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1

Creech, Morri. "Mandelstam, and: A Letter from Rome." Hopkins Review 17, no. 2 (2024): 13–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/thr.2024.a924095.

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Edwards, Michael. "Galileo's Letter to Piero Dini, Rome 21 May 1611 _______________________________________." Culture and Cosmos 07, no. 01 (2003): 85–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.46472/cc.0107.0219.

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On the publication of Sidereus Nuncius the British Ambassador Sir Henry Wotton sent a letter to King James about the discovery of four 'new planets' revolving around Jupiter, enclosing a copy of the book. He added that the new little planets would affect Jupiter's perceived astrological influence: 'For the virtue of the new planets must needs vary the Judicial part'.[1] A year later, a query on this matter was put to Galileo by his friend at the Vatican, Piero Dini: if the Stella Medici really existed, how could one ascertain their influence? His reply is here translated into English, for the
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3

Moorhead, John. "Papa as ‘bishop of Rome’." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 36, no. 3 (1985): 337–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900041130.

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Medieval historians confronted with the Latin word papa may be tempted to translate it unthinkingly as ‘pope’. Certainly the word has been restricted to the bishop of Rome for much of the history of the Church, and its application to this bishop is of long standing. It occurs in an inscription from pre-Constantinian Rome, in a letter despatched to Rome by the fathers of the Council of Aries in 314, which is addressed ‘dilectissimo papae Silvestro’ and goes on to style Silvester ‘gloribsissime papa’, and in the acts of the first Council of Toledo which met in 400, where language is used which i
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4

Marcus, Joel. "The Circumcision and the Uncircumcision in Rome." New Testament Studies 35, no. 1 (1989): 67–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688500024504.

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In a recently-published article, P. Stuhlmacher has outlined three major contemporary theories of the occasion of Paul's letter to the Romans: 1) Romans is addressed to a specific situation within the Roman community itself, 2) it is composed primarily with Paul's forthcoming delivery of the collection to Jerusalem in mind, and 3) it emerges from a convergence of the first two motivations. While not wishing to deny that the Jerusalem trip was a preoccupation of Paul as he composed Romans (see Romans 15. 25, 30–32), I intend in this study to strengthen the Roman side of the equation, first by s
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Teemus, Moonika. "Friedrich Ludwig von Maydells Brief aus Rom vom Jahr 1823." Baltic Journal of Art History 12 (December 8, 2016): 111. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/bjah.2016.12.06.

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The article studies a letter from Friedrich Ludwig von Maydell (1795– 1846), the most renowned representative of Romanticism in Estonia, to his uncle Otto Christian Sigismund von Ungern-Sternberg (1778–1861), written in Rome at the beginning of the year 1823. It was the turning point in Maydell’s life when he had decided to give up the studies in law at the University of Tartu and to devote himself to art. For this reason, Maydell like many of his contemporaries travelled to Rome. In his letter, now preserved in the National Archives in Tartu, Maydell describes his everyday life in Rome and th
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Widok, Norbert. "Klemens Rzymski o sukcesji apostolskiej." Vox Patrum 62 (September 4, 2014): 541–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3601.

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1910. anniversary of the death of Saint Clement of Rome, the third successor of Bishop of Rome, celebrated a few years ago († 101), became an opportunity to remind his teaching, which he left in the Epistle to the Corinthians, written by him. The content of this letter is an important witness of the emerging church or­ganization. That, what was happening in Corinth and, without a doubt, in Rome, is one of the stages of the Church’s history of major importance. The contemporary situation related to the authority prompted the acceptance of the institutional pro­posal based on the Holy Scripture
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7

Kooijman, Marijke. "Narratives of Authority around Chalcedon’s Canon 28: The Emperor Marcian, Bishop Leo I, and the Functions of Late-Antique Imperial Letters in Ecclesiastical Letter Collections." Journal of Early Christian Studies 32, no. 4 (2024): 519–51. https://doi.org/10.1353/earl.2024.a947486.

