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BERKOVITCH, N., and V. M. MOGHADAM. "Middle East Politics and Women's Collective Action: Challenging the Status Quo." Social Politics: International Studies in Gender, State & Society 6, no. 3 (September 1, 1999): 273–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sp/6.3.273.
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Lu, S. F. "Women's personal and political identities in selected Middle East countries." European Psychiatry 41, S1 (April 2017): S692. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.eurpsy.2017.01.1215.
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IntroductionWomen's personal and political identities are significant in defining their roles and eventual contribution to society in contemporary society both in the private and public spheres.ObjectivesThis research study focuses on the effect of Islam on women's personal and political identities.AimsThis research aims to highlight the existing ideology relating to women's treatment in regards their identities and public roles, and hence to contribute to women's emancipation.MethodsThis study utilizes quantitative and qualitative methods in analysing women in eight Muslim-majority countries, namely, Iran, Turkey, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Yemen, Cyprus and Kuwait, in the Middle East. For the quantitative data, statistical dataset was culled from Inter-university consortium for political and social research of the university of Michigan.ResultsThe overall results show that historical constructions of gender spheres are still palpable in the Islamic landscape. Woman's question is identified as a complex personal and social problem, and cannot be rejected as a valid search for gender sameness or equality. This study also shows the interpolation of Islam with other factors such as patriarchy, modernization, and state formations. Some Muslim scholars argue that Quran's fundamental mooring is geared towards equality between men and women, and women's enhanced status, and it is patriarchy that has confined women to the domestic sphere.ConclusionGender is embedded within culture, and structures of power in families, communities, and states, which have gender in itself, as an organizing principle.Disclosure of interestThe author has not supplied his/her declaration of competing interest.
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Haghighat, Elhum. "Establishing the connection between demographic and economic factors, and gender status in the Middle East." International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 34, no. 7/8 (July 8, 2014): 455–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijssp-01-2013-0004.
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Purpose – Multiple dimensions influencing women's status in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region – factoring in socio-demographic, economic, and political forces are discussed in this paper. Process of modernization has been complicated by a strong patriarchal culture, the overlap of religion and government, and the absence of a diversified economy along with presence of wealth producing oil resources. Religious ideology, cultural beliefs, and traditional principles, however, cannot be argued as the only reason for women's status lagging behind in these countries. The paper aims to discuss these issues. Design/methodology/approach – Six diverse MENA countries – Iran, Libya, Tunisia, Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates, and Yemen – that differ from one another with respect to geography, economy, demographics, modernization characteristics and cultural history are examined for comparative reasons. Findings – Even though Islam is commonly portrayed as the main factor controlling women's lives and opportunities in MENA, the analysis shows that there are other significant processes at work. To date, women's higher level of educational attainment and unusually swift fertility decline in the MENA region deviates from the expectation that predicts a strong positive correlation between these demographic factors and increased women's social status and higher social mobility. Originality/value – This conceptual paper demystifies the connection between women's social status and empowerment in the MENA region and its connection to economic development, employment opportunities, and political stability.
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MOGHADAM, VALENTINE M. "Question: How Have Middle East Scholars Contributed to the Broader Field of Gender and Women's Studies?" International Journal of Middle East Studies 40, no. 1 (February 2008): 16–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743807080051.
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In August 2001, a conference on the state of Middle East women's studies took place at the Rockefeller Foundation Center in Bellagio, Italy. Apart from the gorgeous surroundings, the conference was memorable for the breadth and scope of the high-quality papers presented by scholars teaching in the United States, Europe, the Middle East, and North Africa. Many participants were active in the Association for Middle East Women's Studies. Some went on to establish the Journal of Middle East Women's Studies, Hawwa, and Brill's women and Islam monograph series. Most of us also publish in disciplinary journals and present papers at a variety of conferences.
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Schroeder, Lauren E. "The Rights of Muslim Women in the Middle East: A Pathfinder." International Journal of Legal Information 37, no. 1 (2009): 135–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0731126500003474.
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This annotated pathfinder is designed to serve as a guide for those who wish to learn about the legal and social situation of Muslim women in the region of the Middle East, but who do not have a great amount of advanced knowledge concerning the topic. It is meant to serve as an organized starting point from which to begin further research, and to provide a context for the current status of Muslim women's rights in the Middle East. A wide variety of types of materials are included, from books to reports to treaties.
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Robinson, Nova. "Arab Internationalism and Gender: Perspectives from the Third Session of the United Nations Commission on the Status of Women, 1949." International Journal of Middle East Studies 48, no. 3 (July 6, 2016): 578–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743816000544.
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Historians of the Middle East have used gender to explore a range of topics, from how crises around gendered practices have contributed to the construction of national identities to women's roles in nationalist movements. Whereas early gender histories focused on single nation-states, recent scholarship has turned to regional and transnational connections. Yet the international sphere, the domain of nation-states and nongovernmental organizations in relation to each other, has yet to be examined through the lens of gender. In this essay, I argue that doing so yields new insights into the relationship between the national and the international in the Middle East, and into the process of rights claiming in postcolonial nation-states. I make this argument through a discussion of the third session of the United Nations Commission on the Status of Women (UNCSW).
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Gallagher, Nancy. "LAURIE A. BRAND, Women, the State, and Political Liberalization: Middle Eastern and North African Experiences (New York: Columbia University Press, 1998). Pp. 320. $50 cloth, $18.50 paper." International Journal of Middle East Studies 32, no. 2 (May 2000): 309–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800002476.
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In this important book, Laurie Brand asks whether the all-too-brief political openings in the Middle East and North Africa had a positive or a negative impact on women's rights and whether the many Islamist and women's rights groups influenced that impact. She begins with a thoughtful statement describing her background and philosophical orientation vis-à-vis her study (pp. xv–xvi). Many authors of scholarly books find this very difficult to do, but it is helpful for serious readers and should be an expected practice. She also takes care to define her terms. “Women's status” here means women's legal status and women's rights to organize. She prefers to use “conservative forces” for “Islamism” or “Islamic fundamentalism,” though this varies in the text, and “conservative” for “traditional.” “Progress for women” means reproductive rights and access to divorce, though, as she notes, many women would ask for clean running water, good educational facilities, decent working conditions, and increased wages before reproductive rights and access to divorce. It is of course difficult to separate civil and political rights from social and economic rights; which comes first is like the chicken and the egg conundrum.
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Roded, Ruth. "Mainstreaming Middle East Gender Research: Promise or Pitfall?" Middle East Studies Association Bulletin 35, no. 1 (2001): 15–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026318400041377.
