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Journal articles on the topic 'Middle East United States Middle East'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 14 February 2022

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1

Sarieddine, Toufic. "Middle Kingdom Enters Middle East." Journal of World-Systems Research 27, no. 1 (2021): 177–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2021.1027.

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Through the lens of world-systems analysis, this research argues that Beijing is creating a miniature world-system overlapping with the United States-led world-system via its Belt Road Initiative (BRI). Although China has not yet become a core power, its BRI seems to possess the qualities of a new world-system in the making, within which China enjoys hegemonic traits such as economic and military might and capable alternative institutions. This BRI-bound world-system consists of BRI participant states whose areas and processes are being molded to better fit China as core and hegemon; a phenome

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2

Hahn, P. L. "The United States and the Middle East." OAH Magazine of History 20, no. 3 (2006): 5–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/maghis/20.3.5.

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Norton, Augustus Richard. "America's Middle East Peace Crisis." Current History 100, no. 642 (2001): 3–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2001.100.642.3.

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Over the past decade it has become fashionable in Washington to believe that only when a situation is ‘ripe’—that is, when the belligerents are ‘hurting’—should the United States expend diplomatic capital, and especially the scarcest resource of all, the president's time, to seek a solution. This perspective exhibits common-sense wisdom, but it also harbors a rationale for avoiding tough, complex issues.

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4

Al Sarhan, Atallah S. "United States Foreign Policy and the Middle East." Open Journal of Political Science 07, no. 04 (2017): 454–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/ojps.2017.74036.

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5

NCAFP. "The United States and a Changing Middle East." American Foreign Policy Interests 34, no. 5 (2012): 255–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10803920.2012.721325.

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Ramadhan, Reza Bakhtiar. "Pengaruh Peningkatan Kekuatan Iran Terhadap Hegemoni Amerika Serikat di Timur Tengah." Analisis: Jurnal Studi Keislaman 19, no. 1 (2019): 111–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.24042/ajsk.v19i1.4160.

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Using the method of discourse analysis and the theory of Balance of Power as a media for analysis of this paper seeks to find out why and how the increase in Iranian military power threatens the hegemony of the United States in the Middle East. Significant increases in Iranian military power are thought to threaten US interests in the Middle East. Post-revolution of Iran under the leadership of Ayatollah Khomeini in 1979 has turned this country into a new political and military power. Since then, relations between Iran and the West, especially the United States, are becoming more tense. Iran's

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7

مهلهل, م. م. مازن قاسم. "China's Middle East policy after 2001." مجلة العلوم السياسية, no. 52 (February 20, 2019): 383–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.30907/jj.v0i52.80.

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The foreign policy of china is considered an important subject generally, in addition its very significant towards the Middle East specifically. It is the most valued topic, that needs deep academic investigations in order to identify the important factors causes and its consequences, this kind of research provides a proper understanding to the researchers and politicians, it will prove the reasons for China's with the impact to the region, the rivalry with the United States in the coming years

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Tuna, Tülin. "The Middle East Policy of America during the Cold War." International Journal of Human Resource Studies 2, no. 2 (2012): 84. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijhrs.v2i2.1887.

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Abstract This article aims to explain the Middle East policy of America during the cold war. The structure of international politics has changed after World War II. Two new powers, the United States of America and the Soviet Russia, have dominated the world politics. In this period, the Middle East was of great importance for the United States economically, politically and strategically. The United States has been struggling to prevent a power threatening the interests of the West from controlling or dominating the Middle East. Especially in the period after 1945, it has been responsive to the

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Levy, Daniel. "President Obama, the United States and the Middle East." Israel Journal of Foreign Affairs 3, no. 1 (2009): 15–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23739770.2009.11446346.

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10

Pickering, Thomas R. "The United States, Iran, and the Greater Middle East." American Foreign Policy Interests 32, no. 2 (2010): 57–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10803921003697534.

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11

Hamid, Shadi, and Peter Mandaville. "Bringing the United States Back into the Middle East." Washington Quarterly 36, no. 4 (2013): 95–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0163660x.2013.861716.

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12

Bardauskaite, Danguole. "What is “the Middle East”? American think tank experts on construction of the region." Lithuanian Foreign Policy Review 36, no. 1 (2017): 85–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/lfpr-2017-0004.