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Abstract: In the context of fifth-century ecclesiastical disputes, more specifically during the aftermath of the Council of Chalcedon with its controversial canon 28, imperial communication to Christian clergy could not be as straightforward as usual. This article proposes that the diplomatic relationship between the Eastern Roman emperor Marcian (450–457 c.e.) and Bishop Leo I of Rome (440–461 c.e.) was governed by interdependence. Through examining the rhetoric of authority in Marcian’s understudied letter to Leo from December 18, 451, and placing it in the context of its transmission histor
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Flexsenhar, Michael. "The Provenance of Philippians and Why it Matters: Old Questions, New Approaches1." Journal for the Study of the New Testament 42, no. 1 (2019): 18–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0142064x19855297.

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Despite a growing consensus that Paul wrote Philippians from Ephesus, there are still some who argue that he wrote the letter while imprisoned in Rome. These arguments rely on interpretations of Paul’s phrase in Phil. 1.13 (ἐν ὅλῳ τῷ πραιτωρίῳ) as ‘Praetorian Guard’ or ‘Imperial Guard’, that is, as a reference to the Roman emperor’s personal bodyguard in Rome. I first explain the methodological problems with the Praetorian Guard interpretation, especially the misuse of canonical Acts. Then drawing from textual and lexicographical evidence along with material evidence, notably from Philippi’s si
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9

Gunawan, Chandra. "Book Review: The Apostolic Fathers and the New Testament." New Perspective in Theology and Religious Studies 3, no. 2 (2022): 66–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.47900/nptrs.v3i2.75.

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In The Apostolic Fathers and the New Testament, Clayton addresses five issues, namely, the historical setting of the church father literature, the genre and setting in life of the church father literature, the ethics, and faith in the church father teaching, the struggle of the church fathers concerning the opposition from the Jewish and Gentile society, the influence of some churches in the second century. After observing the historical setting of church fathers, Jefford concludes that the letter of Ignatius was written ca., 107-109 AD from Asia Minor; the letter of Polycarp was written ca.,
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10

Dunn, Geoffrey. "Anastasius I and Innocent I: Reconsidering the Evidence of Jerome." Vigiliae Christianae 61, no. 1 (2007): 30–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/004260307x164476.

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AbstractThe comment of Jerome in his letter to Demetrias (Epistula 130) that Innocent I, bishop of Rome from 402 to 417, was the son of his predecessor Anastasius I has been taken at face value by a number of commentators and has been repeated, often without reference to sources, on any number of Internet web sites. The fact that Liber Pontificialis offers a different parentage for Innocent is often ignored. This paper seeks to reconcile and evaluate the two accounts. The argument advanced here is that in Jerome's highly rhetorical letter the reference is to be understood metaphorically and no
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11

Omerzu, Heike. "Paul, the Praetorium and the Saints from Caesar’s Household: Philippians Revisited in Light of Migration Theory." Journal for the Study of the New Testament 43, no. 4 (2021): 450–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0142064x21990615.

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This article premises that Paul wrote the letter to the Philippians while he was detained in Ephesus, not Rome as has been the traditional view, and that the πραιτώριον mentioned in Phil. 1.13 is a topographical reference – that is, a reference to a Roman administrative building, not the Imperial Guard in Rome. This πραιτώριον is likely also the place where Paul met the members of ‘Caesar’s household’ mentioned in Phil. 4.22. Engaging with Michael Flexsenhar III’s recent study Christians in Caesar’s Household (2019a), I explore the social profile of this group of imperial slaves as well as Pau
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12

Rovine, Arthur W. "Memorandum to Congress on the ICC from Current and Past Presidents of the Asil." American Journal of International Law 95, no. 4 (2001): 967–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2674656.

