Academic literature on the topic 'Middle East – Religion – Miscellanea'

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Journal articles on the topic "Middle East – Religion – Miscellanea"

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El Awa, F. "Middle East: religion against tobacco." Tobacco Control 12, no. 3 (September 1, 2003): 249—a—250. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/tc.12.3.249-a.

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Marten, Michael. "Gender and Religion in the Middle East." Holy Land Studies 5, no. 1 (May 2006): 124–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2006.0008.

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Kersten, Carool. "Religion and Politics in the Middle East." American Journal of Islam and Society 28, no. 2 (April 1, 2011): 106–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v28i2.1253.

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In the final decades of the twentieth century, a new strand of Islamic intellectualismbegan inserting itself into contemporary Muslim discourses onpolitics, law, and human rights. Not fitting into existing neat categoriessuch as traditionalist, revivalist, and modernist-liberal Islam, its promotersoperate on the interstices of established traditions and practices within theMuslim world, as well as the liminal spaces between cultures and civilizations.With the advent of the new millennium, the impact of their alternative, cosmopolitan or culturally hybrid ways of engaging with the Islamicheritage, or turath, is receiving increasing recognition.In his latest book, Religion and Politics in the Middle East, which examineswhether religion has primacy over politics or the other way around,Robert D. Lee’s focus has shifted from individuals (Muhammad Iqbal,Sayyid Qutb, Ali Shariati, and Mohammed Arkoun) to a quartet of countries(Egypt, Israel, Turkey, and Iran). At the same time, he continues toacknowledge the significance of maverick thinkers such as the EgyptianNasr Hamid Abu Zayd, Turkey’s Said Nursi and Fethullah Gülen, and theIranian Abdolkarim Soroush and Mohsen Kadivar in questioning, challenging,and transforming the intellectual and political scenes in their respectivecountries and beyond—although often forced to do so from abroad asexilic intellectuals ...
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Ahmad, Mumtaz. "Religion and Peace in the Middle East." American Journal of Islam and Society 6, no. 2 (December 1, 1989): 337–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v6i2.2681.

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This slim volume is based on the three papers presented at the Councilfor the World’s Religions (CWR) conference on “Interreligious Dialogue andPeace in the Middle East” held in Toledo, Spain in March 1988. The conferencewas intended to discuss the role of religion in the pursuit of peace in theMiddle East.The volume begins with a paper on “Religion and Politics: Dangers andPossibilities for Peace in the Middle East” by Rabbi David J. Goldberg.Goldberg argues that the on going Arab-Israeli conflict is essentially politicaland not religious in its origin, its cause, and in the perception of those mostintimately involved. Hence, the resolution of conflict could only come froma concerted effort to find an acceptable and mutually beneficial geo-politicalhrmula which seeks to accommodate the just demands and needs of both parties.Any attempt to seek a solution only in “apocalyptic terms” would undoubtedlylead to more conflicts and wars. Goldberg claims that religious differencesdid not originally loom large as a source of conflict in the Middle East.This may be true before 1967. But since the Israeli occupation of El-Quds,the religious dimension of the Arab-Israeli conflict has become equally, ifnot more, important than the political dimension. For Muslims throughoutthe world, the constant reminder that one of the three holiest places in theirreligious tradition is out of their reach cuts a deep psychological wound.Rabbi Goldberg believes that common to the three monotheistic faiths ofthe Middle East are “certain shared principles” that govern ethical behavior,recognize the rights of other people, and determine responsibilities ofgovernments. The logic of acknowledging and re-affirming these sharedprinciples may open new possibilities of conflict resolution and mutualunderstanding. Goldberg states: “As a Jew, therefore, I have no hesitationin asserting that the Palestinian right to self-determination is just as validas my insistence on Jewish self-determination.”Farhang Rajaee’s paper on “Religion and Politics in Islam: The IranianContext” is an important attempt to understand “the internal logic” of Islamwith regard to religion and politics or the relations between the secular andthe sacred. Rajaee argues that the aim of politics in Islam is identified withreligion. Seeing Islam as a systematic whole implies that “the distinctionand separation between various aspects of life make little sense.” Politics, ...
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Farina, Margherita. "Giovanni Battista Raimondi’s Travel in the Middle East." Oriente Moderno 98, no. 1 (April 10, 2018): 52–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340109.