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From The Advent Of Middle Eastern Studies, the ‘status of the Muslim woman’ was a major subject of interest, not to say fascination. Women in Middle Eastern society were depicted as invisible, downtrodden figures, whiling away their time in harems, ignorant of anything but the most frivolous matters, and prone to childlike behavior. A handful of outstanding, unique women were portrayed either as ideal paragons or as evil shrews.In the wake of the feminist movement of the 1960s, Middle Eastern ‘women’s history’ gradually began to modify these stereotypes. During the last two decades, new research has revealed the varied roles women have played in the economic, social, and cultural life of the Middle East. Quantitative studies of economic records have produced provocative findings on the ownership and management of property by women.
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Haghighat, Elhum. "The Paradox between Women’s Educational Attainment and Social Mobility in the Middle East and North Africa." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 29, no. 3 (July 1, 2012): 59–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v29i3.319.
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Modernization theory predicts a strong correlation between increased access to education and positive changes in women’s social status and eventual social mobility. In the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region, women’s increased access to education deviates from the expectations of the modernization perspective. While the MENA region is going through a modernization process, improvements in women’s social status still lags due to limited opportunities in the job market and their exclusion in the political arena.
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Haghighat, Elhum. "The Paradox between Women’s Educational Attainment and Social Mobility in the Middle East and North Africa." American Journal of Islam and Society 29, no. 3 (July 1, 2012): 59–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v29i3.319.
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Modernization theory predicts a strong correlation between increased access to education and positive changes in women’s social status and eventual social mobility. In the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region, women’s increased access to education deviates from the expectations of the modernization perspective. While the MENA region is going through a modernization process, improvements in women’s social status still lags due to limited opportunities in the job market and their exclusion in the political arena.
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Benton, Catherine. "Family, Gender, and Population in the Middle East." American Journal of Islam and Society 15, no. 2 (July 1, 1998): 123–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v15i2.2184.
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Obermeyer has edited a volume of essays originally delivered at an internationalsymposium, “Family, Gender, and Population Policy: InternationalDebates and Middle Eastern Realities,” held in Cairo in early 1994. Organizedby the Population Council, the symposium invited scholars to evaluate contemporaryissues of population planning in light of current economic, political, cultural,and demographic forces influencing the region. Hoping to assist theInternational Conference on Population and Development (ICPD), thePopulation Council asked scholars from various disciplines to bring togetherempirical research and theoretical analysis in order to facilitate and inform thediscussion that would follow at the ICPD.The results of this research and discussion proved to be of great value to theparticipants at the ICPD and subsequently the contributors framed their findingsin the essays that form the chapters of this volume. Of the seventeen contributors,thirteen work in Middle Eastern countries; three reside in NorthAmerica and one in Europe, but they have close ties to the Middle East by virtueof family background or extensive study. Their disciplines include economics,demography, and sociology, as well as epidemiology, biostatistics, obstetrics,and gynecology. An associate professor of anthropology and population in theDepartment of Population and International Health at Harvard University, CarlaMakhlouf Obermeyer, as editor, brings these varied disciplines together withinan integrated framework provided by her own interdisciplinary work.In the Foreword by Carolyn Makinson, program officer of the AndrewMellon Foundation, the significant contribution made by these researchers isunderscored as she places these essays within the larger context of the ICPDThe papers in this book go to press in a climate very different from the one prevailingwhen they were solicited and presented [i.e. before the ICPD]. Now, theInternational Conference on Population and Development (ICPD) is behind us. ItsProgramme of Action-which calls for population policies to address social developmentbeyond family planning, and for family planning to be placed in a broaderreproductive health framework-met with approval from widely differing constituenciesin the population and development fields, and was adopted by the officialdelegations of 179 states. . . . Two years ago, such a consensus seemed improbable... (p. xi)As well as contributing substantive data to inform policy-making discussions,the writers offer current research that challenges the more superficial discussionsof population planning issues which are based on stereotypic understandingsof the diverse cultural and religious differences among the various countriesand regions of the Middle East. Several major themes emerge: the need tounderstand family planning within the larger context of women’s health services,“the need to better define and measure widely used but little understoodconcepts such as women’s status and autonomy” (p. xii), and the need to examine“women’s rights” within the context of traditional Islam as it is practiced inspecific cultural and geographic areas.Organized under three broad categories: “The Family, the State, and the Law:Politics and Population”; “Women in Families: Cultural Constraints and ...
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Salem, Haya, and Suhad Daher-Nashif. "Psychosocial Aspects of Female Breast Cancer in the Middle East and North Africa." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 17, no. 18 (September 18, 2020): 6802. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph17186802.
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Breast cancer, the most common cancer among women in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region, is associated with social and psychological implications deriving from women’s socio-cultural contexts. Examining 74 articles published between 2007 and 2019, this literature/narrative review explores the psychosocial aspects of female breast cancer in the MENA region. It highlights socio-cultural barriers to seeking help and socio-political factors influencing women’s experience with the disease. In 17 of 22 Arab countries, common findings emerge which derive from shared cultural values. Findings indicate that women lack knowledge of breast cancer screening (BCS) and breast cancer self-examination (BSE) benefits/techniques due to a lack of physicians’ recommendations, fear, embarrassment, cultural beliefs, and a lack of formal and informal support systems. Women in rural areas or with low socioeconomic status further lack access to health services. Women with breast cancer, report low self-esteem due to gender dynamics and a tendency towards fatalism. Collaboration between mass media, health and education systems, and leading social-religious figures plays a major role in overcoming psychological and cultural barriers, including beliefs surrounding pain, fear, embarrassment, and modesty, particularly for women of lower socioeconomic status and women living in crises and conflict zones.
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Ellison, James. "The Intimate Violence of Political and Economic Change in Southern Ethiopia." Comparative Studies in Society and History 54, no. 1 (January 2012): 35–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417511000582.
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In 1960, women in southern Ethiopia's rural Konso district faced a violent campaign by local men to eradicate leather clothing following a ban imposed by the local governor, Tesfaye Hailu. Tesfaye, a man of the northern Amhara ethnic group, banned leather clothes along with bead necklaces and arm bracelets as part of imperial Ethiopia's “modernization,” which was influenced by disparate sources, including the United States. Tesfaye saw women's attire as “backward” and “unhygienic” and as obstructing modernization; its elimination was a means to improve Konso culture and help the empire join the community of modern nations. The “culture” of “the Other” has often been cast as impeding “modernity” and requiring elimination or change, particularly the practices of women, from genital cutting in eastern Africa to veiling among Muslim women in the Middle East and Europe (Hodgson 2009; Masquelier 2005; Merry 2009a). So it was with the widespread, politicized transition to cotton clothing in nineteenth- and twentieth-century eastern Africa. The target was clothing worn by all women in Konso and made by women in the low-status category of “Xauta,” sometimes referred to as a “caste.” Leather skirts signaled important stages in women's lives, and became extensions of individual women's tastes, experiences, and identities. Women today recall the violence and punishments of the campaign, including being chased, beaten, imprisoned, and fined, and even having their skirts forcibly removed at home and in public. They offer contradictory explanations of who initiated the ban and the reasons for it, but they remember clearly the local men involved in eradication efforts.