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Late last year, in a letter to Congressman Tom DeLay, majority whip of the House of Representatives, twelve former high government officials expressed their support for a bill introduced by Senator Jesse Helms in June 2000, entitled "American Servicemembers' Protection Act."1 The bill, if enacted, would prohibit any agency of the U.S. government from cooperating with the international criminal court (ICC), and proscribe U.S. military assistance to any nation that becomes a party to the treaty of Rome,2 with the exception of NATO members and certain other allied countries.
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13

Dyer, Joseph. "The Fermentum, the Celebration of Mass, and the Reception of the Eucharist in Early Fifth-Century Rome." Church History and Religious Culture 105, no. 1 (2025): 1–25. https://doi.org/10.1163/18712428-bja10072.

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Abstract In a letter to Bishop Decentius of Gubbio, Pope Innocent I (401–417) responded to a question about Roman use of the fermentum, a portion of consecrated bread from the pope’s Mass that was distributed each Sunday to priests celebrating Masses in the urban tituli. The fermentum was not brought to priests celebrating Mass in “parrochiae” and “cemeteries” outside the Wall of Rome. Innocent’s letter, supplemented by the evidence of the Ordines Romani, and donations of sacred vessels (the small calices ministeriales used for communion) by Constantine and the popes, testifies to the frequent
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14

Sanders, Donald. "From Critical Thinking to Spiritual Maturity." Christian Education Journal: Research on Educational Ministry 15, no. 1 (2018): 90–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0739891318760617.

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Educators, philosophers, and theologians have long concerned themselves with the process of critical thinking. John Dewey’s writings, specifically How We Think, cast a long shadow in both secular and religious educational contexts. Can the Christian educator employ Dewey’s framework for reflective thinking in a useful manner without subscribing to his naturalistic underpinnings? This article evaluates Dewey’s reflective thinking process and suggests potential applications to Christian growth and maturity. First, biblical components must replace the deficiencies in Dewey’s epistemology. Next, t
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15

Lees, Clare A. "The ‘Sunday Letter’ and the ‘Sunday Lists’." Anglo-Saxon England 14 (December 1985): 129–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675100001319.

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The so-called ‘Sunday Letter’ (otherwise entitled the ‘Heavenly Letter’, the Carta Dominica or the ‘Lettre du Christ tombée du ciel’) is extant in Latin and many vernacular languages and has already attracted a considerable explicatory literature. As is well known, the ‘Sunday Letter’ purports to be a letter from Christ himself, written variously in his own blood, with a golden rod or by an angel. It falls on to one of the principal shrines of Christendom (frequently Rome, Jerusalem or Bethlehem) and passes into the hands of the clergy. The letter urges strict enforcement of the observance of
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16

Vessey, Mark. "Jerome in Rome: Memory and Project." Journal of Late Antiquity 16, no. 2 (2023): 520–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jla.2023.a906777.

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Abstract: "What happens in Vegas stays in Vegas." What happened to Jerome in Rome has proved harder to contain. Sixteen centuries and several decades later, gossip still circulates, helping shape the meanings we attach to the names "Rome" and "Jerome." The proceedings of a recent conference provide an opportunity for historical and critical reflection on the earliest recoverable forms of that Jerome/Rome discourse, as mediated by late fourth-century texts. One such—Letter 27 in the collection of Epistolae ex duobus codicibus nuper in lucem prolatae edited in 1981 in CSEL 88 by Johannes Divjak
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17

RAMSBY, TERESA. "OVID AS ETHNOGRAPHER IN THE EPISTULAE EX PONTO." Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 61, no. 2 (2018): 33–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/2041-5370.12080.