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Abstract The paper publishes the inedited document Miscellanea Medicea 719, ins. 56, n. 1 of Florence State Archive, containing the account of a journey by land from Hormuz to Venice, dated to 1575, preceded by a brief critical introduction. 19th century Italian historiography has attributed the account to Giovanni Battista Raimondi (1536 ca.-1614), scientific director of the Typographia Medicea (Rome 1584). Raimondi has been considered also as the author of the travel, describing his experience in the first person (plural). This paper argues, on linguistic and text-critical grounds, that Raimondi did not make such a travel, nor did he compose the account, but merely copied the document in the context of the preparation of a mission to Egypt and Persia of Giovanni Battista Vecchietti, who left to Alexandria in 1584, as a papal envoy.
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Razi, G. Hossein. "Legitimacy, Religion, and Nationalism in the Middle East." American Political Science Review 84, no. 1 (March 1990): 69–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1963630.

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The significance of legitimacy to regime maintenance has been much neglected in recent investigations of the Third World, particularly by behavioralists and rational choice theorists. I define legitimacy, discuss factors that may have contributed to this neglect, and explore the significance of nationalism and religion as major sources of legitimacy in the Middle East. Both a misunderstanding of the role of higher values and rationality in individuals' relationship to social systems and a faulty projection applied to the mainsprings of behavior in other cultures have distorted the perceptions of a number of Western analysts. The relationship between religion and nationalism is complex. Contrary to the common assumption in the West, Islam in general has generated fairly sophisticated constitutional theories. Islamic fundamentalism in particular has been a major source of innovation and adaptation—as well as of spiritual gratification—for the Muslim masses.
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Mayer, Ann Elizabeth. "Law and Religion in the Muslim Middle East." American Journal of Comparative Law 35, no. 1 (1987): 127. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/840165.

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Nehmé, Hoda. "The Women, Religion and Politics in Middle East." Caminhos 15, no. 1 (October 18, 2017): 122. http://dx.doi.org/10.18224/cam.v15i1.5970.

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LA FEMME, LA RELIGION ET LA POLITIQUE AU MOYEN-ORIENT Resumo: atualmente, a religião não está somente em uma crescente onda de expansão fundamentalista, disfarçada de adversária surreal contra a ocidentalização do globo. Entretanto, assistimos ao desenvolvimento do obscurantismo, como se fosse um tumor em matéria de religiosidade. Neste artigo, pretendemos perceber este processo observando o papel das mulheres. Esta mulher que lutou para encontrar espaço em uma sociedade essencialmente patriarcal e profundamente religiosa encontra-se no jogo de um sistema político-religioso que consome seu meios de sobrevivência social. Palavras-chave: Religião. Mulheres. Oriente Médio. Patriarcalismo. Abstract: currently, the religion is not only in a rising tide of fundamentalist expansion, disguised as surreal fight against destroyes the Westernization of the globe. However, we have seen the development of obscurantism, as if were a tumor in terms of religiosity. In this article, we intend to realize this process looking at the role of women. This woman who struggled to find space in an essentially patriarchal society and deeply religious is in game of a politico-religious system that consumes your livelihoods. Keywords: Religion. Women. Middle East. Patriarchy.
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Bardají, Rafael L. "Religion, Power and Chaos in the Middle East." European View 15, no. 1 (June 2016): 87–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12290-016-0391-9.

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Shumilin, A. "Middle East Conflicts Today: Between Religion and Geopolitics." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 1 (2021): 50–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-1-50-60.

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The article is an attempt to analyze the genesis of conflicts in the Middle East, the transformation of their nature over the past two decades. While in the first years after the World War II, the chain of the main conflict situations in the region was closed on the confrontation between the Arab countries and Israel, now something different is obvious: the regional centers of power (Iran, Turkey, Saudi Arabia) established by the end of the second decade of the 21st century confront each other in the context of geopolitical rivalry and contradictions associated with their common religion – Islam. This was caused by two titan shifts in the political landscape of the region: the Islamic Revolution in Iran (1979), which sharply exacerbated the confrontation along the Sunnism-Shiism line, and the end of the Cold War, the disappearance of the USSR (1991) as an ideologically motivated factor that influenced the situation in The Middle East and North Africa. The disagreements between the states of the region were significantly aggravated by the events of the Arab Spring. Today, the main conflicts there are developing in the dimension of intra-Islamic confrontation – both between Sunnis and Shiites, and within the Sunni segment of this religion, which is associated with the establishment of Turkey as a third center of power promoting the Islamist concept of the Muslim Brotherhood. The transformation of the Hagia Sophia Museum in Istanbul into a mosque is becoming a symbol of Turkey’s political identity as an important part of the Islamic world.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Middle East – Religion – Miscellanea"