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Basiri, Nasim. "Defining the Role of Women in the Future of Political Leadership in the Middle East." Slovak Journal of Political Sciences 16, no. 2 (April 1, 2016): 134–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sjps-2016-0007.
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Abstract Throughout the years and more recently, dictatorial governments have often posed challenges to women in the Middle East, such as in Saudi Arabia, where woman are still not allowed to drive. Although governments have exercised their power to restrict women from doing certain activities and leadership. If we take a look back at the revolutionary Arab Spring, women were a driving force in expressing their voice through the protests and creating an unprecedented impact to shift the status quo in the Middle East. In the early phase of the Arab Spring, women played a pivotal role in supporting the protests against tyranny and ensuring they played an active part in the protests. Women in the Middle East have often been subject to discrimination regardless whether or not they are oppressed. This paper evaluates the efforts of women and the current events that are developing a new face for Middle Eastern women and their role in the future of political leadership in the twenty-first century. The paper also indicates that women within the Middle East have full potential to become a serious and powerful force within their society if they will fully attach on to the idea of becoming serious actors. More importantly, once they do this and they impact their role within the family, they will then gradually impact social change within their country. What is important within this process is the idea that they continue on the path of fighting for their liberation and change, because all of these spears are interconnected for women to become fully liberated within a society they have to be able to be fully liberated within all of these spears. Finally, this paper discusses obstacles to women in Middle East politics and possible recommendations that will improve the overall levels of women’s political leadership in the Middle East.
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Rizzo, Helen, Anne Price, and Katherine Meyer. "Anti-Sexual Harrassment Campaign in Egypt." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 17, no. 4 (December 1, 2012): 457–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.17.4.q756724v461359m2.
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This article analyzes how, for the decade before the Arab Spring, the Egyptian Center for Women's Rights (ECWR) promoted women's issues and sustained its campaign against widespread sexual harassment in Egypt. The article also reviews ECWR's activities after the mass mobilizations of the January 25th revolution. In authoritarian states, the risks inherent in challenging the regime decrease the probability that challenges will ever emerge or, if they do, continue for any significant duration. ECWR's prolonged campaign against sexual harassment, however, belies this observation. Analysis of the organization's activities provides an opportunity to examine elements that promote contentious claims making in high-risk, neopatriarchal environments. We found that the depth and strength of networks at the local level played a significant role. Also significant were ties with national and international group, which where were partly facilitated because of tourism's importance in Egypt. Through these ties, the ECWR leadership guided the organization toward increasingly promising outcomes in a unresponsive context. This case illuminates how, in the Middle East and elsewhere, civic organizations that focus on women's issues can navigate high-risk environments, whether due to neopatriarchal culture, authoritarian governance, or both.
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Gemmeke, Amber B. "Marabout Women in Dakar: Creating Authority in Islamic Knowledge." Africa 79, no. 1 (February 2009): 128–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0001972008000648.
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In studies concerning Islam and gender in West Africa, the expertise of women in Islamic esoteric practices is often overlooked. These practices, that include divination, dream interpretation and prayer sessions, are central in politics, economics and the daily life of most West Africans. Furthermore, their products (such as amulets) and their practitioners (marabouts) travel to Europe, the United States, and the Middle East. Despite the importance of Islamic esoteric practices in West Africa and the rest of the world, they are understudied. In this article, I focus upon the life and work of two marabout women living in Dakar: Ndeye Meissa Ndiaye and Coumba Keita. Their position is exceptional: Islamic esoteric knowledge is a particularly male-dominated field. This article describes how two women's Islamic esoteric expertise is negotiated, legitimated and publicly recognized in Dakar.
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Slyomovics, Susan. "“Hassiba Ben Bouali, If You Could See Our Algeria”." Hawwa 14, no. 2 (September 8, 2016): 226–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692086-12341296.
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Reprinted from the 1995 Middle East Report special issue on Algeria, this essay asks how to interpret Algerian feminists of the early 1990s holding public demonstrations in the name of Hassiba Ben Bouali, a moudjahida killed by the French during the Battle of Algiers in 1956–1957? Women’s movement into public space exposes the interplay among Algerian society’s spatial arrangements, the status of women, and the ideological underpinnings of the Algerian state since independence. What are the complex ways women must negotiate either acceptance into masculine space or valorize their own internalized perceptions as intruders disturbing the equilibrium of a regulated, single-sex, urban milieu?
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Trebilcock, Michael. "Between Institutions and Culture: The UNDP's Arab Human Development Reports, 2002-2005." Middle East Law and Governance 1, no. 2 (2009): 210–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633708x396450.
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AbstractThe four Arab Human Development Reports, 2002-2005, sponsored by the United Nations Development Program and written by over one hundred Arab scholars based in the Middle East and elsewhere, have attracted more attention and controversy than any other official studies of development in recent years. The Reports are controversial in at least two respects: First, they adopt a conception of development as freedom that excludes all economic variables. Second, they emphasize three major themes, building a knowledge society; expansion of political freedoms; and women's empowerment, that challenge in fundamental ways central features of institutional regimes and cultural and religious traditions in Arab societies. This paper is critical of the espousal of a form of egalitarian liberal democracy as a benchmark for formulating reform strategies in Arab societies, particularly given the role and influence of path dependence in explaining the status quo. This form of universalistic utopianism tends to discount the dramatic differences in performance amongst various Arab societies on a wide range of economic, social, and political indicators and fails to exploit the potential value of these differences in identifying and exploiting openings for feasible reform strategies.
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Henderson, Tanya, Camille Nelson, and Zeina Chemali. "Increasing Women’s Political Participation in Lebanon: Reflections on Hurdles, Opportunities and Hope." Journal of Politics and Law 8, no. 4 (November 29, 2015): 233. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v8n4p233.
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Lebanon stands out in the Middle East for its relative political openness, religious freedom, and the academic and professional achievements of Lebanese women. Yet, paradoxically, it has one of the lowest rates of women’s political participation in the region. This paper is the result of an initiative undertaken by the Lebanese government in July 2012 to increase women’s political participation. Through this initiative, sex-segregated workshops on women’s political empowerment were held for male and female representatives of Lebanon’s political parties. The goal was to start a productive conversation that would ultimately lead to progress from the 2012 status quo of women constituting only three percent of the National Parliament of Lebanon. In this paper, we will describe the process and content explored during the women’s political empowerment workshops. Opportunities to affect change of the current level of women’s participation will be highlighted and conclusions will be drawn to aid similar initiatives.
