sustained interaction among conflicting elite a
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26

Omri, Mohamed-Salah. "Post-Colonial Perspectives on Literature and Nationalism in the Middle East." Holy Land Studies 5, no. 2 (2006): 227–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2007.0007.

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27

Pochta, Yuriy M. "Islamism and Nationalism in the Greater Middle East: Enmity or Symbiosis?" Asia and Africa today, no. 3 (2020): 4. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750008741-7.

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28

Göl. "Imagining the Middle East: the state, nationalism and regional international society." Global Discourse 5, no. 3 (2015): 379–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23269995.2015.1053191.

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29

Samarskaya, Liudmila M. "POLITICAL AND DIPLOMATIC CIRCUMSTANCES OF THE EMERGENCE OF THE MANDATE PALESTINE: Old and “New Diplomacy” (1918–1923)." Humanitarian: actual problems of the humanities and education, no. 4 (December 30, 2018): 398–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.15507/2078-9823.044.018.201804.398-408.

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Introduction. The Mandate Palestine as a separate administrative unit inside the British empire emerged after the First World War. The aim of the present article is to research and analyze the key factors of its creation, the so-called «new diplomacy», which was formed on the verge of 1910s–1920s. Materials and methods. The methods used in the article are historical-analytical and historical-systematical applied to the original sources, as well as to the research literature on the relevant topics. Results and Discussion. During and after the First World War there happened considerable changes
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Copuroglu, Ozge. "Behind Hummus Wars: The Role of the Food in National Identity in the Middle East." Transnational Marketing Journal 6, no. 2 (2018): 121–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/tmj.v6i2.593.

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Food is an essential part of our everyday lives and it is significantly important for international politics as for national identities. The future of food is widely discussed in political and social sciences in the contexts of food security, health, international marketing cultural identities, and migratory issues. Despite the growing importance of food studies, the enduring power of nationalism and the apparent relationship between food culture and national identity, writers on nationalism have made little reference to food in their research. This article aims to explore the connection betwe
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Anderson, Lukas. "Iran’s New Cultural Nationalism: Iranian Cultural Diplomacy in Tajikistan." Central Asian Affairs 6, no. 1 (2019): 21–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22142290-00601002.

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Iran’s state identity is frequently described as Islamist, Shia, and anti-imperialist when discussing its behavior in the Middle East, but as pragmatic and even non-ideological in its approach to Central Asia. By parsing Iranian officials' speeches and purpose-written schoolbooks for ideology, this article documents the multiple identities that cultural diplomats present in Tajikistan and the functions they perform, including propagating normative Iranian identity among Iranian expats, lobbying Tajik officials, and influencing Tajik citizens. In contrast to the Middle East, Iranian cultural di
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LILA, Fejzi. "Rising Nationalism in the Balkans." European Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies 4, no. 4 (2017): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejms.v4i4.p31-35.

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Balkans consists of the geographic and demographic diversity of the complex, with division of the region into new states, with local antagonisms. Balkan leaders, the Great Powers would urge the expansion of national states where and when he wanted interest and would not ignore claims it was one nation over another. The process of developing the nationalist movements and the state - forming in the Balkans, starting with the Patriarchies autonomous movements within the Ottoman Empire, involves the movement of Serbs, Greeks, Bulgarians, Romanians and Albanians. The fall of Bonaparte in 1815, was
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Gallagher, Nancy. "MEDICINE AND MODERNITY IN THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA." International Journal of Middle East Studies 44, no. 4 (2012): 799–807. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743812000931.

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In recent decades historians specializing in the Middle East and North Africa have studied endemic and epidemic diseases as well as evolving medical and public health knowledge and policy to better understand major historical transformations. The study of gender and empire, class and ethnicity, and civil society and government in the determination of medical and public health policy has yielded new insights into questions of state power, colonialism, imperialism, nationalism, modernity, and globalization. Historians have asked why, when, and how Western medicine took root in Muslim societies,
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34

Gerber, Haim. "The limits of constructedness: memory and nationalism in the Arab Middle East." Nations and Nationalism 10, no. 3 (2004): 251–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1354-5078.2004.00166.x.

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35

Abdelrehim, Neveen. "Rethinking “Oil Nationalism”." International Journal of Signs and Semiotic Systems 4, no. 2 (2015): 33–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijsss.2015070103.