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Rowe, Paul Stanley. "Ancient crosses and tower-keeps : the politics of Christian minorities in the Middle East." Thesis, McGill University, 2003. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=19477.

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The interplay of religion and politics has been a consistent theme in the comparativepolitics of identity, and more specifically with regard to Middle Eastern politics Yetcoverage of religion and politics in the region is generally focused on the Muslimmajority and neglects the existence and impact of non-Muslim religious elements inMiddle Eastern societies. The most prominent of these are the various groups ofChristian Arabs.This work begins with a reassessment of common comparative theoretical approaches tothe study of religion and politics. It introduces a critical and dynamic constructivistapproach to religion, defining it as belief'. Using belief the political environment, andrelative demographics as a guide, it creates four general types of Christian groups as ameans to understand Christian group activation. These types match up with three generalmodes of engagement with the outside political culture in Middle Eastern contexts:competitive-nationalistic systems, neo-millet systems, and secular non-sectarian systems.These analytical tools are applied to the political activity of Christian groups in threeMiddle Eastern polities: Egypt, Lebanon, and Palestine. In Egypt, a stable neo-milletsystem is the result of the dominance of a single deferential organization amongChristians: the Coptic Orthodox Church. In Lebanon, years of competitive nationalisticpolitics have given way to an emergent neo-millet system as a result of the decline inidentity-based nationalistic parties and the increasing prominence of the traditionalChurch hierarchy. Among Palestinians, nominalism, deference, and voluntaristicactivism mix to create a neo-millet system with aspects of other systems of engagement.This study concludes that neo-millet systems are the natural outcome of a stronglyidentity-focused religious belief system among Arab Christians, one the author terms"tower-keep" theology. However, the dynamics of change fostered by new styles ofbelief, the challenges of responding to an eroding population base, and the influence ofdiaspora communities and coreligionists abroad all point to new systems of engagementto come in the future.
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Pacciardi, Agnese. "Globalization in the middle east: regression in progress." Bachelor's thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2018. http://amslaurea.unibo.it/16018/.

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The MENA region has been for centuries one of the most vibrant and cosmopolitan areas in the world. Due to its geographical position, it was a gateway between the East and the West, an area that merged people from different cultures, religions and civilizations. It was the birthplace of the three major monotheistic religions of the world and it was for centuries an area where science, economy and art flourished unquestioned. While the great majority of the areas in the world present a progressive tendency to go from a closed and self-centered society to an open, cosmopolitan one, sacrificing regional specificities in favor of an international integration and interaction, the MENA region surprisingly presents a counter trend. That same region that used to be the center of intercultural, scientific and commercial exchanges is almost reversing. As a fact, during the last decades, the process of globalization brought Western countries to a gradual opening to each other, while the Middle East seems not to fit in this process. Although with some exceptions, little progress has been done and this area seems to be determined to resist. The paradox of globalization in the MENA region is that, instead of smoothing the differences, as it is doing elsewhere, it is fueling parochialism, thus strengthening the cultural identity and exacerbating the decade-long opposition between the East and the West. Not only governments and radical movements, but also intellectuals and a great part of the population dread it and perceive it as a threat. Where the Arab world has been forced to let globalization in, it has also made sure to preserve and stress the role of tradition and religion both in the public and private sphere. This research intends to investigate the uniqueness of globalization in the Arab world, analyzing the process from different perspectives. The core of the dissertation will analyze globalization from three main aspects: economic, political and cultural.
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Stephanous, Andrea Zaki. "Religion and politics in the Middle East : political Christianity in the Islamic context." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2002. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.504224.

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Jones, Harold R. "The development of a series of culturally sensitive radio discipleship programs for broadcast in the Middle East by Life Agape of the Middle East." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1988. http://www.tren.com.

