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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Middle East United States Middle East'
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Bowers, William J. Gawrych George Walter. "Saudi Arabia and the United States' plans for Middle East defense." Waco, Tex. : Baylor University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2104/4839.
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Al-Bataineh, Adel T. Lorber Michael A. "The development of a content analysis instrument for analyzing college-level textbooks used in the United States to teach about the Middle East." Normal, Ill. Illinois State University, 1998. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ilstu/fullcit?p9924340.
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Thesis (Ed. D.)--Illinois State University, 1998.<br>Title from title page screen, viewed July 12, 2006. Dissertation Committee: Michael A. Lorber (chair), Joe Parks, Jeffrey B. Hecht, Philip P. Hermiz. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 91-93) and abstract. Also available in print.
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Bergey, Stephen E. "Pursuing the bottom line : how the Middle East will be affected by an aging America /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2007. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion-image.exe/07Sep%5FBergey.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs )--Naval Postgraduate School, September 2007.<br>Thesis Advisor(s): Lonney, Robert. "September 2007." Description based on title screen as viewed on October 19, 2007. Includes bibliographical references (p. 79-83). Also available in print.
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Takeyh, Raymond. "The United States and Egyptian Pan-Arabism : 1953-1957." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.287449.
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Askren, Jillian. "United States-middle-east relations : the role of economics in foreign policy." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2010. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/1347.
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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.<br>Bachelors<br>Sciences<br>Political Science
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Abunafeesa, Elsadig Yagoub A. "The post-1970 political geography of the Red Sea region, with special reference to United States interests." Thesis, Durham University, 1985. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/7876/.
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This is a pioneer and comprehensive study of the political geography of the Red Sea region. Background studies on geopolitics, physical environment, and resources are offered. The thesis is especially concerned with three basic American interests in the Red Sea. Firstly, energy interest: United States deep concern about uninterrupted flow of oil supplies from the Gulf to the former as well as to its Western allies creates an increasing American interest in the Red Sea route, particularly since the Gulf tanker war in 1982. Such interest is clearly seen in United States political, technical, and financial involvement in the Suez Canal (1975) and in the current laying of pipelines from the Gulf to the Red Sea. Disruption of those supplies to the US or its allies may result in American use of force. Secondly, shipping interest: such concern is clearly shown in United States involvement in matters relating to the Suez Canal, the Straits of Bab al Mandeb and Tiran. Freedom of navigation through the Red Sea, especially for Israeli ships, is a major American interest in this respect. United States refusal to sign the 1982 UN Convention on the Law of the Sea may involve the former into conflict with some Red Sea States, particularly when American nuclear-powered vessels sail from the Mediterranean to the Indian Ocean or vice versa. Thirdly, Soviet involvement in Afghanistan, the Gulf war and the resurgence of Islam are becoming increasingly worrying to the US, because such developments are feared as a destabilizing factor to the stability of the oil producing states of the Arabian peninsula, with particular reference to Saudi Arabia, the most important Red Sea state.
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Saiya, Nilay John. "American fundamentalism domestic determinants of United States Middle East policy under the Bush administration, 2000-2006 /." Click here for download, 2006. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/villanova/fullcit?p1432846.
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Ward, Brandon M. "The shift in United States foreign policy in the Middle East since 1989." [Tampa, Fla] : University of South Florida, 2006. http://purl.fcla.edu/usf/dc/et/SFE0001698.
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Hutton, Daniel Mckinley. "A geopolitical analysis of U.S. alliance building within the Middle East." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/43087.
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The concept of geopolitics - is reconsidered as a viable framework in analyzing the power relationship between nation states and then applied to the Middle East.
After reviewing the historical development of geopolitics, it is modified, and then set against alternative approaches in explaining Middle Eastern alliances. Ultimately, geopolitics is used in order to rationalize America's alliance network within the region.<br>Master of Arts
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Mirfakhraie, Ramin. "Alter-democratization : a critique of US interventionism in the Middle East." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2009. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/2282/.
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My thesis, titled ‘Alter-Democratization: A Critique of US Interventionism in the Middle East’, is grounded in political sociology and its principal concern for the phenomenon of power and relations thereof. As such, it explores the dialectics of Bush administration democratic interventionism in the Middle East, with particular focus on Iran. The first part of the thesis deals with the hybrid nature of such interventionism, which is mainly empirical in nature. Here, it is argued that, because of its strategic disposition, the neoconservative drive to ‘democratize’ the Middle East is in fact an attempt at domination rather than democratization. The second part of the thesis deals with the main ontological aspect of the project, namely, the Bush administration’s assumption – as reflected in its Greater Middle East Initiative of 2004 – that Western – especially liberal, market-oriented – conceptions of freedom and democracy are somehow prior, and thus superior, to local conceptions of such phenomena. Accordingly, particular attention is paid, in mainly a cross-hermeneutical comparative manner, to issues relating to social psychology, traditional Islamic political philosophy and jurisprudence, economic conditions, and civil/uncivil society as potential determinants of the future of democracy in the Middle East. Through the use of books, journal articles, and electronic documents, the thesis draws, in quite an interdisciplinary manner, upon both primary and secondary sources of relevant historical and theoretical data, in order to put forward the idea that viable transitions to democracy in the Middle East, including Iran, will have to eventually be an outcome of endogenous processes of reflexivity, education, negotiation, consensus, and socioeconomic development, and that anything other than the above (i.e. so exogenous as to undermine endogenous processes of transition to democracy) will necessarily be dominational and, thus, undemocratic in nature. Consequently, the thesis will be addressing some of the deficiencies inherent in the existing literature on US liberal internationalism, for many of the hitherto accounts of such internationalism have either viewed the topic from an Orientalist perspective, thereby ignoring local preferences and capacities altogether, or have simply overlooked many of the negative consequences of so-called democratic interventionism for the populations and endogenous processes involved.