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Abstract The aim of this research is to answer the question how the American think tank experts on the Middle East and US foreign policy towards the Middle East perceive the region and its construction, with a particular focus on the process of Othering. In order to achieve this aim, the article presents the theoretical explanations of the Othering. In the empirical part, the results of semi-structured interviews with the experts are analyzed and presented. The interviews revealed three angles of how the Middle East is perceived. These angles are the geographical location of the Middle East, t

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13

Sawalha, Aseel. "Gendered Space and Middle East Studies." International Journal of Middle East Studies 46, no. 1 (2014): 166–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743813001359.

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Aspects of space and place shape daily life, social structures, politics, and intimate relations among people. In the late 1980s and 1990s, anthropologists, geographers, and sociologists—influenced by the writings of Michel Foucault and Henri Lefebvre on the meaning of social space—started to highlight the spatial in their analysis of social phenomena. These scholars focused on the production of urban space and asserted that space is dynamic and often shaped by the needs of its users as well as by those who design it. With the exception of Setha Low's work on Latin America, these writings were

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14

El-Affendi, Abdelwahab. "Media in the Middle East." American Journal of Islam and Society 13, no. 2 (1996): 275–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v13i2.2323.

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As evidenced by its subtitle, this book is a mighty ambitious work. Theeditors, recognizing the "woeful lack of information on the [Middle East's]media systems," present the book as "the first comprehensive study of thestructure and functions of the mass media in the Middle East." And it tooka lot of hard work, being the "culmination of more than two years ofresearch and writing by 32 mass media scholars from across the MiddleEast and the United States."The books covers twenty-one countries. The Middle East is definedhere as most Arab countries (Morocco, Sudan, Yemen, and Somalia wereleft out)

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15

Mady, Abdel-Fattah. "American foreign policy and peace in the Middle East." Contemporary Arab Affairs 3, no. 3 (2010): 271–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2010.493739.

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The purpose of this study is to answer the following question: ‘Does US foreign policy undermine peace efforts in the Occupied Palestinian Territories?’ Careful observations of US foreign policy during the Oslo Process reveal that the United States has indeed undermined peace efforts in the Occupied Palestinian Territories. The American position substantially departed from United Nations Resolutions 242 and 338, which the Palestinians were promised would serve as the basis for negotiations. Although the American–Israeli alliance underwent periodic adjustments, American foreign policy has, over

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Alting von Geusau, Frans A. M. "Breaking Away Towards Peace in the Middle East." Leiden Journal of International Law 8, no. 1 (1995): 81–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156500003113.

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For many years after the creation of the state of Israel in 1948, peace in the Middle East has been an elusive goal, despite the continuous attention given to it by the United Nations and the (mainly American)efforts to promote negotiations between the parties concerned. The affirmation by the UN Security Council “that the fulfilment of Charter principles requires the establishment of a just and lasting peace in the Middle East” failed to break the threefold deadlock barring the way towards peace. The Arab states and the PLO refused to recognise Israel's right to exist as a sovereign state in

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Albin, Michael W. "Current Bibliographical Work: The Middle East." Middle East Studies Association Bulletin 23, no. 1 (1989): 17–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026318400021003.

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My Purpose in this brief presentation is to offer a summary of developments in the field of Middle Eastern and Islamic bibliographic studies. Examples (and they are only examples of what is a widespread recognition of the importance of bibliography in the scholarly enterprise) are drawn from various fields of activity, from the immense Library of Congress to the efforts of a lone bibliographer at her PC in Denver. I have also tried to give an international flavor with an example of the important work being done in Istanbul. I have appended the names and addresses of the bibliographic projects

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18

Gamawa, Yusuf Ibrahim. "United States and the Middle East after the Cold War." American Finance & Banking Review 3, no. 1 (2018): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.46281/amfbr.v3i1.135.

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The United States emerged as the most powerful country after World War II and as such found itself in an influential position to be involved in the future and destinies of many countries across the globe. The U.S. played a major role in the post War economic reconstruction in Europe and rendered assistance to many European states. American power at this time was seen to have extended to other parts of the globe, including the Middle East, which has been a region of interest to outside powers. This short paper tries to look at U.S. ambitions in the region and how far the U.S. has gone in achiev

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19

Hawthorne, Amy. "Can the United States Promote Democracy in the Middle East?" Current History 102, no. 660 (2003): 21–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2003.102.660.21.