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Abstract: Ovid's second collection of letters from his place of exile exhibits new strategies to achieve his aims of staying in the public eye and making his case for recall back to Rome. One of these new strategies is to pose as a kind of ethnographer with a ground-level view of Tomitan and Thracian society on the Black Sea coast. In the Epistulae ex Ponto, Ovid poses as a mediator between Rome and the imperial fringe, informing his reader about the activities of the Pontic tribes, describing his alleged interactions with the people of Tomis, and addressing the client king of the region. By d
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18

Freudenburg, Kirk. "Recusatioas Political Theatre: Horace's Letter to Augustus." Journal of Roman Studies 104 (February 19, 2014): 105–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s007543581300124x.

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AbstractAmong the most potent devices that Roman emperors had at their disposal to disavow autocratic aims and to put on display the consensus of ruler and ruled was the artful refusal of exceptional powers, orrecusatio imperii. The practice had a long history in Rome prior to the reign of Augustus, but it was Augustus especially who, over the course of several decades, perfected therecusatioas a means of performing his hesitancy towards power. The poets of the Augustan period were similarly well practised in the art of refusal, writing dozens of poeticrecusationesthat purported to refuse offe
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19

Largeaud-Ortéga, Sylvie. "STEVENSON'S THE EBB-TIDE, OR VIRGIL'S AENEID REVISITED: HOW LITERATURE MAY MAKE OR MAR EMPIRES." Victorian Literature and Culture 41, no. 3 (2013): 561–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1060150313000107.

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Robert Louis Stevenson took it for granted that Rome had shaped most of the Western modern world: “the average man at home . . . is sunk over the ears in Roman civilisation,” he wrote in a letter to H. B. Baildon (Mehew 474). Unlike the English contemporaries of his own class, he had not been steeped in classical literature, nor had he “internalised Latin literature in the way he ascribed to his English character Robert Herrick . . . in The Ebb-Tide” – mostly because his poor health had precluded regular school attendance (Jolly, Stevenson in the Pacific 37). But he did come to the classics, “
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20

Dunn, Geoffrey D. "Interpreting the Functions of the Roman Clergy in the Early Fifth Century." Studies in Late Antiquity 6, no. 1 (2022): 174–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sla.2022.6.1.174.

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Examining the information we have about deacons and presbyters in Rome during the first two decades of the fifth century contributes to the larger picture of their role and function and is instructive for several reasons. While there has been scholarly attention drawn to the prescriptive decrees of the Roman bishops regulating the life of their clergy, particularly regarding the clerical cursus honorum and lifestyle (marriage and sexual continence), less has been given to descriptive information about how deacons and presbyters operated. Although far from complete, this information is valuable
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21

Kavčič, Nataša. "The indulgence letter for the monastery of Kostanjevica (1347, November 6)." Ars & Humanitas 14, no. 1 (2020): 233–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/ars.14.1.233-251.

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The present article offers an art-historical analysis of the indulgence letter issued in Avignon on 6 November 1347 for the monastery of Kostanjevica in present-day Slovenia. It is believed that a workshop responsible for writing and decorating indulgence letters was organized in Avignon after the Popes moved there from Rome, and several iconographic and stylistic affinities speak in favour of the Kostanjevica charter being decorated precisely in this work environment. The Avignon workshop supposedly expanded in the 1340s, which presumably led to the division of labour within the workshop, mea
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22

Newton, Michael A. "Absolutist Admissibility at the ICC: Revalidating Authentic Domestic Investigations." Israel Law Review 54, no. 2 (2021): 143–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223720000278.

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Current jurisprudential trends empower the International Criminal Court (ICC) Prosecutor to override domestic investigative authorities in a manner that violates the letter and spirit of the Rome Statute. Sovereign states have primary responsibility to document, investigate and prevent atrocity crimes. Yet, current ICC practice subverts domestic enforcement efforts. No provision of the Rome Statute permits the Office of the Prosecutor (OTP) to substitute its unfettered judgment over the good-faith discretion of domestic prosecutors. ICC judges have created de facto institutional jurisdictional
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23

Biggs, Frederick M. "Domino in domino dominorum: Bede and John of Beverley." Anglo-Saxon England 44 (December 2015): 17–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675100080054.