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Longva, Anh Nga. "Kuwaiti Women at a Crossroads: Privileged Development and the Constraints of Ethnic Stratification." International Journal of Middle East Studies 25, no. 3 (August 1993): 443–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800058864.
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As elsewhere in the developing world, the Arabian peninsula has undergone sweeping changes since World War II, with the important difference that the process here has been blessed with unprecedented prosperity and not marred by economic difficulties. To say that the effects of modernization upon the local societies differ as a result from what can be observed in other countries would be to state the obvious. Yet, when it comes to understanding the position and status of contemporary women in the Arabian oil producing countries, prosperity and the particular circumstances around it are rarely considered as crucial variables. The women's situation often is evaluated, mainly if not exclusively, in light of the religious injunctions and traditional norms that govern the female condition in a Middle East that, by the same token, appears curiously monolithic and timeless. There seems to be an assumption that Arabian women are not part of the societies in which they live, and that, by virtue of some unique cultural principle, their condition remains unaffected by the vectors of change that have turned upside down all the other areas of life around them. Hence the general tendency to assess women's opportunities and constraints in terms of what the Qurʾan and Islamic tradition dictate, not in terms of secular and more immediate concerns they may share with the rest of the society. Aside from assuming a spurious dichotomy between the women and their societies, such an approach disregards the historical and material specificity of particular areas in the Muslim world. It also arbitrarily and a priori defines the character of the meeting between “Islamic tradition” and “modernity,” instead of leaving it open to empirical investigation.
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Bowen, Donna Lee. "Abortion, Islam, and the 1994 Cairo Population Conference." International Journal of Middle East Studies 29, no. 2 (May 1997): 161–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002074380006445x.
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The International Conference on Population and Development held in Cairo in September 1994 focused world attention on the interplay of religion, family-planning methods, and women's status. The most hotly debated topic of the conference was abortion. Before the conference convened, newspapers in the West and in the Middle East reported “a growing religious furor” that spurred an alliance between Muslim nations and the Vatican based on a common belief in the prohibition of abortion and concern for Western sexual mores. At the conference, Muslim delegations abandoned their slogans and moved away from the Vatican position by denouncing abortion as a method of family planning but leaving open its use under specific circumstances. Although a majority of Muslims worldwide agree with the stance taken at the population conference, and most would state that Islam forbids abortion, the Muslim theological position on abortion does not approximate the Roman Catholic condemnation of the practice. A full prohibition of abortion represents neither the sophisticated Muslim jurisprudence literature on abortion nor current practices of some Muslim women. Discussion with Muslim women and Muslim religious scholars (ʿulamāʾ) about the intricacies of the issues that abortion raises tells us that the question is not simple, consensus is far from being reached, and political concerns further complicate understanding of the paradoxical issues involved.
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MASLOVSKAYA, OLGA, JAMES J. BROWN, and SABU S. PADMADAS. "DISENTANGLING THE COMPLEX ASSOCIATION BETWEEN FEMALE GENITAL CUTTING AND HIV AMONG KENYAN WOMEN." Journal of Biosocial Science 41, no. 6 (July 16, 2009): 815–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021932009990150.
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SummaryFemale genital cutting (FGC) is a widespread cultural practice in Africa and the Middle East, with a number of potential adverse health consequences for women. It was hypothesized by Kun (1997) that FGC increases the risk of HIV transmission through a number of different mechanisms. Using the 2003 data from the Kenyan Demographic and Health Survey (KDHS), this study investigates the potential association between FGC and HIV. The 2003 KDHS provides a unique opportunity to link the HIV test results with a large number of demographic, social, economic and behavioural characteristics of women, including women's FGC status. It is hypothesized that FGC increases the risk of HIV infection if HIV/AIDS is present in the community. A multilevel binary logistic regression technique is used to model the HIV status of women, controlling for selected individual characteristics of women and interaction effects. The results demonstrate evidence of a statistically significant association between FGC and HIV, after controlling for the hierarchical structure of the data, potential confounding factors and interaction effects. The results show that women who had had FGC and a younger or the same-age first-union partner have higher odds of being HIV positive than women with a younger or same-age first-union partner but without FGC; whereas women who had had FGC and an older first-union partner have lower odds of being HIV positive than women with an older first-union partner but without FGC. The findings suggest the behavioural pathway of association between FGC and HIV as well as an underlying complex interplay of bio-behavioural and social variables being important in disentangling the association between FGC and HIV.
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Ghana-Hercock, Nazila. "Religious Minorities in Iran." American Journal of Islam and Society 17, no. 3 (October 1, 2000): 111–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v17i3.2049.
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The author is an associate professor of political science at the University ofSouthern California. Her previous publications include a 1982 Praeger publication,"The Women's Rights Movement in Iran: Mutiny, Appeasement, andRepression from I 900 co Khomeini."Religious Minorities in Iran is of interest to political scientists, particularlythose focused on the Middle East; Iran experts; Islamic studies experts concernedwith modem-day politics and governance; those in the field of religiousstudies or comparative religion; and also lawyers, academics, and those workingin Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) in the human rights field whoare interested in issues related to minority rights, freedom of religion or belief,and human rights in the Middle East.The book focuses on those identified as the main ethnoreligious componentsof the non-Muslim religious communities in Iran: Armenians, Assyrians,Chaldeans, Jews, Zorascrians, Baha'fs, and Iranian Christian converts. Themain period of study is the first decade of the Islamic Revolution of Iran, 1979to 1989. The author gives three reasons for focusing on this period; she arguesthat this was the most ideologically charged moment of the revolution, that theposition of recognized non-Muslim minorities was largely routinized by thelate 1980s, and because she wants to avoid the nuances that emerge and complicatethe political scene after the end of the cold war and the formation ofpost-Soviet states. Later periods are mainly considered only when they beardirect relevance to the points being made and in the concluding chapter ...
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SAIDIN, MOHD IRWAN SYAZLI, and NUR AMIRA ALFITRI. "‘State Feminism' dan Perjuangan Wanita di Tunisia Pasca Arab Spring 2011." International Journal of Islamic Thought 12, no. 1 (December 1, 2020): 54–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.24035/ijit.18.2020.181.