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Todd, Paul. "A regional power : United States' policy in the Indian Ocean and the definition of national security 1970-1980." Thesis, Middlesex University, 1994. http://eprints.mdx.ac.uk/6424/.
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This study explores the content, context and contradictions in the making of United States' policy for the Indian Ocean region during the decade of the 1970's. In approaching this undertaking, the study will focus on the strategic dimension to policy from both an historical and an analytic perspective. The work explores three major themes: first, that the need to reverse a perceived decline in U. S. power constituted a common ground for U. S. administrations' during the 1970's; secondly, that the approach to this objective found a critical geopolitical focus in the Middle East and Northern Indian Ocean region; and thirdly, that the modalities of regional engagement redefined, in turn, the nature of regional multipolarity . The principal dilemma to be explored for U. S. policy concems the reconciliation of the rising importance of the region to the United States with diminishing U. S. leverage, in an era of diffusion of power and emergent strategic bipolarity. In methodological terms, the research design adapts the controlled comparison case study model developed by Alexander George amongst others. In this context, the class of events under scrutiny is policy - broadly defined - for the Indian Ocean region under differing strategic concepts, with a focus on bureaucratic interaction, organizational process, and military posture. The parallel analysis of macroscopic processes in world economics, inter-state relations and the central balance provides a conjunctural setting for a structured, focused, comparison of source material drawn from Congressional Hearings, policy documentation, reports, interviews and internal departmental and intelligence memoranda. For the source material itself, the research programme has accessed much material recently declassified under FOI legislation and on record in the National Archives, the National Security Archives and the Nixon Presidential library. The ordering of the work is as follows: for the six major chapters, chapter one locates the origins of United States' strategic interest in the Indian Ocean within a critical account of U. S. relations with the existing British power. Chapter's two and three commence the main historical part of the work in considering the Indian Ocean policy of the Nixon administration, in terms of the local application of the 'Nixon Doctrine'. Here, the objectives and restraints for U. S. policy are assessed with reference to two major themes of this study, great power strategic parity and regional multipolarity. These themes are referenced to signal historical developments in the region - the withdrawal of British forces, the changes in the world oil market and the 1971 India-Pakistan and 1973 Middle East wars. The emerging strategic focus on the Indian Ocean for the Ford administration is taken up in chapter four within the parallel perspectives of U. S. military posture and the evolving distribution of power in the region itself. This context leads into the Indian Ocean policies of the Carter administration. Chapter five provides an overview of the U. S. -Soviet naval arms limitation talks (NALT) of 1977-8, while chapter six undertakes a three part exposition of the 'Carter Doctrine'. In this, the emergence of the South West Asia/Indian Ocean region as the focus of great power competition is located within analysis of the Iranian revolution, the Soviet intervention in Afghanistan and the outbreak of the Iran-Iraq war. Although aspects of U. S. regional policy have been subject to a substantial literature, the stance taken here combines an historical analysis with a parallel essay at synthesis -a perspective that locates the region within the overall cast of U. S. national security policy. The study posits a strategic determination for the Indian Ocean policy framework, one whose unifying process accentuated - pari passu - the differentiation of means - In these terms, it concludes that a differentiation of ends, and notably, those involving effective disengagement from the Indian Ocean, was displaced as a possible option.
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Henry, Clarence C. "The Iraq-Kuwait crisis : a critique of United States policy 1990-91." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.324893.
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Harland, Michael Ian. "From Hubris to Reality: Neoconservatism and the Bush Doctrine's Middle East Democratisation Policies." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Department of History, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/2417.
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Following the terrorist attacks of September 11 2001, the Bush administration articulated an anti-terrorism grand strategy of armed democratisation in the Middle East that constituted the heart of the “Bush Doctrine.” This strategy derived primarily from the framework of activist democracy promotion developed by neoconservatives, and reached its apex in 2003 when it served as the rationale for regime change in Iraq as the fulcrum for the democratic transformation of the Arab world. Yet by 2008, the Bush administration's democratisation policies and many elements of the broader neoconservative framework of democracy promotion have been significantly scaled back as a result of the challenges they have faced in the Arab world - to the extent that both are now entering a state of decline. In seeking to assess the development, assumptions and outcomes to date of the United States' post-September 11 anti-terrorism strategy in the Middle East, this thesis offers a critical account of the rise and decline of the “neoconservative moment” in American foreign policy as exemplified by the Bush Doctrine's Middle East democratisation policies. This thesis examines the origins, evolution and claims of the neoconservative paradigm of armed democracy promotion; it relates these to the justifications for interventionist democratisation in the Middle East present in the terms of the Bush Doctrine; and it assesses some of the key critiques made of these assumptions over the past five years. Unlike a number of studies of the Bush Doctrine and neoconservatism, this thesis takes seriously the Bush Doctrine's claims and neoconservative beliefs as a genuine intellectual framework for intervention, consistently examining their assertions on their own terms. Further, this thesis utilises an interdisciplinary approach of study, adopting a number of the methods and analytical tools of history and political science in making its arguments and reaching its conclusions.
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Wright, Steven Martin. "Analysing United States foreign policy towards the Middle East 1993-2003 : origins and grand strategies." Thesis, Durham University, 2005. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/1788/.
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Salman, Rania Camille. "The (Mis)representation of the Middle East and Its People in K-8 Social Studies Textbooks: A Postcolonial Analysis." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2014. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc799522/.