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AbstractThe distinctive phrase, domino in domino dominorum, shared by the salutations in the prefatory letter of Bede's revised metrical Vita Cuthberti and in the letter sent by Hwaetbert with his former abbot Ceolfrith to Rome, reflects an unexpected historical connection among Bede's revision, Ceolfrith's departure and, more tentatively, the abdication of John of Beverley of the bishopric of York. While only Ceolfrith's journey has been dated to 716, I argue that Bede was revising his poem in anticipation of this event, but under the false assumption that it would be John of Beverley who wou
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24

Head, Peter M. "The Greetings of Romans 16 and the Audience of Romans." New Testament Studies 70, no. 2 (2024): 275–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688523000413.

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AbstractThis short paper considers and critiques the view that the named people greeted in Romans 16.3–16 are not also among the recipients of the letter to ‘all God's beloved in Rome’ (Rom 1.7). Variants of this view spring from the work of Mullins (1968): that the second-person greeting involves the greeting of ‘a third party who is not intended to be among the immediate readership of the letter’ (Mullins, 1968: 420) and are found in Thorsteinsson (2003), Stowers (2015) and Campbell (2023). A series of arguments are made against this view. In particular, the plural form of the imperative (ἀσ
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25

Ullendorff, Edward. "Some Marginalia on Two Articles in JRAS 1, 3, 1991." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 2, no. 3 (1992): 423–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186300003035.

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I have read Dr Nigel Allan's article in the above issue of the most attractively revamped JRAS with great interest, partly because the Constantinople 1505 printing of Rashi's commentary to Exodus 28:6 (reproduced on p. 351) reminds me strongly of the Constantinople 1519 printing of the Hebrew letter from Prester John to “the Pope at Rome”, and partly on account of some pregnant differences in Rashi's text as between the Wellcome version and that in the Miqra'ot Gәdolot of the well-known Warsaw 1874 edition.
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26

Minton, Gretchen E. "“The same cause and like quarell”: Eusebius, John Foxe, and the Evolution of Ecclesiastical History." Church History 71, no. 4 (2002): 715–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000964070009627x.

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In 1563, just five years after Elizabeth ascended to the throne, John Foxe published the first edition of his Acts and Monuments. Part ecclesiastical history, part martyrology, part English chronicle, and entirely Protestant, this enormously popular work had a significant impact upon its age. The dedicatory letter to the Queen in this first edition begins with an elaborate woodcut of the letter C, in which Elizabeth sits enthroned. [See Figure 1.] This C is the beginning of the word “Constantine.” Foxe writes: “Constantine the greate and mightie Emperour, the sonne of Helene an Englyshe woman
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27

Wright, Elizabeth. "New World News, Ancient Echoes: A Cortés Letter and a Vernacular Livy for a New King and His Wary Subjects (1520–23)*." Renaissance Quarterly 61, no. 3 (2008): 711–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ren.0.0240.

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Empire building converges with print innovations in the rare Zaragoza edition (1523) of the landmark “Second Letter from Mexico” of Hernán Cortés. The Aragonese print shop owned by German immigrant George Coçi advertised what, to its first interpreters, was stunning news from a still mysterious place overseas with woodblocks drawn from their 1520 edition of Livy'sHistory of Rome. An examination of the political, social, and editorial contexts that informed these two books addressed to Charles V casts light on concerns about how the new Spanish king would communicate with his subjects in an age
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28

Krauter, Stefan. "Adam und Romulus. Lateinische Dichtung in der Paulusexegese." Zeitschrift für die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft 111, no. 2 (2020): 227–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/znw-2020-0010.