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Over the last decade, the Arab Spring phenomenon in the Middle East and North Africa has brought significant transformation towards Tunisia’s political landscape. During the 14 days of street protest, Tunisian women have played critical roles in assisting their male counterparts in securing the ultime goal of the revolution – regime change. This article argues that after the 2011 revolution, the new Tunisian government has gradually adopted the principal idea of state feminism, which emphasizes on the role of ruling government via affirmative action in supporting the agenda of women’s rights. In so doing, this article examines the connection between state feminism and the plight of women’s struggles in Tunisia after the 2011 revolution and, looks into the impact of top down polices, and government approaches towards improving the status of women. This article concludes that women in the post revolutionary era have experienced a new trajectory in political and social freedom,the country has recorded a spike increase in the number of active female lawmakers, government executives, politicians, electoral candidates and the emergence of human right groups, gender activists and feminist movements. All these ‘women’s actors’ have directly involved in the process of drafting the new Tunisian constitution, which resulted in the acknowlegdement of women’s rights protection via article 46 in 2014 and the Nobel Peace Price Award in 2015.
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Hamdan, Amani. "Rethinking Orientalism." American Journal of Islam and Society 23, no. 4 (October 1, 2006): 126–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v23i4.1590.
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In her book, Reina Lewis discusses how to acquire an accurate understandingof the various strands of neo-Orientalism that perpetuate long-lastingand contemporary stereotypes of Muslim women from traditional Islamicsocieties. Within the context of the current global and geopolitical landscapeas well as the alleged American war on terror, the competing western imperialistand orientalist images, along with negative stereotypes, that characterizeMuslim women are rhetorical. According to Lewis, all of these elementsare at the center of knowledge that is produced and reproduced. This bookfocuses on Ottoman women’s writing from the beginning of the twentiethcentury and traces their “travel accounts, memories, and fractions that reveala gendered counter-discourse that challenges Occidental stereotypes” (p. 1).The author’s main theme is how these writings not only challenged westernOrientalist discourses, but also intervened in the Ottoman debate aboutwomen and national emancipation. The book, which follows an interdisciplinaryapproach, is divided into six chapters.In her introduction, Lewis argues that postcolonial studies have been tooparadigmatic and narrow to include Middle Eastern and particularly Turkishexperiences, since most postcolonial theories focus on the South Asian experience.Her novel endeavor helps bridge this void in postcolonial studies.Also, she introduces “to postcolonial studies the specificities of the lateOttoman situation and bringing to the reading of Ottoman sources the criticalperspectives of postcolonial and gender theory” (p. 5). Moreover, shebrings to light some western women’s writings, such as those of GraceEllison and Lady Mary Wortley, who traveled to the East exploring the statusof Middle Eastern women and, through their writings, tried to “challengeWestern misapprehensions” of their status (p. 45) ...
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Maula, Bani Syarif. "Indonesian Muslim Women: Between Culture, Religion, and Politics." Ijtimā'iyya: Journal of Muslim Society Research 1, no. 1 (September 30, 2016): 113–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.24090/ijtimaiyya.v1i1.930.
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Islam in Indonesia is culturally very different from that in the Middle East, particularly related to a tradition of greater freedom for women in public places. In Indonesia, there are many women entering public and political arena and even women are seeking and achieving unprecedented power and influence in public life. However, there are some barriers from religion and culture that give burdens to women to express their political views and to involve in public life. Very often women who want to enter politics find that the political and public environment is not conducive to their participation. This paper discusses cultural, religious, and political factors of the difficulties faced by Indonesian Muslim women to participate freely in public and political lives. This paper looks at how women’s status in cultural and social structure influences the involvement of women in political activities. This study is a philosophical investigation of the value of culture, religion, and politics to Indonesian women in democratic practices. With the use of intensive reading of books and other information sources, together with policy document analysis, the study aims to explore the problems and possibilities of putting the visions of democracy into practice in contemporary Indonesian women, to explore the nature of culture, religion, and politics in Indonesia in influencing women’s political activism, and to understand both the status of Muslim women and the dynamics of Muslim societies in Indonesia. This paper concludes that women are still under-represented in public and political institutions in Indonesia. The long struggle of women’s movement for equal rights has not been easy due to the cultural and religious reasons.
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Bains, Sukhjeet, Johanne Sundby, Benedikte V. Lindskog, Siri Vangen, and Ingvil K. Sørbye. "Newly Arrived Migrant Women’s Experience of Maternity Health Information: A Face-to-Face Questionnaire Study in Norway." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 18, no. 14 (July 15, 2021): 7523. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph18147523.
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Limited understanding of health information may contribute to an increased risk of adverse maternal outcomes among migrant women. We explored factors associated with migrant women’s understanding of the information provided by maternity staff, and determined which maternal health topics the women had received insufficient coverage of. We included 401 newly migrated women (≤5 years) who gave birth in Oslo, excluding migrants born in high-income countries. Using a modified version of the Migrant Friendly Maternity Care Questionnaire, we face-to-face interviewed the women postnatally. The risk of poor understanding of the information provided by maternity staff was assessed in logistic regression models, presented as adjusted odds ratios (aORs), with 95% confidence intervals (CI). The majority of the 401 women were born in European and Central Asian regions, followed by South Asia and North Africa/the Middle East. One-third (33.4%) reported a poor understanding of the information given to them. Low Norwegian language proficiency, refugee status, no completed education, unemployment, and reported interpreter need were associated with poor understanding. Refugee status (aOR 2.23, 95% CI 1.01–4.91), as well as a reported interpreter need, were independently associated with poor understanding. Women who needed but did not get a professional interpreter were at the highest risk (aOR 2.83, 95% CI 1.59–5.02). Family planning, infant formula feeding, and postpartum mood changes were reported as the most frequent insufficiently covered topics. To achieve optimal understanding, increased awareness of the needs of a growing, linguistically diverse population, and the benefits of interpretation services in health service policies and among healthcare workers, are needed.
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Badran, Margot. "The Institutionalization of Middle East Women’s Studies in the United States." Middle East Studies Association Bulletin 22, no. 1 (July 1988): 9–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026318400019465.
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The wave of the study of women which led directly into the formation of the new discipline called women’s studies started in the 1960s in the Middle East and the United States concurrently. A generation earlier, foreshadowing the creation of the new field, Zahiyya Dughan, a Lebanese delegate to the Arab Women’s Conference in Cairo in 1944, called upon Arab universities to accord the intellectual and literary heritage of Arab women a place in the curriculum by creating chairs for the study of women’s writings. By now, at the end of the 1980s, women’s studies as a distinct field has found legitimacy in the academy. In the United States there are women’s studies programs in all major colleges and universities—more than sixty graduate programs offer M.A.’s and Ph.D.’s—and fifty major research centers, most of which are attached to universities. The National Women’s Studies Association (NWSA) and the Middle East Studies Association equally claim some three thousand members. However, the study of women remains marginal within Middle East studies, while women’s studies still remain largely centered on the West.
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Bellingreri, Marta. "Body Performance and the Engagement within the City: Women Artists Reframing Gender Roles in Amman." Studi Magrebini 18, no. 2 (November 5, 2020): 180–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2590034x-12340027.