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Critical examinations of cultural groups and the ways in which they are presented in schools are missing from current elementary and middle school curricula. Issues of this nature often fall under the umbrella of “multicultural education” or “cultural pedagogy,” but this rhetoric is dismissive in nature. Constructing the non-Western child as “culturally deprived,” “culturally disadvantaged,” or “at-risk” perpetuates an “us/colonizer” versus “them/colonized” mentality. The purpose of this study was to examine critically how the Middle East and its people are represented in U.S. social studies textbooks. Through the use of qualitative content analysis, 10 elementary and middle school social studies books from Florida, Texas, and Virginia were analyzed. Drawing largely from the postcolonial Orientalist work of Edward Said (1978/2003), this study unveiled the ways in which American public schools other children, specifically children of Middle Eastern or Arab descent. Othering occurs anytime an institution in power constructs a certain reality for a marginalized group of people.
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Mirarab, Mehrdad Hadji. "The role of the United States in the new system of power relations in the Persian Gulf region, with particular reference to the security and stability." Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10443/938.
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The last decade has witnessed a dramatic resurgence in the United States capabilities of deploying her military forces around the world, particularly, in the Persian Gulf region. The region's security and stability, due to its extensive oil reserves, is crucial for the well being of the global economy. This thesis is a study of the interaction between the United States' policies and Persian Gulf regional developments in the new system of power relations in the region. No bilateral interaction can be understood properly without a reference to the multilateral context in which it occurs. Therefore, in this study the Persian Gulf region is used as the unit of analysis and the interaction is studied in the context of regional security and stability as methods of assessing the effects of the two interacting factors. The study traces both regional developments and US policies towards the region in a period of approximately three decades since the British withdrawal in the early 70s and it attempts to construct an analytical framework for the study of the effect of regional developments upon US policies in the region. The most salient features of the present work and its original contribution to the literature of the Persian Gulf studies are as follows: 1. Using a systemic approach, it defines the Persian Gulf as a geopolitical region and rejects the concept that it has sub-systemic relations to the Middle East. 2. It shows instead that the region is a subsystem of the international system. The interaction between US policies and regional developments is directly assessed without reference to intermediate levels. 3. Three systems of power relation have been proposed as the main framework for the study of the United States' role in the region from the time of the British withdrawal from the region. 4. A distinction has been made between "security of the Persian Gulf region" and "security of the foreign power interests in this region" in order to assess the interaction between US policies and the regional developments. 5. It presents for the first time the idea of "dual functional effects of regional developments" and shows that the role of the United States in this region is a function of two complementary variables of "threats" and "opportunities". This study applies different methods in dealing with its different procedures of analysis namely: "analysing historical background"; "conceptual clarifications"; "explaining the problematic"; "hypothetical illustrations"; "reasoning" and "theory building and prescription. " However, it mostly uses a normative analysis of rational (not actual) choices.
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Elshelmani, Saad A. "The new world order and its impact on the Arab Israeli peace process (1991-1999)." Thesis, Durham University, 2000. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/4323/.
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This thesis examines the impact of the New World Order on the Arab-Israeli peace process. It argues that, since the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War, the old bipolar World Order has disappeared and a new unipolar one has emerged. The United States of America, as the only remaining single superpower, has enjoyed a great degree of influence and a kind of hegemony in international affairs. Its military superiority and economic, technological and diplomatic strength, in the absence of any competing power, have given it the upper hand to pursue its own policies and its own interests. This American unipolarity and hegemony are clearly demonstrated in the Middle East peace process. The United States' unipolarity on the international level and its hegemony on the regional level have allowed it to pursue policies to resolve the Arab- Israeli conflict. Regional states, released from the constraints or protection of the patron- client relationships fostered under the bi-polar Old World Order, have adjusted their own policies to take into account this New World Order. A neo-realist understanding of this has been developed which assesses this process in terms of international and regional balance of power and "rules of the game”. This method had been used to understand the reasons for and nature of the Arab- Israeli peace negotiations that started at Madrid in 1991 and developed in Oslo in 1993. The thesis argues that these negotiations were in fact a single process which was the direct result of this American-led New World Order. Whether through direct or indirect American involvement or through the indirect or direct acknowledgement by regional actors of the nature of the New World Order, American interests and preferences have been strongly reflected in the peace process.
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Stine, Scot F. "The three possilble solutions to the Israel-Palestinian conflict and their impact on the achievement of US interests /." Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2002. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/02Jun%5FStine.pdf.
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May, Cindy Lou. "United States presidential decision-making and the use of force during crises in the Middle East and North Africa, 1979-2009." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648219.
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Leeke, Jane. "A novel reading : literature and pedagogy in modern Middle East history courses in Canada and the United States." Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=98549.
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The purpose of this study is to explore how the Arabic novel can and does challenge the conventional characterization of what constitutes constructive Middle East historiography. The thesis draws on a case study of undergraduate history course syllabi in order to highlight a number of crucial issues related to Arabic literature and the production of modern Middle East history. My analysis of the syllabi concludes that in general, Arabic novels in translation are part of a varied group of resources selected by a professor in order to complement the "official" histories provided by textbooks and government documents. The novel is deemed helpful because it often describes the "ordinary" or daily life of people. Also, the novel is presented as the contribution of an "indigenous voice" to the historical narrative.
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Ben, Amira Mustapha. "The concept of interest in the Western and Middle Eastern society." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2003. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/2351.
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The entire banking systems in the western societies is based on the use of interest. The bank charges the borowers interest on its loans and pays its depositors interest on their deposits. On the other hand, the Middle Eastern banking system is an interest free system that prohibits the use of interest, either in receipt or in payment.
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Collins, Marshall. "Exclusion vs. Inclusion: American and Turkish Foreign Policy in the Middle East." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2012. https://dc.etsu.edu/honors/39.