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In the aftermath of September 11, the United States has no alternative other than to begin to shift its role in the Arab world from an enabler of authoritarian rule to a supporter of gradual, but genuine, democratic change.

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20

Bahgat, Gawdat. "The United States and the Middle East: interdependence not independence." OPEC Review 30, no. 3 (2006): 187–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0076.2006.00168.x.

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21

V. Surguladze. "Strategic Dead Ends of the United States' Middle East Policy." International Affairs 63, no. 006 (2017): 239–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.21557/iaf.50140414.

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22

Field, James A., and David Shavit. "The United States in the Middle East: A Historical Dictionary." Journal of American History 76, no. 4 (1990): 1373. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2936762.

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23

GORDIENKO, D. V. "MIDDLE EAST POLICY COMPONENT OF THE USA, CHINA AND RUSSIAN FEDERATION: POLICY OF THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA." EKONOMIKA I UPRAVLENIE: PROBLEMY, RESHENIYA 5, no. 12 (2020): 133–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.36871/ek.up.p.r.2020.12.05.016.

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The Middle East component of the policy of the states of the "strategic triangle" Russia-China-USA occupies an important place in the implementation of the national interests of the USA, China and the Russian Federation in various regions of the world. The purpose of this article is to assess the impact of the Middle East component of the policies of these states on the implementation of their current economic and military policies and on ensuring their national security. An approach to comparing the influence of the Middle East component of the policy of the states of the "strategic triangle"

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GORDIENKO, D. V. "MIDDLE EAST POLICY COMPONENT OF THE USA, CHINA AND RUSSIAN FEDERATION: POLITICS OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA (part 1)." EKONOMIKA I UPRAVLENIE: PROBLEMY, RESHENIYA 4, no. 12 (2020): 126–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.36871/ek.up.p.r.2020.12.04.019.

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The paper assesses the impact of the middle East component of the policy of the United States of America, the people's Republic of China and the Russian Federation on ensuring the national security of these countries. We propose an approach to comparing this influence, which allows us to identify the priorities of Russia's policy in the middle East and other regions of the world. The results of the work can be used to justify recommendations to the military and political leadership of our country. It is concluded that the middle East component of the policy of the United States, China and Russ

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GORDIENKO, D. V. "MIDDLE EAST POLICY COMPONENT OF THE USA, CHINA AND RUSSIAN FEDERATION: POLITICS OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA." EKONOMIKA I UPRAVLENIE: PROBLEMY, RESHENIYA 6, no. 12 (2020): 65–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.36871/ek.up.p.r.2020.12.06.010.

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The paper assesses the impact of the middle East component of the policy of the United States of America, the people's Republic of China and the Russian Federation on ensuring the national security of these countries. We propose an approach to comparing this influence, which allows us to identify the priorities of Russia's policy in the middle East and other regions of the world. The results of the work can be used to justify recommendations to the military and political leadership of our country. It is concluded that the middle East component of the policy of the United States, China and Russ

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26

Stein, Janice Gross. "Extended Deterrence in the Middle East: American Strategy Reconsidered." World Politics 39, no. 3 (1987): 326–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010223.

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WHEN leaders extend deterrence, they attempt to prevent a military attack against an ally by threatening retaliation should force be used against their protégé. At present, most analysts locate extended deterrence at the intersection of nuclear and conventional force in Europe; the United States relies heavily on this strategy to protect its allies. The extension of deterrence to Europe, however, is only one among several possible applications of the strategy. It has been widely used by the United States, for example, to manage conflict in the Middle East. We propose to examine this wider exte

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27

Kamal, Mohamed, and Khalid Hashim Mohammed. "Obama and Transformation Strategy from the Middle East to the Asia – Pacific Region." Asian Social Science 13, no. 6 (2017): 46. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v13n6p46.

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The Middle East region is no longer enjoys the relative importance for the United States. This was due to the massive discoveries of Shale oil in the United States. Many analysts believe that such discovery led to the decline of the US interest in the Middle East and shifting the orientation towards Asia because of the growing importance of the Southeast Asia in the global economy. The United States, in return, has re-defined the role and the size of involvement in the Middle East by adopting a new strategy based on reducing economic and military consequences resulting from the direct investme

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28

Wilkins, Karin G. "US prisms and prejudice through mediating the Middle East." International Communication Gazette 82, no. 6 (2019): 526–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748048519853752.