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Abstract This article focuses on women artists in the capital of Jordan, Amman, and particularly on their cultural practices as an expression of creative agency. Analyzing the work of visual artist and performer Samah Hijawi and of the co-founders of the art program Spring Sessions, Toleen Touq and Noura al-Khawsaneh, allows us to see the engagement in the city as the reframing of gender roles in neoliberal contemporary patriarchal societies. Their resistance to the codified norms affecting the female presence in public and in the field of cultural management is expressed and experimented with in the visual arts, within the contemporary cultural scene of Amman, the geography of the city and the political commitment, often in informal domains rather than in institutionalized contexts. Women’s creative agency in Amman challenges the status of the State’s monitorial and surveillance system within their city and their country. Artistic itineraries, performances, collective practices, urban cartographies, personal stories, individual or shared initiatives and artworks are portrayed in this article as one of the different modalities of creative agency that re-signifies feminisms today in the Middle East.
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Tessema, Zemenu Tadesse, and Amare Minyihun. "Utilization and Determinants of Antenatal Care Visits in East African Countries: A Multicountry Analysis of Demographic and Health Surveys." Advances in Public Health 2021 (January 13, 2021): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2021/6623009.
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Background. The health care a woman receives during pregnancy is important for her survival and baby, both at the time of delivery and shortly after that. In the context of high maternal morbidity and mortality in sub-Saharan Africa, fewer than 80% of pregnant women receive antenatal care visit services. Receiving antenatal care visits at least four times increases the likelihood of receiving effective maternal health interventions through the antenatal period. This study aimed to identify the utilization and determinants of attending at least four visits in 12 East African countries. Methods. The study used the demographic and health survey data from 12 East African countries from 2008 to 2018. The DHS program adopts standardized methods involving uniform questionnaires, manuals, and field procedures to gather information comparable across countries globally. A multivariable logistic regression model was fitted to identify the determinants of completing at least four antenatal care services. With their 95% CI obtained from the adjusted multilevel logistic regression model, the adjusted odds ratio was presented to show the magnitude of the relationship between the independent variable and completing antenatal care visits. Results. The pooled utilization of attending at least four antenatal care visit in the East African region was 52.44% (95% CI: 52.13, 52.74), with the highest attending at least four or more antenatal care visit visits in Zimbabwe (75.72%) and the lowest attending at least four or more antenatal care visit visits in Ethiopia (31.82%). The significant determinants of completing at least four ANC visits were age category (24–34 (AOR = 1.24, 95% CI: 1.18, 1.31) and 35–49 (AOR = 1.42, 95% CI: 1.32, 1.53)); being married women (AOR = 1.11, 95% CI: 1.1.05, 1.16); education levels of primary education (AOR = 1.20, 95% CI: 1.13, 1.27), secondary education (AOR = 1.24, 95% CI: 1.24, 1.47), and higher education (AOR = 1.91, 95% CI: 1.62, 2.14); birth order (2–4 (AOR = 0.75, 95% CI: 0.70, 0.79) and 5+ (AOR = 0.63, 95% CI: 0.58, 0.68)); planned pregnancy (AOR = 0.81, 95% CI: 0.75, 0.86); contraceptive utilization (AOR = 1.36, 95% CI: 1.29, 1.43); wealth status of middle (AOR = 1.11, 95% CI: 1.05, 1.17) and rich (AOR = 1.25, 95% CI: 1.18, 1.32); having no problem accessing health care (AOR = 1.0.95, 95% CI: 0.89, 0.97); and living countries. Conclusions. The coverage of completing the recommended antenatal care visit was low in the region. Age, marital status, mother’s and partner’s education, women’s occupation, birth order, planned pregnancy, contraceptive utilization, wealth status, healthcare accessibility, and living countries were the major determinants of completing recommended antenatal care visits. Therefore, intersectoral collaboration to promote female education and empowerment, improve geographical access to health care, and strengthen implementation of antenatal care policies with active community participation is recommended. In addition, creating a conducive environment in entrepreneurial activities for poor women is needed.
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Fox, Ashley M., Sana Abdelkarim Alzwawi, and Dina Refki. "Islamism, Secularism and the Woman Question in the Aftermath of the Arab Spring: Evidence from the Arab Barometer." Politics and Governance 4, no. 4 (December 23, 2016): 40–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v4i4.767.
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The uprisings that led to regime change during the early period of the Arab Spring were initially inclusive and pluralistic in nature, with men and women from every political and religious orientation engaging actively in political activities on the street and in virtual spaces. While there was an opening of political space for women and the inclusion of demands of marginalized groups in the activists’ agenda, the struggle to reimagine national identities that balance Islamic roots and secular yearnings is still ongoing in many countries in the region. This paper seeks to deepen understanding of the extent to which the pluralistic sentiments and openness to accepting the rights women have persisted following the uprising. We aim to examine changes in attitudes towards women’s equality in countries that underwent regime change through popular uprisings during revolutionary upheavals of the Arab Spring and in countries where regimes have remained unchanged. Using available data from consecutive rounds of the Arab Barometer survey, we examine changes in attitudes in nine countries with two rounds of Arab Barometer during and post Arab Spring (Egypt, Yemen, Tunisia, Algeria, Lebanon, Sudan, Jordan, Iraq, Palestine). We find that support for “Muslim feminism” (an interpretation of gender equality grounded in Islam) has increased over the period and particularly in Arab Spring countries, while support for “secular feminism” has declined. In most countries examined, relatively high degrees of support for gender equality co-exist with a preference for Islamic interpretations of personal status codes pertaining to women. We discuss the implications of these findings for academics and activists concerned with women’s rights in the Middle East North Africa (MENA).
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Afiouni, Fida. "Women's careers in the Arab Middle East." Career Development International 19, no. 3 (June 3, 2014): 314–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/cdi-05-2013-0061.
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Sreberny, Annabelle. "Women's Digital Activism in a Changing Middle East." International Journal of Middle East Studies 47, no. 2 (April 27, 2015): 357–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743815000112.
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An amusing and indicative sign of changing times, in December 2014 Saudi cleric Ahmad ʿAziz al-Ghamdi, a religious scholar and former head of the religious police in Mecca (officially known as the Committee for Promotion of Virtue and Prevention of Vice), ignited a fierce national debate regarding the niqab when he replied positively to a tweet by a Saudi woman asking if it was permissible in Islam for her to post a picture of her face on social media. His affirmative answer went viral and his Twitter feed received more than 10,000 comments, ranging from congratulations to death threats. He subsequently appeared on Badriya, the popular weekly TV talk show broadcast from Dubai, together with his wife, Jawahir bint Shaykh ʿAli, who appeared without a face veil and wearing make-up.