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Why do countries engage in democracy promotion around the world? Why is the principle component of U.S. foreign policy abroad assistance with democratization? One answer is the Democratic Peace Theory (DPT) (also known as “Liberal Peace”). Accordingly, DPT states, as its basic tenant, democracies behave differently with one another than they do non-democracies, especially in relation to military altercations.
Why are some countries more successful than others in promoting democratic ideals around the world? In order to partly explain this question, I examine American and Turkish foreign policy initiatives in the Middle East from a comparative perspective. The United States of America and the Republic of Turkey both reflect the basic tenant of the Democratic Peace Theory in their foreign policies. Each maintains policies that promote the establishment of democracies and the perpetuation of democratic ideals in the Middle East region. Differences in policies are observable when consideration is placed on the principles of inclusion and exclusion in negotiating, nation building, and the promotion of national interests in foreign affairs. The United States maintains bureaucratic rigidity while Turkey exemplifies an open policy when negotiating with interested parties. An analysis of nuclear proliferation in Iran, the two invasions of Iraq since 1990, and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict reveals an increase and advancement of Turkey’s influence in the spread of democracy in the Middle East and a corresponding decline in that of the U.S. This approach might have strengthened Turkish strategic leverage in the region with comparatively greater (than the United States) ability to promote democratic ideals in the Middle East region through the continued building of partnerships and a dedication to stability of the region, the balancing of internal political ideologies, and the stability of Turkish international relations above all else.
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Rezk, Dina. "Anglo-American political and intelligence assessments of Egypt and the Middle East from 1957-1977." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.608033.
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Sirmanshahi, Aida. "The United States and Israel : A study of attitude of the past five United State presidents toward Israel and the Middle East conflict." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-96523.
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Throughout the past eighty years, the United States and Israel have had a close relationship. This study aims to understand and define patterns of behavior from presidents of the United States in their relation with Israel. The understanding of national interest and underlying pat- terns of the United States policies is what inspired the approach of the study, leading to the subject of defining a pattern in behavior. This study examines the relationship between Israel and the United States, focusing on one of the two actors, the United States, by looking at The United States presidencies following the end of the Cold War. By applying rational choice theory to secondary literature on the United State presidents George H. W. Bush, Bill Clinton, George W. Bush, Barack Obama and Don- ald J. Trump, the results presented that pattern has been present for many years. All presi- dents have taken their own approach on maintaining the social, military, economical, and po- litical relationship, however one president has deprived from the given pattern of putting the countries best interest at the core. Meaning that a deprivation of national interest has taken place. Leading to going against national interest in the region.
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Blomeley, Kristen Nicole Social Sciences & International Studies Faculty of Arts & Social Sciences UNSW. "US foreign policy, the Arab-Israeli dispute and the ??Peace Process?? Mirage: Lausanne 1949 and Camp David 2000." Publisher:University of New South Wales. Social Sciences & International Studies, 2009. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/44396.
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The purpose of this thesis is to understand why the Arab-Israeli conflict has remained irreconcilable for sixty-one years. While the details and forms of the conflict have changed over time, the central factors dividing Zionists and Arabs in the Middle East have altered little. In this thesis I examine what these factors are and why they have been so effective in frustrating every peace effort. To understand the fundamental factors which keep the dispute alive I have conducted a comparative study of the two major peace initiatives which frame it diplomatically. The first formal peace conference between Israel and her Arab adversaries took place in Lausanne in 1949. The issues of borders, Jerusalem and refugees would not be seriously engaged with again until the last peace effort to date, the Camp David talks of 2000. Through a detailed comparative analysis of both conferences I seek to understand the positions taken by the warring parties towards these issues and the broader motivating factors separating them and preventing them from achieving peace. As the most important third party and supposed ??honest broker?? in both talks, I also closely examine the behaviour and policy of the US at each case. I find that the positions taken towards each issue by Israel, on the one hand, and the Arab party, on the other, were remarkably consistent in 1949 and 2000. Israel was not fully committed to peace in either instance, while the Arabs twice refused to sign what amounted to documents of surrender. These consistent positions starkly contrasted with that of the US, which completely changed its positions in ways which, by 2000, had almost wholly aligned it with Zionist demands. I conclude that future peace will rest on the ability of each party to re-examine its past in order to produce a spirit of reconciliation. For Israel, this will mean honestly revisiting Zionism in order to confront what its triumph meant for the Palestinian inhabitants of the land. The Arabs must also seek a broader understanding of their role in the dispute and demonstrate forcefully to Israelis that they seek peace rather than retribution. Above all, if the US is to retain its role as mediator it must abandon its ??special relationship?? with Israel and return to a more genuinely?? even handed alignment with the broader international consensus on the dispute. As it stands, the US??s more or less unconditional support of Israel has the effect of leading Israelis and Palestinians ever further from peace even as an ever more empty ??peace process?? is rhetorically trumpeted abroad.
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Polson, William R. "The White House backdoor : the Carter administration's secret contacts with the Palestine Liberation Organization /." View abstract, 2000. http://library.ctstateu.edu/ccsu%5Ftheses/1606.html.
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Thesis (M.A.)--Central Connecticut State University, 2000.<br>Thesis advisor: Norton Mezvinsky. " ... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts [in History]." Includes bibliographical references (leaves i-viii).
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Arduengo, Enrique Sebastian Stockdale Nancy L. "The war for peace George H. W. Bush and Palestine, 1989-1992 /." [Denton, Tex.] : University of North Texas, 2009. http://digital.library.unt.edu/permalink/meta-dc-11061.
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Babaee, Tamirdash Mohamadreza. "Staging Belonging: Performance, Migration, and the Middle Eastern Diaspora in the United States." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1593024898855739.