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AbstractIn New Testament exegesis, quotations from Latin literature of the Early Principate are mostly used as evidence of Roman imperial ideology. This essay aims to show that it is worthwhile to deal more carefully with such literary texts. Horace’s seventh and sixteenth epodes are compared with passages from the letter to the Romans. Using the myth of Romulus’ fratricide, Horace expresses his despair during the civil wars. He imagines a fictional rescue by fleeing from Rome to a primeval “pre-lapsarian” paradise. Paul uses the myth of Adam and Eve to portray human captivity under sin from w
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29

Sander, Christoph. "How to Send a Secret Message from Rome to Paris in the Early Modern Period: Telegraphy between Magnetism, Sympathy, and Charlatanry." Early Science and Medicine 27, no. 5 (2022): 426–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733823-20220056.

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Abstract In 1558, the famous natural magician Giambattista della Porta was the first to allude to a method of transmitting secret messages by using manipulated magnetic compasses. Soon thereafter, this idea, known in modern historiography as ‘magnetic telegraphy’, was spelled out and advertised by many early modern scholars as a promising technology of communication by action at a distance. In 1609, Daniel Schwenter created the most sophisticated design for the fulfillment of this potential: two compass needles were to be magnetized in a highly codified procedure to establish a sympathetic bon
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30

Massa, Mark. "On the Uses of Heresy: Leonard Feeney, Mary Douglas, and the Notre Dame Football Team." Harvard Theological Review 84, no. 3 (1991): 325–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816000024044.

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On the afternoon of 6 September 1952, the readers of the Boston Pilot—the voice of the Roman Catholic archdiocese—found on the front page of their usually staid weekly the text of a trenchant letter from the Holy Office in Rome. The text, dated August 8, addressed a group of Boston Catholics who had kicked up a fuss over the ancient theological dictum, extra ecclesiam nulla salus (“outside the church there is no salvation”)—a phrase going back to St. Cyprian in the third century and one of the pillars of orthodoxy for Christian believers.
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31

Anashkin, Anton. "Epistle of Pope Zosimus to bishops of Galliae and Septem provinciae." St. Tikhons' University Review 114 (October 31, 2023): 107–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.15382/sturii2023114.107-118.

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The paper includes a publication of a Latin translation of the Epistle Placuit apostolicae of Pope Zosimus to the bishops appointed in the dioceses of Galliae (Northern Gaul) and of Septem Provinciae (Southern Gaul), as well as a historical commentary and an introductory article. At the beginning of the paper, the historical context of the Epistle is described, then its content is considered. The Epistle sheds light on the relationship between the see of Rome and the sees of churches of Gaul (primarily, the Church of Arelate). Placuit apostolicae was written in the early days of the pontificat
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32

Jung, Gi-Moon. "The Attitudes of Christians to the Old Testament at the First Half of the Second Century." Korea Association of World History and Culture 67 (June 30, 2023): 75–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.32961/jwhc.2023.06.67.75.

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At the first half of the 2nd century, the Christians were seeking a new identity independent of Judaism. I studied the attitudes of three Christian leaders to Old Testament.
 Clement of the Rome recognized the Old Testament as authoritative scriptures. He used the Old Testament as the basis for almost all arguments. The letter of Barnabas recognized the Old Testament as a sacred scripture, but its interpretation was completely different from that of Jews. The letter Barnabas used the Old Testament for only two purposes. One was to point out that the Jewish interpretation of the Old Testam
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33

Spiegel, Flora. "The tabernacula of Gregory the Great and the conversion of Anglo-Saxon England." Anglo-Saxon England 36 (November 14, 2007): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675107000014.

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AbstractIn a famous letter to his missionaries in England, Pope Gregory the Great suggested that the newly converted Anglo-Saxons should be encouraged to build small huts, or ‘tabernacula’, in conjunction with Christian festivals. He seems to have associated these structures with the Jewish festival of Sukkot, reflecting a missionary strategy modelled on both the biblical conversion of the Israelites and on Gregory's own proselytizing approach towards the Jews of Rome. Gregory's instructions are discussed in the light of historical writings and archaeological evidence, which suggest that ‘tabe
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34

Stoops, Robert F. "If I Suffer … Epistolary Authority in Ignatius of Antioch." Harvard Theological Review 80, no. 2 (1987): 161–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816000023580.