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Mediating the Middle East engages social and political constructions that articulate sentiment within the United States, with consequences not only to foreign policies and relationships, but also to experiences of Arab and Muslim citizens. Engagement with media narratives is expected to become particularly relevant when people do not share a resonating identity or direct experience with the community being projected. I position this research as an entry into how we might understand the primacy of dominant media narratives in shaping norms that contribute to discriminatory practices. Through th

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Norton, Augustus Richard. "Making War, Making Peace: The Middle East Entangles America." Current History 103, no. 669 (2004): 3–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2004.103.669.3.

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30

Fatima, Noor, Sania Zehraa, and Muhammad Shoaib Malik. "Saudi Arabia, Iran and Middle East - A Dilemma." Global Political Review 2, no. 1 (2017): 72–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2017(ii-i).08.

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The Middle East encountering a time of dynamic change, testing the universal methodologies of each nearby states. New challenges, opportunities, and dimensions are emerging for the regional and extra-regional states which are driving their foreign policies and making new alliances regionally. Saudi-Iranian relations are one of the most significant competitions characterizing the vital scene of the MENA (the Middle East & North Africa) region. Both states have frequently carried on as genuine opponents, particularly in the Gulf. Saudi Arabia is a territorial business as usual power, while I

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31

Choudhury, Srabani Roy. "Japan and the Middle East: An Overview." Contemporary Review of the Middle East 5, no. 3 (2018): 181–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347798918776711.

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As an introduction to this special issue, this article examines the shaping of Japan’s foreign policy; looking at how Japan has risen to the demand of the international community to assume more responsibility in conflict situations, circumventing a pacifist constitution that it had been dealt with. It then explains relations between Middle East and Japan and shows how the latter has been balancing its national interest in order to conform to its alliance with the United States. With more Asian powers having stake in the Middle East, Japan has become proactive about its role in the region. Howe

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She, Gangzheng. "Asymmetric Competition on a New Battleground? Middle Eastern Perspectives on Sino-US Rivalry." Chinese Journal of International Politics 14, no. 2 (2021): 289–320. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cjip/poab003.

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Abstract During the last few years, and especially since the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, growing number of Middle East scholars and analysts have been closely observing an escalation of tensions between China and the United States and their impact beyond bilateral ties. Considering the major differences of focus and approach among these observers, this article aims to review systematically such Middle Eastern perspectives, both globally and regionally, on the emerging Sino-US rivalry. Certain Middle East analysts regard Beijing and Washington as largely “homogeneous” extra-regional powe

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33

Badran, Margot. "The Institutionalization of Middle East Women’s Studies in the United States." Middle East Studies Association Bulletin 22, no. 1 (1988): 9–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026318400019465.

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The wave of the study of women which led directly into the formation of the new discipline called women’s studies started in the 1960s in the Middle East and the United States concurrently. A generation earlier, foreshadowing the creation of the new field, Zahiyya Dughan, a Lebanese delegate to the Arab Women’s Conference in Cairo in 1944, called upon Arab universities to accord the intellectual and literary heritage of Arab women a place in the curriculum by creating chairs for the study of women’s writings. By now, at the end of the 1980s, women’s studies as a distinct field has found legiti

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34

Hudson, Michael C. "Geopolitical shifts: Asia rising, America declining in the Middle East?" Contemporary Arab Affairs 6, no. 3 (2013): 458–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2013.818777.

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This paper explores the implications of the tectonic shifts in the global balance of power marked by the rise of China and India and the relative decline of American hegemony across the Indian Ocean region – bordered as it is by five continents and some 40 countries. Located at the Middle Eastern end of it are the strategic chokepoints of the Bab al-Mandab and the Strait of Hormuz, and at the Asian end the Strait of Malacca. However, while the Middle East and Asia are ever more interconnected across this third-largest ocean (and also along the reviving terrestrial ‘Silk Road’) through trade, f

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GORDIENKO, D. V. "MIDDLE EAST POLICY COMPONENT OF THE USA, CHINA AND RUSSIAN FEDERATION: RUSSIAN POLICY." EKONOMIKA I UPRAVLENIE: PROBLEMY, RESHENIYA 1, no. 2 (2021): 124–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.36871/ek.up.p.r.2021.02.01.016.