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Varble, Derek. "The Atlantic partnership and Middle Eastern strategy in the early Cold War." Thesis, Search "ADA381603" in "Accession number" field, 2000. http://stinet.dtic.mil/str/tr4%5Ffields.html.
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Draper, Blake A. "This Way Please the role of the Middle East and the United States in shaping the Iraqi Refugee Crisis /." Tallahassee, Fla. : Florida State University, 2009. http://etd.lib.fsu.edu/theses/available/etd-11102009-224130/.
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Thesis (M.A.)--Florida State University, 2009.<br>Advisor: Peter Garretson, Florida State University, College of Social Sciences and Public Policy, Dept. of International Affairs. Title and description from dissertation home page (viewed Mar 15, 2010). Document formatted into pages; contains ix, 77 pages. Includes bibliographical references.
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King, Michael G. "Modern piracy and regional security cooperation in the maritime domain the Middle East and Southeast Asia /." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2010. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2010/Mar/10Mar%5FKing.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Middle East, South Asia, Sub-Saharan Africa))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2010.<br>Thesis Advisor(s): Dahl, Erik J. Second Reader: Moran, Daniel J. "March 2010." Description based on title screen as viewed on April 28, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Piracy, Maritime Security, Regional Security Cooperation, Cooperative Security, Middle East, Southeast Asia, Gulf of Aden, Straits of Malacca, Maritime Capacity. Includes bibliographical references (p. 103-116). Also available in print.
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Taha, Angela J. "From the Middle East to the United States: Stressors and Coping Strategies of Members of a Sacred Culture Living in a Secular Culture." PDXScholar, 1993. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4756.
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The values and beliefs involved in Islam maintain that religion is embedded in everyday life. Students from countries which subscribe to the tenets of Islam may have a difficult time adjusting to the secular society of the U.S. This study is concerned with the interrelationships among events perceived as stressful, the ways of coping with stress that are reported as most often used, and the reported level of satisfaction with living in the U.S. for the Muslim Arab international students in this study. A four page survey questionnaire was used as the instrument. The questionnaire was filled out by 102 Muslim Arab international students regarding the areas of stressors, coping strategies, satisfaction with living in the U.S., and individual descriptors. None of the hypotheses were supported with statistically significant results. Of the subjects, 83% reported that they did not receive any intercultural pre-sojourn training. Presently, pre-sojourn intercultural training does not aid in reducing the stressful situations experienced by these subjects (Hypothesis 1). The frequency of emotion-focused coping does not decrease when the perceived effectiveness of presojourn intercultural training increases (Hypothesis 2). Limited knowledge and standardized research in this area may contribute to the lack of success of intercultural training. Additional time spent living in the U.S. does not reduce the communication-related stressors Muslim Arab students experience (Hypothesis 3). Although research indicates the longer people live in a foreign culture, the more they learn the rules and norms and therefore become acculturated (Samovar and Porter, 1988), the additional considerations a Muslim Arab international student may have to deal with could override the positive effects of time. The frequency of emotion-focused coping does not substantially decrease the longer amount of time a student has lived in the U.S. (Hypothesis 4). stress is a part of any student's life. For Muslim Arab international students living in the U.S., the basic value system provided by the belief in Islam appears to be related to coping with stressful situations (Hypothesis 5). However, the results were not significant. As the variety of coping strategies increases, the variety of stressors does not decrease (Hypothesis 6). Rather, as the variety of stressors increases, so too does the variety of coping strategies. It appears that students who experience more stressors respond by using more coping strategies. Satisfaction was correlated with neither coping strategies nor stressors. One would expect satisfaction to be positively related to coping strategies (Hypothesis 7), but there was no relationship. One would also expect satisfaction to be inversely related to stressors (Hypothesis 8), but there is no relationship. Satisfaction was measured by the extent to which subjects would want to remain in the U.S., and if they would recommend a loved one to study in the U.S. Based on the highly obligatory social structure that exists in many Middle Eastern countries, contemplating remaining away from one's family and friends may not have been acceptable. Difficulties associated with living in the U.S. as an international student may have also led subjects to report they would not recommend a loved one to study in the U.S. In conclusion, there are three important results that can be drawn from this study. First, with respect, at least, to the Muslim Arab international students in this study, there is no way to empirically discriminate between different categories of stressors or different categories of coping strategies. Second, denial and wishful thinking are not effective coping strategies. Third, direct problem solving is clearly the most effective way for the Muslim Arab international students in this study to cope with stressors while living in the U.S.
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Salgado, Neto Luiz. "Uma pequena América no Oriente: fundamentos culturais do apoio ao sionismo nos Estados Unidos (1936-1948)." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UFF, 2013. https://appdesenv.uff.br/riuff/handle/1/258.
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Previous issue date: 2013<br>A presente pesquisa tem o objetivo de analisar os fundamentos culturais do apoio ao sionismo nos Estados Unidos. Por meio da análise de cinco periódicos de amplitude nacional, buscou-se apreender os elementos culturais presentes em avaliações sobre a Questão da Palestina e em discursos pró-sionistas no período de 1936 e 1948. O objetivo do estudo foi analisar como essas avaliações e esses discursos mobilizaram representações, valores, percepções, crenças e imagens na análise do conflito entre árabes e sionistas, bem como na defesa da criação de um Estado judeu na Palestina. Esta pesquisa propôs uma articulação entre política e cultura. Dessa forma, buscou-se avaliar, ao fim do estudo, como fundamentos culturais influenciaram a postura política de uma parcela significativa da sociedade norte-americana, que pressionava o governo dos Estados Unidos a apoiar a criação de um Estado judeu na Palestina.<br>The goal of this research is to analyze the cultural grounds of the support to Zionism in the United States. Through an analysis of five periodicals of national amplitude, this study seeks to apprehend the cultural elements present in evaluations of the Palestine Question and in pro-Zionist discourses in the period between 1936 and 1948. The objective of this study was analyze how these evaluations and discourses mobilized representations, values, perceptions beliefs and images in the views of the conflict between Arabs and Zionists, as well as in the defense of the creation of a Jewish State in Palestine. This research propounded an articulation between politics and culture. Therefore, it sought to evaluate, at the end of the study, how cultural grounds affected the political behavior of an important segment of the American society, which pressed the United States government to support the creation of a Jewish state in Palestine.