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Keddie, Nikki R. "A Woman's Place: Democratization in the Middle East." Current History 103, no. 669 (January 1, 2004): 25–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2004.103.669.25.
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Women's struggles, along with the forces of modernization, have increased the public roles open to women in the Muslim world despite the growing power of Islamism, and this expansion of women's roles constitutes in itself a force for democratization.
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Kozma, Liat. "Going Transnational: On Mainstreaming Middle East Gender Studies." International Journal of Middle East Studies 48, no. 3 (July 6, 2016): 574–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743816000532.
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Middle East gender studies is a lively and fascinating field. With two very different journals (HawwaandJournal of Middle East Women Studies) and dozens of panels at the Middle East Studies Association Annual Conference and the World Congress for Middle Eastern Studies, we have come a long way over the last two decades. Women's, queer, and masculinity studies are now part of how we understand gender studies in the region. Middle East gender studies does, however, remain marginal in two fields—Middle East studiesandgender studies. It is normally assigned to the end of a Middle East studies conference (“and gender”), or, conversely, to the end of a gender studies conference or edited volume (“and elsewhere”). But can a discussion of technology or World War I in the modern Middle East weave in insights gained from gender or queer studies? And can a discussion of women's movements or women's labor incorporate what we know about the Middle East? I believe that more can be done to mainstream gender in Middle East studies, and to mainstream the Middle East in gender studies. Transnational history is a particularly promising direction for this endeavor.
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Shaya, Nessrin, and Rawan Abu Khait. "Feminizing leadership in the Middle East." Gender in Management: An International Journal 32, no. 8 (November 7, 2017): 590–608. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/gm-07-2016-0143.
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Purpose This paper aims to form an empirical study, stemming from a Middle-Eastern context, on eliminating gender discrimination and achieving women’s empowerment. It aims to develop a conceptual model on the principal social and cultural factors inducing the success of Emirati women in attaining senior leadership roles and shaping their leadership style to be transformational. Moreover, it examines the comparability and divergence of the accumulated data on the empowerment of Emirati women in an international context from existing international literature. Design/methodology/approach The design of the study was based on data gathered from face-to-face, semi-structured interviews with four Emirati women occupying the highest leadership positions in various fields, followed by thematic analysis. Findings Data analysis confirmed the significant influence of the study’s key factors, namely, the role of the national government, Islamic work ethic and family, on the subjects’ empowerment and their adherence to transformational leadership style. However, two new k ey factors impacting empowerment emerged, namely, the influence of rulers’ leadership and the efforts in balancing work/life commitments. The findings led to the development of a study model on Emirati women empowerment and leadership style, reflecting the appropriateness of international literature on the Emirati context. Particularly, it is the social and economic circumstances of the nation supported by policies form the major source of empowerment, in addition to the important role that family capital and business ethics play. Remarkably, the challenges facing Emirati working women ought to be different than the rest of the Middle East. Originality/value A dearth of literature pertaining to women’s leadership exists; however, they were mostly carried out within Western contexts that may not be applicable to Arab societies because of cultural and religious differences. The study strives to portray an unambiguous picture to the significant impact of the parenting role and Islam work ethics in relating positively to their daughters and prompt them to develop crucial societal and professional skills, in a country as UAE where expatriates and Westerns dominate the population body. In addition, it shapes the UAE national government as a unique example and role model, to local governments in other Arab states, to learn from regarding supporting women, helping them to achieve excellence. Aiming for feminizing leadership, the Emirati women leadership styles are explored in an attempt to demonstrate the capacities and potentials of Emirati and Arab women in positions of power and influence. It is assumed that this study will help in bringing confidence in Emirati women capabilities, inducing a change in attitudes towards Arab women managers and encouraging employment in non-traditional feminine based jobs.
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MOGHADAM, VALENTINE M. "Islamist Movements and Women's Responses in the Middle East." Gender & History 3, no. 3 (September 1991): 268–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0424.1991.tb00131.x.
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Kazuo, Miyazi. "Middle East Studies in Japan." Middle East Studies Association Bulletin 34, no. 1 (2000): 23–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026318400042395.
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The Purpose of this Paper is to present the history and the present status of Middle Eastern and North African Studies in Japan. As the status of the studies is closely related to the status of the relationships between Japan and the regions concerned, I will first write about the history of Japan-Middle East (including North Africa) relations and the relationship thereof to the studies.
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Keddie, Nikki R. "Women in the Middle East: Progress and Backlash." Current History 107, no. 713 (December 1, 2008): 432–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2008.107.713.432.
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Throughout the region, recent advances in family planning, women's health, and female education and labor force participation have led to greater and more equal participation by women in national life.
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Yazici, Ozan, Gokhan Ucar, Vamvakopoulou Vasileia, Serdar Nazim Turhal, Birol Yildiz, Michalis Karamouzis, Sinan Yavuz, et al. "Current Status of mCRC in East Europe and Middle East." Journal of Clinical Oncology 36, no. 4_suppl (February 1, 2018): 853. http://dx.doi.org/10.1200/jco.2018.36.4_suppl.853.
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853 Background: Results obtained in trials may not necessarily translate into prolonged survival of metastatic colorectal cancer (mCRC) patients (pts) in real life.This multinational registry study aimed to evaluate the real life data effecting survival of pts with mCRC. Methods: Multinational, retrospective registry study.Those mCRC pts with at least 3 year follow up data OR died before 3 year time period:diagnosis in between 2005 – 2012. Results: Totally 208 (57%) male,156 female (43%) mCRC pts were included.Median age was 62 years (min:23 max:85).Primary locations; right (n = 71, 19.5%), transvers (n = 13, 3.6%), left colon (n = 276,75%). Sites of metastasis: liver 69.7%, lung:27.4%, local relapse %12.6, peritoneum 12%, distant lymph node 10%, CNS: 1.6%. Metastasectomy (mtc) was done in 38.5%, mtc regions: liver (22.3%), lung (4.7%), other (%11.5 ). K-N RAS and BRAF wild pts were 37.4%, 16.5% and 14.3%. Aflibercept was available for %57 of pts. MSI rate was 1.6%. Most common first line chemotherapy (FLC); Oxaliplatin (O) based combination (C) 29.9%, irinotecan (İ) C with bevacizumab (bev) 16.5%, O with bev. 16.5%. Responses to FLC; CR: 8%, PR: 30.5% stable: 28.3%, progres: 24.7%. Median OS of FLC; combination with bev: 35 months (m) (95%CI, 29.1 – 40.8), anti-EGFR:38 m (95%CI, 30.1–45.8 ),only chemotherapy: 32 m (95%CI 26.3 - 37.6), p > 0.05. Second mtc was done 10.2%.Second LC was given to %66.7 of pts. İ combination with bev (24.5%) was most common SLC. Responses to SLC; CR:4.9%, PR: 15.1% , stable:13.2% progres:29.1%. Total %31.3 and 22% of pts had third and fourth LC, most common one was single agent 5-FU. Median PFS1: 10 m (95%CI 8.3 – 11.6 ), PFS2: 7 m (95%CI 6.2 –7.7 ), PFS3: 6 m (95% CI 4.6 – 7.3 ). Median OS of all pts were 35 m (95%CI 30.7 – 39.2 ). In pts with metastasectomy compared with others median OS was; 43 m (95%CI 34.4 – 51.5) vs 29 m (95% CI 25.8 vs 32.1), respectively , p: < 0.001. Median OS in right, transvers and left colon was; 25 m (95%CI, 16.6 – 33.3), 33 m (95%CI, 8.7 – 52.7), 37 m (95%CI 32.4 – 41.5), (p = 0.25). In K-N Ras wild group median PFS; anti-EGFR:13 m (95 % CI, 9.3 - 16.6) bev:13 m (95 %CI, 4.4 - 21.5), chemo:9 m (95 % CI, 6.3 - 11.6), (p: 0.3). Conclusions: The current study demonstrated median OS and prognosis of left-transvers-right colon was consistent with the phase trials.