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Ward, Walter David. "From Provincia Arabia to Palaestina Tertia the impact of geography, economy, and religion on sedentary and nomadic communities in the later Roman province of Third Palestine /." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1692812631&sid=14&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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McCallum, Fiona. "The political role of the patriarch in the contemporary Middle East : an examination of the Coptic Orthodox and Maronite traditions." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2776.

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The objective of this study is to analyse the contemporary political role of Christianity in the Middle East. This will be achieved by focusing on the office of the patriarch. In most of the Eastern Christian churches, the patriarch is widely accepted as the spiritual head of the community and, throughout the centuries, this authority has often been translated into temporal power. Although other communal actors have challenged the dominant position of the patriarch, this dual role as spiritual and civil leader provides resources which can be used to strengthen the claim to be the political representative at the expense of lay rivals. The case studies selected for this project - the Coptic Orthodox and the Maronite churches - share several key characteristics. Firstly, both evoke a distinct identity on the basis of faith yet are directly linked to a specific homeland - Egypt and Lebanon respectively. In contrast to spiritual leaders of communities which are not concentrated in one particular country, the Coptic Orthodox and Maronite patriarchs have the potential to become involved in national affairs if desired. Secondly, both communities have pressing if different concerns as indigenous Christians in a turbulent regional environment dominated by another religion - Islam. The vast majority of these relate to the position of the community in the homeland. Thirdly, both communities have recently experienced widespread expansion outside the traditional territory in the Middle East. This allows an examination of the impact this growth has had on both the church and community at home and abroad. Fourthly, since becoming the head of each church, Patriarch Shenouda III, Coptic Orthodox Patriarch of Alexandria and all Africa and Patriarch Nasrallah Boutros Sfeir, Patriarch of Antioch and all the East of the Maronites, have proven to be charismatic and influential figures in church and national affairs. They have clearly played significant parts in relations between the community and state in the decades since their election to office. Finally, the two case studies have been selected as they best represent the potential of Christian communities to have a political role in this region. While the Copts constitute only a small proportion (5-10% depending on the identity of the source) of the Egyptian population, they are still the largest Christian community in the Middle East, numbering around 5-6 million. In contrast, the Maronites are a small community in terms of size. It is estimated that there are no more than 600,000 Maronites in Lebanon. Yet within Lebanon, they still make up over 20% of the population, offering them a chance to have a significant impact on national affairs. This study proposes that the patriarch exercises a political role because of his position as the head of the community. The authority and tradition of the office is constantly invoked to reinforce this position. In the contemporary period, this can be attributed to the desire to fill the leadership vacuum which exists amongst Christians in the Middle East.
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McDonald, Darren Joseph. "Crisis of Faith: Jimmy Carter, Religion, and the Making of U.S.-Middle East Foreign Policy." Thesis, Boston College, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/3703.

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Thesis advisor: Seth Jacobs
U.S. President Jimmy Carter's handling of the Arab-Israeli conflict and the Middle East can only be properly understood in the context of his religious beliefs. Carter pursued what amounted to a faith-based foreign policy. Guided by the Christian concepts of justice, forgiveness, humility, and an emphasis on the importance of individuals, Carter attempted to make policy conform to the standards set by his faith. Viewing the Arab-Israeli conflict through this lens, he committed to advancing the Middle East peace process out of a Christian sense of duty. Religious belief caused Carter to champion the Palestinians' cause since he believed that the Palestinian people were suffering grave injustices under the Israeli occupation of the West Banka and Gaza. Ultimately, his faith-based approach proved unable to resolve the many diplomatic challenges facing his administration in the region. Fearing that any chance for peace might be lost, he invited Prime Minister Menachem Begin of Israel and President Anwar Sadat of Egypt to Camp David for substantive talks in September 1978. Only when Carter abandoned his religiously grounded policy orientation and embraced a coldly calculating approach did he succeed in getting the Israelis and Egyptians to agree to a deal. With the conclusion of the Israeli-Egyptian peace treaty in March 1979, Carter effectively removed himself from any further involvement in the process
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2012
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: History
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Bouhamdan, Tyra Murielle. "Religion, the Law and the Human Rights of Women in the Middle East: A Quantitative Analysis." Atlanta, Ga. : Georgia State University, 2009. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/political_science_theses/31/.