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Sometime during the second decade of the second century CE, Ignatius, bishop of Antioch, was conveyed under guard to Rome where he expected to leave this world through the mouths of the beasts in the arena. Along his journey he stopped at Philadelphia and Smyrna. At each stop he received visitors from a number of churches in the area. He, in turn, wrote letters to those churches and to the church at Rome. The letters of Ignatius have been the subject of scholarly investigation for over a century. The authenticity of the middle recension of those letters is almost universally acknowledged. Thes
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35

Ingleheart, Jennifer. "EXEGI MONUMENTUM: EXILE, DEATH, IMMORTALITY AND MONUMENTALITY IN OVID,TRISTIA3.3." Classical Quarterly 65, no. 1 (2015): 286–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000983881400072x.

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Tristia3.3 purports to be a ‘death-bed’ letter addressed by the sick poet to his wife in Rome (3.3.1–4), in which Ovid, banished from Rome on Augustus' orders, foresees his burial in Tomi as the ultimate form of exilic displacement (3.3.29–32). In order to avoid such a permanent form of exclusion from his homeland, Ovid issues instructions for his burial in the suburbs of Rome (3.3.65–76), dictating a four-line epitaph to be inscribed upon his tomb (3.3.73–6). However, despite the careful instructions he outlines for his burial and physical memorial, Ovid asserts:maiora libelli | et diuturna m
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36

Harrison, James R. "Augustan Rome and the Body of Christ: A Comparison of the Social Vision of theRes Gestaeand Paul's Letter to the Romans." Harvard Theological Review 106, no. 1 (2013): 1–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816012000296.

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A surprising omission in New Testament studies of the imperial world is a comparison of Augustus's conception of rule in theRes Gestae(RG) with Paul's eschatological gospel of grace in his letter to the Romans. Even though each document has been foundational in the history of Western civilization, a comparison of their vastly different social outcomes has not been undertaken. Neil Elliott has made an outstanding contribution in laying the foundations for such a study, offering a scintillating analysis of Paul's letter to the Romans in terms ofiustitia(justice),clementia(mercy),pietas(piety), a
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Kemmler, Rolf. "The First Edition of the ars minor of Manuel Álvares’ De institvtione grammatica libri tres (Lisbon, 1573)." Historiographia Linguistica 42, no. 1 (2015): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.42.1.01kem.

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Summary Based on a hitherto unknown copy of Manuel Álvares’ (1526–1583) very significant Latin grammar Emmanvelis Alvari è Societate Iesv de institvtione grammatica libri tres (Lisbon, 1573), this paper presents the first edition of what the author himself (in a Spanish letter to his superior in Rome) once called ‘arte pequeña’. Additionally, the present paper exploits the distinction of ars minor vs. ars maior as a means of investigating the separate publishing history of the student’s textbook (Álvares 1573a) in comparison to the teacher’s handbook (Álvares 1572), thus enabling a better unde
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Cauda, R. "Personal Journey through Memory in Ukraine (Letter to the Editor)." Clinical Social Work and Health Intervention 13, no. 2 (2022): 14–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.22359/cswhi_13_2_03.

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The images of destruction in Ukrainian cities that we continue to see on television every day, and the dramatic reports done by journalists, reminded me of a visit I made to that tormented country more than 20 years ago that I want to share with this brief note. In particularly, I remember taking part in a series of meetings with Ukrainian colleagues in two cities, Lviv and Kiev as part of an initiative promoted by the Vicariate of Rome, in the person of His Excellency Monsignor Lorenzo Leuzzi which involved professors from the Catholic University such as myself, and from the University of Tor
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Sazonova, Tatyana. "Reconciling the Hearts: Barthold Georg Niebuhr on the German Catholicism." ISTORIYA 12, no. 12-2 (110) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840019436-8.