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Hassan, Osman Ali. "George W. Bush, September 11th and the rise of the Freedom Agenda in US-Middle East relations : a Constructivist Institutionalist approach." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2009. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/399/.
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This thesis generates a greater understanding of the George W. Bush administration’s Freedom Agenda for the Middle East and North Africa. It is motivated by two central research questions: How and why was the Freedom Agenda developed? And, how was the Freedom Agenda constituted? To address these questions, a constructivist institutionalist methodology is developed. The value of this undertaking, is that it theorises the relationship between the events of September 11, 2001, and the rise of the Freedom Agenda. Consequently, this research focuses on the narrative constructed in the aftermath of the “crisis”, and how this laid discursive tracks for the evolution of the Freedom Agenda. Furthermore, it is demonstrated that the Bush administration appropriated and articulated multiple discourses into a distinctive ideological-discursive formation, which in turn, sedimented particular definitions of concepts such as ‘democracy’ and ‘freedom’. This created a new policy paradigm, which failed to address the ‘conflict of interests’ problem central to US-Middle East relations. As a result, the Freedom Agenda demonstrated a commitment to regional stability and the gradual reform of ally regimes, whilst seeking to challenge regimes hostile to the US. It was a policy caught between promoting democracy and domination.
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Seibel, Kevin S. "Perceptions of ideological imperialism why the establishment of democracy in the Middle East alone will not defeat Islamist terrorism /." Quantico, VA : Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA491185.
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Okay, Sevsem. "Patterns and Trends in the Spatial Assimilation of Middle Eastern and North African Immigrants in the United States, 2000 to 2016." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1613750099551244.
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Buijs, Lorena Maria Elisa. "September 11 : catalyst for structural-genealogical narrative of a new world (Dis)order." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1006463.
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The attacks of September 11, 2001, have changed America forever. In a horrific manner the vulnerability of the highly developed states was demonstrated and exposed in world politics. The event is ushering a new political era where far reaching shifts in international relations are under way. In the post Cold-War international world it appears that the ideological conflict between capitalism and socialism has been replaced by a new world order. One that has retained the binary conflict structure of the Cold War, except that this binary is now presented by political Islam and consumerist's capitalism (Martin, 2000:155). Indeed, in the previous bipolar world order, the acute distinction between capitalism and communism served to attenuate the discord in and between religions. This complex blurring of distinctions has been systematically heightened since the end of the Cold War, as it has allowed Western governments to maintain controlling interests outside of their dominions (Gupta, 2002:6) . This struggle has since been conceived in a variety of different, but related ways: A 'Clash of Civilizations' (Huntington 1996), or as an inescapable dialectic typical of the process of globalization itself (Barber, 1996:245). In the case of Huntington's (1996:19-20) genealogical narrative, he refers to global politics and the way in which the future will be reconfigured according to cultural identities. The division along these cultural lines, will furthermore "shape" the patterns of cohesion, disintegration, and conflict in the Post-Cold War world" (Huntington, 1996:20). Huntington's thesis is rather overriding in explaining the clash between the supposedly 'West' vs. 'Rest', whose interaction is historically determined. Yet, the genealogical narrative is not sufficient in taking into account the dynamics of globalization. Benjamin Barber's structural narrative, on the other hand, goes to great lengths to illustrate the paradoxical relationship between Jihad and McWorld, and how both forces tend to survive in a world that they inevitably create. By' acknowledging the relevance of both binaries (East/West), it is hoped to transcend them by presenting a structural-genealogical grand narrative, which will essentially allow one to understand Jihad as being a structural moment of the genealogical narrative. Given this general strategy, it will become perceptible that Jihad is one form of anti-globalization as the structural narratives become part of the genealogical and the genealogical part of the structural. In essence, then, this thesis is attempting to come to grips with the phenomenon of September 11, from a political-philosophical perspective. More specifically, this study will firstly be looking at two different, but related narratives that have emerged post-September 11, to make sense of the event. Given the structural-genealogical approach, the central concern in this study is consequently to look at two separate but related interests. The one pertains to history and the other to historiography.
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Arduengo, Enrique Sebastian. "The War for Peace: George H. W. Bush and Palestine, 1989-1992." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2009. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc11061/.
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The administration of President George H. W. Bush from 1989 to 1992 saw several firsts in both American foreign policy towards the Middle East, and in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. At the beginning of the Bush Presidency, the intifada was raging in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, and by the time it was over negotiations were already in progress for the most comprehensive agreement brokered in the history of the conflict to that point, the Oslo Accords. This paper will serve two purposes. First, it will delineate the relationships between the players in the Middle East and President Bush during the first year of his presidency. It will also explore his foreign policy towards the Middle East, and argue that it was the efforts of George H. W. Bush, and his diplomatic team that enabled the signing of the historic agreement at Oslo.
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Pataudi, Ibrahim. "Al-Qaeda in Syria: implications for Middle Eastern Security and U.S Foreign Policy." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/977.
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This paper attempts to provide a comprehensive description and analysis of Al-Qaeda affiliates fighting in Syria. The implications for Middle Eastern Security, US foreign policy and Islamic extremism in the future are projected.