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The paper considers the assessment of the influence of the Middle East component of the policy of the United States of America, the People's Republic of China and the Russian Federation on the national security of these countries. An approach to comparing this influence is proposed, which allows us to identify the priorities of Russia's policy in the Middle East and other regions of the world. Compare the middle East policy of the States strategic triangle Russia – China – US can be used to justify recommendations to the military-political leadership of our country.

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36

Nishizaki, Sumiyo. "The United Arab Emirates and Japan: Diversifying Bilateral Relationships and Challenges in the Context of Japan’s New Foreign Policy Focus and US-Japan Relation." Comparative Islamic Studies 7, no. 1-2 (2012): 269–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/cis.v7i1-2.269.

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In this article, I analyze the Japan-Middle East-U.S. triangle relationship. Japan’s Middle East policies, the author contends, have been influenced by its energy needs and relationship with the United States. Fully aware of its status as a country with hardly any energy resources, Japan has engaged in energy diplomacy and investment in oil fields in the Middle East. This article describes how, despite pursuing an energy strategy largely independent of the United States, Japan has constantly needed to take into account its relationship with the Americans, and Japan has slowly shifted toward mo

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37

Brown, L. Carl, and Douglas Little. "American Orientalism: The United States and the Middle East since 1945." Foreign Affairs 82, no. 2 (2003): 161. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20033551.

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38

McGovern, George. "THE FUTURE ROLE OF THE UNITED STATES IN THE MIDDLE EAST." Middle East Policy 1, no. 3 (1992): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-4967.1992.tb00191.x.

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39

Taheri, Amir. "The United States and the Reshaping of the Greater Middle East." American Foreign Policy Interests 27, no. 4 (2005): 295–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10803920500235061.

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Hiltermann, Joost. "A new sectarian threat in the Middle East?" International Review of the Red Cross 89, no. 868 (2007): 795–808. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383108000015.

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AbstractA Shiite resurgence in Iraq has generated a region-wide Sunni backlash, raising fears of an emerging sectarian rift that is colouring and aggravating local conflicts. After discussing the schism's origins, manifestations and implications, the author concludes that the primary battle in the region is not between Sunnis and Shiites but between the United States and Iran. A US–Iranian rapprochement would do much to reduce sectarian tensions, while the most effective long-term response to sectarianism itself will likely come from systemic restraints that exist in the form of countervailing

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Khalidi, Walid. "The Prospects of Peace in the Middle East." Journal of Palestine Studies 32, no. 2 (2003): 50–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2003.32.2.50.

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This address delves into the underpinnings of the current crisis in the occupied territories: the Bush administration's deemphasis on the Palestine problem to avoid confrontation with Israel over settlement policy; the designation of Sharon as a "man of peace" despite his history; rejection of any exploration of the political roots of 9/11; the deepening alliance between American Christian fundamentalism and Israel; the willful and gross distortion of the Palestinian stance at Camp David. Nonetheless, the author argues that the parameters of a settlement, reinforced by the Saudi initiative, re

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MOGHADAM, VALENTINE M. "Question: How Have Middle East Scholars Contributed to the Broader Field of Gender and Women's Studies?" International Journal of Middle East Studies 40, no. 1 (2008): 16–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743807080051.

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In August 2001, a conference on the state of Middle East women's studies took place at the Rockefeller Foundation Center in Bellagio, Italy. Apart from the gorgeous surroundings, the conference was memorable for the breadth and scope of the high-quality papers presented by scholars teaching in the United States, Europe, the Middle East, and North Africa. Many participants were active in the Association for Middle East Women's Studies. Some went on to establish the Journal of Middle East Women's Studies, Hawwa, and Brill's women and Islam monograph series. Most of us also publish in disciplinar

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Kovach, Christopher M. "Cowboys in the Middle East: Private Security Companies and the Imperfect Reach of the United States Criminal Justice System." Connections: The Quarterly Journal 09, no. 2 (2010): 17–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.11610/connections.09.2.02.

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44

Haddad, Bassam. "Knowledge Production on the Middle East in Times of Upheaval." PS: Political Science & Politics 46, no. 02 (2013): 240–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096513000218.

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In this article I address the perennial lenses through which the region is studied and produced as a reality unto itself, particularly in the dominant discourse in the United States. I conclude with some contingent good news.