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Zilfi, Madeline. "SERVANTS, SLAVES, AND THE DOMESTIC ORDER IN THE OTTOMAN MIDDLE EAST." Hawwa 2, no. 1 (2004): 1–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920804322888239.
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AbstractTo an appreciable degree, female domestic work in the Ottoman Middle East was shaped by organizational and valuative premises that were also common to women outside the Ottoman and Islamic worlds. Ambiguity such as between women's duties and socially recognized "work", or between kin and servant—was a keynote of women's condition regardless of cultural setting. However, in the Middle East, the persistence of slavery into the late nineteenth century as a predominantly female and domestic-labor institution added a distinctive element to the nature of domestic labor and women's role within it.
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Hall, Catherine, Billie Melman, Sara Mills, and Mary Louise Pratt. "Women's Orients: English Women and the Middle East, 1718-1918." Feminist Review, no. 45 (1993): 132. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1395355.
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Hall, Catherine. "Women's Orients: English Women and the Middle East, 1718–1918." Feminist Review 45, no. 1 (November 1993): 132–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/fr.1993.46.
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Ghuloum, Suhaila. "Gender differences in mental health in the Middle East." International Psychiatry 10, no. 4 (November 2013): 79–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/s1749367600003982.
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We are now seeing in clinical practice a generation of young women who are referred for psychiatric treatment by their parents because they are rebelling against society's cultural norms but it is often apparent that women fear their families finding out that they are seeking psychiatric help. Despite improvements in the cultural understanding of women's right to equality, there remain deeply rooted practices and cultural norms that continue to adversely affect women's mental health and well-being. Physical abuse, for instance, is rarely reported, for fear of shaming the family, or of retaliation with further abuse. Mental health services in many countries in the Middle East are undergoing reform, but little research has been done into gender differences in service delivery or needs.
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Alameh, Lara Shahriyar. "Secularism, Gender and the State in the Middle East." American Journal of Islam and Society 18, no. 3 (July 1, 2001): 116–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v18i3.2008.
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Increasingly, since the Sadat era in Egypt and especially resulting from hiseconomic policies (infitah), there has been a significant rise of Egyptianwomen who are putting on the "Islamic dress." Whereas women in theearly twentieth century were dramatically tearing off their veils andthrowing them into the Nile in order to desegregate society. Today,Egyptian women are very noticeably doing the opposite as a formof protest, while utilizing the same reasoning as before. The influx ofliterature about this so-called "Islamism" has been discussed in nearlyevery realm of the social sciences.In contrast to this phenomenon, Najde al-Ali's study on women'sactivity in Egypt is about a particular heterogeneous class of secularwomen, that she feels has been marginalized on the state level by the overarchingconcessions given to hegemonic "Islamist" policies. In effect, Alistates, "I had noticed the tendency to overlook secular constituencies inmuch of the recent scholarship dealing with Egypt, where the emphasis wason Islamist tendencies and activism."Secularism, Gender and the State in the Middle East: The EgyptianWomen's Movement, is a highly informative introductory and analyticalstudy of secular women's activities through the voice of a plethoraof Egyptian women's organizations. In the introduction Ali categorizeswomen's activism as being independent, associational and directed.Whereas independent organizations have a power base from within and aimto implement individual goals, associational and directed organizationscarry a more direct message outside the sphere of general women's issues.In the first chapter, Ali engages in a discussion about the relationship ofOrientalism and Occidentalism in post-colonial literature. The reader isintroduced to the idea that these conceptual frameworks have indeedlimited the indigenous authenticity of women's activism in Egypt byplacing them in one of two extremes, whether it be religious or secular.Immediately, Ali strives to make clear that certain values do not need to beauthenticated by any indigenous culture if they are "universal values".However, it is here where a significant weakness emerges, by notoutwardly recognizing the importance of the competitive universal valuesystems, including the "Islamist values", that are trying to find their spacein contemporary Egyptian political culture. Therefore, the message that is ...
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Saperia, Jordie. "Jerusalem: Legal Status, Condominium and Middle East Peace." Journal of East Asia and International Law 3, no. 1 (May 30, 2010): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.14330/jeail.2010.3.1.09.
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Abisaab, Malek. "Gendered Expressions of Labor in the Middle East." International Journal of Middle East Studies 48, no. 3 (July 6, 2016): 570–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743816000520.
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A dearth of information is available on workingwomen in the Middle East during the 19th and first half of the 20th century. This gap is compounded by the male biases of the official reporters, journalists, unionists, labor activists, and scholars who produced the information that does exist. Nevertheless, it is possible to write a gendered history of labor on the basis of less-than-ideal sources, which can be enriched by the use of oral history, popular literature, autobiographies, and even fieldwork focused on women's and men's family relations and work patterns.
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Jean-Klein, Iris, Dawn Chatty, and Annika Rabo. "Organizing Women: Formal and Informal Women's Groups in the Middle East." Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 4, no. 4 (December 1998): 832. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3034872.
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Faul, Anna C. "A History of Women'S Seclusion in the Middle East. A. Chamberlin." Journal of Women & Aging 20, no. 3-4 (August 13, 2008): 379–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08952840801985276.
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Beal, E. Anne. "Organizing Women: Formal and Informal Women's Groups in the Middle East." American Ethnologist 25, no. 4 (November 1998): 772–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ae.1998.25.4.772.
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