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Hammerstein, Ralf P. "Deliberalization in Jordan the roles of Islamists and U.S.-EU assistance in stalled democratization." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2010. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2010/Jun/10Jun%5FHammerstein.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Middle East, South Asia, Sub-Saharan Africa))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2010.<br>Thesis Advisor(s): Springborg, Robert ; Hafez, Mohammed. "June 2010." Description based on title screen as viewed on July 13, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Islamism in Jordan, Muslim Brotherhood in Jordan, political opportunities, strategic choice, ideological and organizational responsiveness, political inclusion, moderation of radical agendas, special relationship between the Jordanian regime and the Muslim Brotherhood, United States and European Union assistance to Jordan. Includes bibliographical references (p. 125-138). Also available in print.
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Oganesyan, Milena. "James A. Baker III and Eduard Shevardnadze the story of the Madrid Peace Conference of 1991 /." The University of Montana, 2009. http://etd.lib.umt.edu/theses/available/etd-06232009-121957/.
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The following work examines the personal diplomacy between James A. Baker, III and Eduard A. Shevardnadze at the end of the 1980s and early 1990s and their cooperation that led to the initiation of a new peace process in the Middle East inaugurated by the Madrid Conference of 1991. The paper addresses the importance of the personal element in international diplomacy and situates it in the context of a particular time framework that marked the end of the Cold War and which resulted in significant geopolitical changes across the globe. While recognizing the importance of larger events, such as the attempts to restructure the Soviet economy and society, this thesis argues for the significance of the personal relationship between James A. Baker, III and Eduard A. Shevardnadze in establishing a cooperative response to Iraqs invasion of Kuwait and, ultimately, to laying the groundwork for the Madrid Peace Conference. The research was conducted based on government sources, personal accounts, interviews, including personal interviews with former USSR Minister of Foreign Affairs and ex-President of Georgia, Eduard A. Shevardnadze, and former U.S. Ambassador to Senegal, Mark Johnson, as well other primary and secondary sources in English, Russian, and Georgian languages available at the time.
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Geary, Brent M. "A Foundation of Sand: US Public Diplomacy, Egypt, and Arab Nationalism, 1953-1960." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1193151306.
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Eichorn, Joseph. "Determining the current level of knowledge among healthcare providers and nurses concerning the signs, symptons, and diagnosis of malaria in the United States." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2010. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/1402.
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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.<br>Bachelors<br>Nursing<br>Nursing
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Dodge, Terri. "Impact of Standardized Testing Emphasis on Teaching and Learning in Kindergarten through 12th Grade in United States Schools: East Tennessee Principals' Perspectives." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2007. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/2103.
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The pressure to perform on standardized tests in the United States has become intense. Increased accountability has caused principals to think about their perceptions of standardized testing with regard to accountability measures, test validity, use of test data, impact of testing on the curriculum, and stress related to testing. The purpose of this study was to investigate kindergarten- through 12th-grade principals' perceptions of standardized testing. The study included 91 principals of Title I and nonTitle I schools located in 8 rural East Tennessee school districts. Data were gathered using a survey instrument to determine principals' opinions of standardized testing.
There were 4 predictor (independent) variables in this study: Title I status of the school measured by status (Title I school and nonTitle I school), gender predictor variable, predictor variable of highest degree earned by principals (master's, specialist, and doctorate), and predictor variable of experience in current position (1-6 years, 7-14 years, and 15-39 years). The data analysis focused on 5 dimensions of standardized testing. The 5 (dependent) variables were: (a) general impact-accountability, (b) validity of standardized tests, (c) use of standardized tests in individualizing instruction, (d) impact on curriculum, and (e) stress related to standardized testing.
The findings reflected that in general, principals had a positive view of standardized testing; however, the study showed that there was agreement among principals that standardized testing has limitations, particularly in the area of fairness to ethnic groups. The research indicated that principals use test data in many ways to improve their schools. Regardless of Title I status, gender, highest degree earned, and years of experience in current position, there were no significant differences in principals' opinions of standardized testing regarding the 5 dimensions of standardized testing.
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Chamberlin, Paul. "Preparing for Dawn: The United States and the Global Politics of Palestinian Resistance, 1967-1975." The Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1243876457.
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Baycar, Muhammet Kazim. "Ottoman-Arab transatlantic migrations in the age of mass migrations (1870-1914)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:00e0eaca-5981-4edd-97fc-0fd06a472df8.
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This thesis sketches out the history of Ottoman-Arab emigration from Greater Syria to the United States and to Argentina from the late nineteenth century up to the end of World War I, relying primarily (but not solely) on the related documents preserved in the Ottoman Archives. It depicts a wide range of this emigration history, including the scale and the number of immigrants, the causes behind emigration, the ways that emigrants managed to reach the Americas, the attitudes of Ottoman governments toward them, and the ways that emigrants adapted to their host societies. The thesis analyses the Ottoman-Arab emigration phenomenon from social and economic perspectives and in the larger context comprising other European population movements to the New World during this period, which has been called 'the Age of Mass Migrations'.
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Eltantawy, Nahed Mohamed Atef. "U.S. Newspaper Representation of Muslim and Arab Women Post 9/11." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2007. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/communication_diss/18.
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This study examines U.S. newspaper representation of Muslim-Arab women post 9/11 with an aim of better understanding how women are portrayed in relation to religion, society, politics and the economy. Through a discourse analysis, I examined local articles from across the nation, in addition to international articles, that examine various aspects of Muslim-Arab women’s lives between 9/11/2001 and 9/11/2005. With the increasing focus on the Muslim world in general, and Muslim women in particular, it is necessary to determine how women are portrayed. Muslim-Arab women have increasingly been on the face covers of magazines and front pages of newspapers since 9/11 and all the events that followed; among the major topics covered were the war in Afghanistan, the U.S.-led Iraqi invasion, as well as the elections in both countries. This project aims to provide a comprehensive examination of the diverse stereotypes used by Western reporters to describe Muslim-Arab women, their appearance, status, roles, obligations,responsibilities and aspirations. The analysis also examines the journalistic practices that contribute to distortion and stereotyping.