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Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2009.
Title from title page (Digital Archive@GSU, viewed July 20, 2010) Michael Herb, committee chair; Jelena Subotic, Scott Graves, committee members. Includes bibliographical references.
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Jalal, Pishtiwan Abdulwahid. "Sectarianism in Kurdistan Region of Iraq Between Political and Theological schism." Diss., Virginia Tech, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/99090.

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Sectarianism has become the magic word with which many scholars and politicians describe the current Middle East politics. Much of the existing literature presumes that most of the state and non-state actors of the region are divided over Shia and Sunni blocs led by Iran and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabi (KSA) respectively. However, so far scholars have left out the Kurds within their studies on sectarianism. Scholars have not explicitly pointed out why they are disinterested in sectarianism among the Kurds; it might be due to the perception that the Kurds are mostly Sunnis who have an ethnic and not a religious cause. The main aim of this research is to look at sectarianism in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI) and find out whether or not of this perception is true. To do so, this research rejects the general application of the English term "sectarianism" in the first place as a theme to explain the politics of the Middle East. Instead, in the first chapter it is argued that there are three tiers of relations among regional actors: 1) state-state realpolitik, which is based on geopolitical realities among Turkey, Iran and the KSA, 2) political sectarianism (taifiyya) among sectarian groups such as the MB, Wahabis and Shia, often conducted through political agents like state and non-state actors, and 3) the civil and non-violent sect-sect theological sectarianism (madhabiyya) among those three sects. In the second chapter this new understanding of sectarianism is then applied on the domestic politics of the KRI. It is argued that while there is theological sectarianism in the KRI, there is no political sectarianism. The third chapter explores the foreign relations of the KRI. It argues that the KRI as an unrecognized state, acts rationally to survive. It evades sectarianism and deemphasizes its demands of international recognition. Alternatively, the KRI pursues 'Regional Acceptance Policy' within which the Kurdish leadership persuades the regional powers, especially Turkey and Iran, that the de facto state will not declare independence, in return, they ask regional powers' acceptance of the KRI as a legitimate actor with its unique status.
Doctor of Philosophy
Throughout the 20th century ethno-nationalism was the strongest sentiment in the Middle East. Within the past decade or so, however, Islam's two main sectarian identities, Shia and Sunni, have become extraordinarily strong, if not stronger than ethno-national identities. The common understanding of the region's politics is that Iran, as a Shia majority country, has allied with the other Shia non-Persian countries and actors, such as Iraq and Hezbollah. The Sunni countries, on the other hand, have gathered around the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) against Iran or Shias in general. There is also, however, a common perception that Kurds are the only people in the Middle East who have not become sectarian. This research is to see whether this perception towards the Kurds is true, and if it is, why? The first chapter argues that the English term "sectarianism" fails to explain the current politics of the Middle East. Instead, it is argued, there are two different forms of sectarianism in Islam; one is about theological disagreements, which in Arabic is called "madhabiya", the other is about the political competition among the various Muslim groups which in Arabic is called "taifiya". Regardless of the religious factor, states of the Middle East act rationally based on geopolitical realities. Political sectarianism comes emerges especially when those sectarian groups mobilize under political parties and armed militia groups. Sects and states sometimes cooperate for mutual interests and hence it appears that the entire conflicts of the region are driven by sectarian motivations. The second and third chapters then explore sectarianism in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI) within this new understanding. The KRI acts like the state actors based on its interests and not its Sunni sectarian identity. Contrary to the common perception towards the unrecognized state which assumes that the KRI's ultimate goal should be international recognition (IR), it is here argued that the KRI prioritizes 'regional acceptance' (RA) over IR. Within the KRI there is theological sectarianism among Salafists, Sufis, and political Islamists. However, there is no political sectarianism because the Kurdish government has neutralized and unarmed the sectarian groups.
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Torres, Alanna C. "Natural resources as a source of conflict in the Middle East." Pitzer College, 2009. http://ccdl.libraries.claremont.edu/u?/stc,72.