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Ramazaniandarzi, Ali Akbar, and Mehrzad Javadikouchaksaraei. "US Presence and Grounds for Cooperation between the Islamic Republic of Iran and United States in Afghanistan." International Journal of Multicultural and Multireligious Understanding 2, no. 2 (2015): 8. http://dx.doi.org/10.18415/ijmmu.v2i2.2.

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To date, USA has not designed a policy to deal with Afghanistan and Iraq without Iran. One of the fundamental strategies of USA is to cooperate with the European Union, the Pacific, Russia, the Balkan Area, as well as the Caucasus the Middle East, North Africa, and Middle Asia. All of the countries relate to Iran in saving the Pacific. Iran is the most influential country in the area surrounding Afghanistan, the Middle East, and Northern Africa and Middle Asia. USA has to face Iran in the Middle East to meet the benefits of this relation. Therefore, such situation leads to the main question: d

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46

RACHED, Kardo, and Salam ABDULRAHMAN. "UNITED STATES: A REVIEW OF THE US MIDDLE EAST POLICY FROM HARRY TRUMAN TO BILL CLINTON." Conflict Studies Quarterly, no. 34 (January 5, 2021): 45–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/csq.34.3.

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Since the Second World War, the Middle East has been mentioned in connection with the national interest of America manifested by US presidents. This paper looks at the US foreign policy in the Middle East from Truman to Clinton on the premise that the US foreign policy has contributed to creating a breeding ground for dissatisfaction toward the US In this context, the paper focuses on the doctrines in use from the time of President Truman to Clinton. Thus, every American president has a doctrine, and this doctrine tells what political line the president follows regarding domestic and foreign p

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47

Novàk, Sara. "Peace Process in the Middle East after 9/11." International Journal of Social Science Research and Review 1, no. 1 (2018): 9–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.47814/ijssrr.v1i1.5.

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The Middle East occupies a unique geographical and strategic position. Hence, it is not a coincidence that every great power in history has sought to advance its interests in the region. In addition to its geographical and strategic uniqueness, the Middle East is the birthplace and spiritual center of the three most important monotheistic religions, namely Christianity, Judaism and Islam, as well as the greatest single reserve of oil. Last, but not least, due to its geopolitical importance, any inter- and intra-state conflict in the Middle East has the potential not only of destabilizing the r

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Aksakal, Mustafa. "INTRODUCTION." International Journal of Middle East Studies 46, no. 4 (2014): 653–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743814000993.

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Scholars of the Middle East and North Africa are only too familiar with the momentous changes set in motion by the events of World War I. Given the number of new states and political movements that emerged in the war's aftermath, it seems only fair to describe it as “the single most important political event in the history of the modern Middle East.” Elizabeth F. Thompson recently likened the war's impact on the Middle East to that of the Civil War in the United States. To be sure, the passing of a century hardly proved sufficient for coming to terms with the legacy of either war. In fact, ana

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Salamé, Ghassan. "Middle Easts, old and new1." Contemporary Arab Affairs 3, no. 1 (2010): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550910903471181.

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This article is the text of an address given by Ghassan Salamé at the ‘Oil and Money’ Conference convened in London, UK, on 21 October 2009. In it, the author deals with what the ambiguous, amorphous, elastic and politically expedient term ‘Middle East’ has connoted historically and what it may or may not denote in political formulations of a given moment. In particular, American, European, Turkish, Iranian, Israeli and Arab views – and the serious implications of these – are examined with superb economy of style. Whether as part of the US-delimited region of the Middle East and North Africa (

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HADDAD, M. "STRATEGIES OF MAIN ACTORS OF WORLD POLICY REGARDING THE MIDDLE EAST AND MODERN SYRIA(ON THE EXAMPLE OF THE USA AND THE EUROPEAN UNION)." Political Science Issues, no. 3(33) part: 9 (December 18, 2019): 316–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.35775/psi.2019.33.3.011.

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The article is devoted to the study of foreign policy strategies of the main actors of the world politics, represented by the USA and the countries of the European Union, regarding the Middle East and the Syrian Arab Republic. The interest in this topic is explained by the particular attractiveness of the Middle East region for the above-mentioned actors, since it has significant economic and transport potential and a favorable geographical position, which opens up opportunities for establishing strong partnership trade and economic ties between the US and the EU on the one hand and Middle Eas

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