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Johansson, Linnea. "The United States involvement in Yemen : A case study with rational and humanitarian reasoning of the involvement, influence and its objective." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-100622.
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The purpose of this study is to examine why the US is involved in Yemen’s civil war and what factors are contributing to its involvement, particularly if the US involvement in Yemen is based on self-interest or humanitarian motives. As a qualitive desk study, this research uses rational choice theory and the humanitarian intervention framework as its analytical framework.The research results highlight that the US objectives are first and foremost following an “America first” approach, with specific economic and political benefits, such as maintaining a good bilateral relationship with Saudi Arabia, arms sales and the purchase of oil which are clearly prioritized over humanitarian aspects to protect the civilians in Yemen.
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Freer, Courtney. "Rentier Islamism : Muslim Brotherhood affiliates in Kuwait, Qatar, and the United Arab Emirates." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:134ca923-a204-40bf-80be-4e21352e680b.
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This study, using contemporary history and empirical research, updates traditional rentier state theory, which largely fails to account for the existence of opposition movements, by demonstrating the political capital held by Muslim Brotherhood affiliates in Kuwait, Qatar, and the United Arab Emirates (UAE). This study thus also fills a critical gap in existing literature on political Islam by examining previously unstudied movements in the smaller Gulf states that do not require Brotherhood organisations to provide services, to form social networks, or to contest elections (aside from in Kuwait). Through a divergent case study, we demonstrate the degree to which and the means through which the Ikhwan shapes domestic politics in the some of the world’s wealthiest oil states, the super-rentiers. This research helps to break the causal link established by rentier state theory between oil rents and lack of politically relevant Islamist organizations. As will be shown, Muslim Brotherhood organizations in the Gulf are politically influential entities. It is important to note, however, that these groups shape cultural and social ideas as readily as political notions. The division between these sectors is often blurred in the atmosphere of the socially conservative super-rentiers, as politics is often displaced to the social sphere in restricted political systems. We therefore elucidate a new model for understanding how Muslim Brotherhood movements influence government policies, in addition to cultural and social policies, in the wealthiest rentier states of the Gulf, which we call rentier Islamism.
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Lahad, Ziad. "Le Liban sur l'échiquier du Moyen-Orient 1940-1958." Thesis, Paris 3, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA030015.
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Ce travail de recherche retrace la rivalité des puissances occidentales au Liban entre 1940 et 1958, qui découle d’un affaiblissement progressif de ses anciennes puissances colonisatrices, la France et la Grande-Bretagne. Nous essaierons de dérouler au cours de cette étude le nouvel ordre imposé au Moyen-Orient. Nous analyserons la manière dont les États-Unis ont cherché à supplanter les anciennes puissances coloniales.Pour la période suivante, de 1947 à 1958, qui voit au Moyen-Orient un bouleversement politique majeur avec la fin des Mandats, la création de l’État d’Israël et la montée du nationalisme arabe, nous nous pencherons sur l’apparition sur la scène moyen orientale d’une nouvelle superpuissance, l’Union soviétique. Nous détaillerons la position du Liban vis à vis des alliances, de la crise de Suez et de la cirse libanaise de 1958. Nous essaierons d’apprécier dans quelles mesures elles ont contribué à accélérer la chute des anciennes puissances colonisatrices supplantées par les deux nouvelles super puissances.Dans ce nouveau contexte, le Liban apparaîtra au cœur de ces événements, dépassé par les enjeux et tiraillé par l’opposition interne entre musulmans pro nassériens et chrétiens pro-occidentaux. Nous verrons notamment comment, pour contrer l’influence soviétique au Moyen-Orient après la crise du canal de Suez, Eisenhower remania sa politique dans la région profitant de la perte d'influence franco-britannique.Nous arriverons à la conclusion que ces dix années apparaissent comme déterminantes dans l’histoire de la rivalité américano-européenne au Moyen Orient et tout en dessinant un affaiblissement définitif des autres puissances occidentales, scellé par l’échec de Suez, elles déterminent pour la décennie à venir, jusqu’en 1967, les règles du jeu de cet Orient complexe…<br>This research, traces the rivalries, between the year 1940 and 1958, amid the Western powers within Lebanon, which is the result of the gradual weakening of their former colonial powers, France and Great Britain. Through this study, we will expose the new order imposed on the Middle East, and we will analyze how the United States sought to supplant the former colonial forces.Furthermore, during the years 1947 to 1958, the Middle East witnessed a major political upheaval with the end of the mandate, the establishment of the State of Israel, the rise of Arab nationalism and the rise of a new superpower in that region: the Soviet Union. Moreover, we will specifically detail the causes and consequences of the Suez Canal crisis and we will try to assess its extent on the accelerated collapse of the former colonial forces, superseded by their two new challengers. In the light of these events, Lebanon will appear overwhelmed by the challenges, and torn by the internal opposition between pro-Nasserite Muslims and pro-Western Christians. It will be shown in detail how, to counter the Soviet influence in the Middle East after the Suez crisis, Eisenhower reshuffled his policy in the area, taking advantage of the decreasing influence of France and Great Britain.Eventually, we come to the conclusion, that the decade spanning from 1947 to 1958 is decisive to the history of the US-European rivalry in the Middle East, where the weakening of all other Western powers is definitive, and where the rules of the game, in the extremely complex region, became determined for the following decade