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The purpose of my thesis was to counter Samuel Huntington’s argument that the world’s conflict is over differing civilizations, religions, or cultures. Whether or not religion is declining or growing, it cannot be used to portray the world in a 'cosmic war,' or a battle between 'good and evil'. Natural resources, not religions, rest at the basis for the Islamic fundamentalist and militant movement due to its response to the Western structural pressures that are modernizing Muslim societies. Oil and water become vital tools for exercising power and authority of one nation over another, and are identified as the true culprits for a conflict that is often furtively concealed.
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Books on the topic "Middle East – Religion – Miscellanea"

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Divine encounters: A guide to visions, angels, and other emissaries. Rochester, Vt: Bear & Co., 2002.

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al- Ghazw al-thaqāfī lil-ummah al-Islāmīyah: Māḍīh wa-ḥāḍiruhu. [Riyadh]: M.i. ʻAbd al-ʻA. al-Kharījī, 1992.

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al- Mustashriqūn wa-tārīkh ṣilatihim bi-al-ʻArabīyah: Baḥth fī al-judhūr al-tārīkhīyah lil-ẓāhirah al-istishrāqīyah. 2nd ed. ʻAmmān: Dār Ḥunayn, 1992.

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al- Ghazw al-thaqāfī lil-ummah al-Islāmīyah: Māḍīhu wa-ḥāḍiruh. 2nd ed. al-Riyāḍ: Dār al-Ṣumayʻī lil-Nashr wa-al-Tawzīʻ, 1999.

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Tassin, Mary. Middle East. [Lockesburg, AR]: M. Tassin, 1991.

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al- Mustashriqūn wa-man tābaʻahum wa-mawqifuhum min thabāt al-sharīʻah wa-shumūlihā: Dirāsatan wa-taṭbīqan. al-ʻAzīzīyah, Makkah: Maktabat al-Manārah, 1988.

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Sharqāwī, Muḥammad ʻAbd Allāh. al- Istishrāq: Fī al-fikr al-Islāmī al-muʻāṣir, dirāsāt taḥlīlīyah taqwīmīyah. [Cairo]: Tawzīʻ, Dar al-Fikr al-ʻArabī, 1993.

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Crossan, John Dominic. Excavating Jesus. New York: HarperCollins, 2009.

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Crossan, John Dominic. Excavating Jesus: Beneath the stones, behind the texts. [San Francisco]: HarperSanFrancisco, 2002.

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Stacey, Gill. Religions of the Middle East. Milwaukee, WI: World Almanac Library, 2007.

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Book chapters on the topic "Middle East – Religion – Miscellanea"

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MacDonald, Charles G. "Middle East." In The Wiley-Blackwell Companion to Religion and Social Justice, 402–11. Chichester, UK: John Wiley & Sons, Ltd, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781444355390.ch27.

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Durac, Vincent, and Francesco Cavatorta. "Religion and Politics." In Politics and Governance in the Middle East, 135–59. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-52127-9_7.

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Malki, Elias. "Protestant Education in the Middle East." In International Handbooks of Religion and Education, 569–72. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-2387-0_31.

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Wyatt, Christopher M. "Islamic Militancies and Disunity in the Middle East." In Religion and International Relations, 100–112. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403916594_5.

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Tibi, Bassam. "The Middle East: Society, State and Religion." In Identities and Conflicts, 121–34. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230288690_8.

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Lewis, Bernard. "Democracy and Religion in the Middle East." In Zwischen Konfrontation und Dialog, 51–65. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-531-93001-5_3.

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Milton-Edwards, Beverley. "Politics and Religion." In A Companion to the History of the Middle East, 444–61. Oxford, UK: Blackwell Publishing Ltd, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9780470996423.ch24.

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Shitrit, Lihi Ben. "Gender, religion, and politics in Jewish and Muslim contexts." In Routledge Handbook of Middle East Politics, 348–61. New York : Routledge, 2020.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315170688-27.

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Haynes, Jeffrey. "Democratisation in the Middle East and North Africa." In Religion, Conflict and Post-Secular Politics, 24–42. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2020. | Series: Routledge studies in religion and politics: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780367853655-4.

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10

Quandt, William B. "Religion and Politics in the Middle East and North Africa." In Religion, State, and Society, 155–69. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230617865_9.

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Conference papers on the topic "Middle East – Religion – Miscellanea"

1

Delistoian, Dmitri, and Mihael Chircor. "Offshore pipeline influence on middle east religion." In DIALOGO-CONF 2017. EDIS - Publishing Institution of the University of Zilina, Slovak Republic, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.18638/dialogo.2017.4.1.23.

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