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In the early twentieth century, Great Britain began a new wave of imperialism, focusing on areas in the Middle East strategic to enhance their trade. Iran was one of the countries in which Britain gained enormous power and influence. This power was derived from its control of Iranian oil resources, through the Anglo Iranian Oil Company (AIOC). After many years of AIOC producing oil in Iran with Iranian Government support, a wave of economic nationalism led to the nationalization of AIOC in 1951 by the Iranian Prime Minister Musaddiq. The nationalization of the AIOC angered the British and seem
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36

Green, Abigail. "Nationalism and the ‘Jewish International’: Religious Internationalism in Europe and the Middle East c.1840–c.1880." Comparative Studies in Society and History 50, no. 2 (2008): 535–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417508000236.

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Jewish cosmopolitanism has long assumed a central place in the ideology of anti-Semitism. Well before the publication of “The Protocols of the Elders of Zion,” the idea of international Jewish solidarity served as an argument against Jewish emancipation. In Britain, Sir Robert Inglis famously opposed granting the Jews political rights because “[t]he Jews of London have more sympathy with the Jews resident in Berlin or Vienna than with the Christians among whom they reside.” Likewise, in 1840, the ultramontane Univers saw international lobbying on behalf of Jews accused of ritual murder in Dama
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Heuman, Johannes. "The Challenge of Minority Nationalism." French Historical Studies 43, no. 3 (2020): 483–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00161071-8278500.

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Abstract This article investigates how the French antiracist movement and its main organizations dealt with Zionism and the Middle East conflict from the liberation of France until the early 1970s. Their generally positive view of Israel and their concern for Arab interests at the end of the 1940s demonstrate these republican organizations' desire to recognize ethnic identities. During the 1950s an ideological split between left-wing antiracism and Zionism began to develop, and by the end of the 1960s a number of new antiracist associations questioned the very foundation of the Jewish state. O
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Gelvin, James L. "“Arab Nationalism”: Has a New Framework Emerged? (question posed by James L. Gelvin)." International Journal of Middle East Studies 41, no. 1 (2009): 10–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743808090041.

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The “origins problem” has loomed large in the historiography of nationalism in the Arab Middle East and for good reason: it is constitutive and representative of other issues surrounding the problem of nationalism. George Antonius published the first iteration of what might be termed the “standard [origins] narrative” in 1938. Since that time, the narrative has undergone a number of revisions, the most notable of which are by C. Ernest Dawn, Philip S. Khoury, and Rashid Khalidi, among others.
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Mir, Raza. "of Prophets, Pagans and the Middle East." American Journal of Islam and Society 18, no. 2 (2001): 147–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v18i2.2030.

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The term “postmodernity” perhaps owes its very popularity to the fact thatit is notoriously difficult to define. It often means all things to all people,and by its very orientation, is critical of any attempts to offer blanketdefinitions. Nevertheless, we may discern three broad orientations thatdefine postmodernity:1. It involves an “incredulity toward metanarratives.”* In other words, itrepudiates the modernist view thd individual actions can be explainedthrough universal laws.2. It focuses on the crisis of repre~entation.I~n other words, it is critical ofthe power vested in any subjectivity
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SOLINGEN, ETEL. "Pax Asiatica versus Bella Levantina: The Foundations of War and Peace in East Asia and the Middle East." American Political Science Review 101, no. 4 (2007): 757–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055407070487.

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Although turmoil characterized both the Middle East and East Asia in the two decades following World War II, the two regions looked dramatically different at the dawn of the twenty-first century. Since 1965 the incidence of interstate wars and militarized conflicts has been nearly five times higher in the Middle East, as was their severity, including the use of ballistic missiles and chemical weapons. By contrast, declining militarized conflict and rising intraregional cooperation has replaced earlier patterns in East Asia. There are no systematic efforts explaining this contrast betweenBella
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McConnell, Brian E., and Neil Asher Silberman. "Between Past and Present. Archaeology, Ideology, and Nationalism in the Modern Middle East." American Journal of Archaeology 95, no. 1 (1991): 173. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/505168.

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42

Provence, Michael. "Keith David Watenpaugh. Being Modern in the Middle East: Revolution, Nationalism, Colonialism, and the Arab Middle Class." American Historical Review 117, no. 4 (2012): 1336–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/117.4.1336.

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43

Lamberg-Karlovsky, C. C. "James F. Goode.Negotiating for the Past: Archaeology, Nationalism, and Diplomacy in the Middle East, 1919–1941.:Negotiating for the Past: Archaeology, Nationalism, and Diplomacy in the Middle East, 1919–1941." American Historical Review 113, no. 2 (2008): 615–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.113.2.615a.

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44

Wheeler, Brannon. "Guillaume Postel and the Primordial Origins of the Middle East." Method & Theory in the Study of Religion 25, no. 3 (2013): 244–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700682-12341262.

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Abstract Guillaume Postel is often credited as one of the founding fathers of the modern “orientalist” European study of the Middle East, and of Arabic, Islam, and the Quran in particular. He published his most influential work in 1544, calling on the French king to lead a Crusade against the Ottomans and usher in a new, apocalyptic age. Although usually credited as a pioneer in the comparative study of Semitic languages, an influential figure in French-Ottoman relations, and as one of the first Europeans to study the Quran in comparison with the Bible, it was the unique sixteenth-century rena
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Stegagno, Carlotta. "Mīšīl ʿAflaq’s Thought between Nationalism and Socialism". Oriente Moderno 97, № 1 (2017): 154–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340143.

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This article analyses and describes the political thought of Mīšīl ʿAflaq, the founder—together with Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn al-Bīṭār—and the main ideologue of the Arab Baʿṯ Socialist Party (Ḥizb al-Baʿṯ al-ʿarabī al-ištirākī).1 Mīšīl ʿAflaq was an atypical figure in his contemporary Middle Eastern society, who differ from the strongmen that typified his era such as Ǧamāl ʿAbd al-Nāṣer and Qaḏḏāfī. He was an intellectual, a philosopher, who, with his ideas of Panarabism and Arab socialism affected more than a generation of Arab youth. His dream of Arab Unity became a reality from 1958-1961 with the merge
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46

Ishay, Micheline. "Human rights amidst despair in the Levant and the West." Philosophy & Social Criticism 46, no. 5 (2020): 613–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453720905329.

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In 2019, protests in the streets of Algeria and Sudan, Lebanon and Iraq brought back the fragrance of the Jasmine revolution. Can the pendulum swing back towards democracy and human rights in the Middle East and North Africa region – and in Europe? What will it take to endure? I argue three points. First, I maintain that the human rights aspirations of the Arab Spring rippled across the West in 2011 as disenfranchised groups reacted to increasing social and economic grievances. Second, I contend that the failure to counter these problems has fed a vicious cycle of religious radicalism and righ
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Hopwood, D. "Being Modern in the Middle East: Revolution, Nationalism, Colonialism, and the Arab Middle Class * BY KEITH DAVID WATENPAUGH." Journal of Islamic Studies 18, no. 2 (2007): 264–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jis/etm013.

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Coakley, John. "The Religious Roots of Irish Nationalism." Social Compass 58, no. 1 (2011): 95–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0037768610392726.

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The intensity of conflict in the Middle East tends to overshadow other instances where ethno-national conflict has a religious base. The author draws attention to one of them: Ireland. He considers the link between religion and nationalism in Ireland from three perspectives. The first is the significance of religion as an “ethnic marker”: as an indicator of geopolitical (and therefore ethnic) origin rather than of belief system. The second is the role of religious belief, and its potential to accentuate differences between communities. The third is the impact of social organization: the tenden
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Szanto, Edith. "Middle Eastern Belongings." American Journal of Islam and Society 27, no. 3 (2010): 125–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v27i3.1318.

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Diane King captures the sentiment undergirding this book by quoting VirginiaDominguez and “returning to ‘bonds of affection for people or places’”(p. 10) in the conclusion of her introduction. She sums up the book’s chaptersas “hav[ing] in common attention to various ways of belonging in (and,in the case of the European headscarf debates, adjacent to and with referenceto) the Middle East. All treat Middle Eastern collectives as sites of what Herzfeld(2005: 6) calls the ‘cultural intimacy’ of nationalism, in which particularnationalisms are composed of ‘the details of everyday life – symbolism,
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Beinin, Joel. "The Working Class and Peasantry in the Middle East: From Economic Nationalism to Neoliberalism." Middle East Report, no. 210 (1999): 18. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3012498.

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