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The article presents a textual analysis of the letter of Barthold Georg Niebuhr, Prussian scientist and politician of the late 18th — first half of the 19th century, dedicated to the issue of German national church. Niebuhr is known primarily as one of the leading historians of his time. His name is mostly associated with the research on the history of Ancient Rome and other ancient states, as well as with the critical method which was a new word in German and European historiography. At the same time Niebuhr's intellectual talent allowed him to combine productively historical theory
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Tinikashvili, David. "THE STATUS OF THE SEE OF ROME IN THE FIRST MILLENIUM OF THE EASTERN CHRISTIANITY." Near East and Georgia 14 (December 15, 2022): 68–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.32859/neg/14/68-74.

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In the first millennium of the Christendom, the primacy of the Roman Pope in jurisdictional terms was not acknowledged by all. Although Eastern churches regarded the Roman pope as primus inter pares (first among the equals). Clement's epistle to the Church of Corinth is considered to be the first case from which the responsibility of the Roman See for other churches can be seen. The epistle urges the members of the Corinthian church to peace and order. In this epistle sent from Rome, a strong, authoritative and caring voice is clearly felt. It is also necessary to analyze the letters sent in t
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RICHARDS, E. RANDOLPH. "The Codex and the Early Collection of Paul's Letters." Bulletin for Biblical Research 8, no. 1 (1998): 151–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/26422161.

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Abstract The early Christian predilection for the codex may be a major key to understanding how Paul's letters were collected. Ancient letter-writers routinely kept personal copies of their letters. These personal copies were often kept in codex notebooks. Paul probably followed this custom. The "collection" of Paul's letters was not the result of any deliberate second-century effort to collect the letters of Paul. There was probably no early veneration of Paul or any early appreciation of Paul's letters. Rather, Paul had a personal set of copies with him in Rome. After his death, these copies
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RICHARDS, E. RANDOLPH. "The Codex and the Early Collection of Paul's Letters." Bulletin for Biblical Research 8, no. 1 (1998): 151–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/bullbiblrese.8.1.0151.

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Abstract The early Christian predilection for the codex may be a major key to understanding how Paul's letters were collected. Ancient letter-writers routinely kept personal copies of their letters. These personal copies were often kept in codex notebooks. Paul probably followed this custom. The "collection" of Paul's letters was not the result of any deliberate second-century effort to collect the letters of Paul. There was probably no early veneration of Paul or any early appreciation of Paul's letters. Rather, Paul had a personal set of copies with him in Rome. After his death, these copies
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43

Pincelli, Maria Agata. "La Roma triumphans e la nascita dell'antiquaria: Biondo Flavio e Andrea Mantegna." Studiolo 5, no. 1 (2007): 19–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/studi.2007.1186.

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Roma triumphans and the birth of antiquarianism : Biondo Flavio and Andrea Mantegna. Biondo Flavio completed his Roma triumphans, the foundation of the Renaissance antiquarian movement, in 1459 while in Mantua. The work was immediately successful : in a letter written in December 1460 to Ludovico Gonzaga, Biondo himself reported that it was already being read and copied in courts all over Europe. First published in Mantua in 1473 and continually reprinted from the late 15th century to the mid-16th century, Roma triumphans rapidly became a crucial point of reference for the study of Roman antiq
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Gineste, Bernard. "Genomenos en rhome (2 Tm 1, 17): Onésiphore a-t-il "été à Rome"?" Revue Thomiste 96, no. 1 (1996): 67–106. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.1098473.

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Onesiphorus did not "go to Rome (Rhome)", he was "filled with vigor (rhome)". This new translation is quite possible from the point of view of the lexicon and the grammar, and it is even imposed by the movement of the sentence, by the rhetorical context, by the continuation of the ideas, by literary parallels and by the unanimous agreement of all other geographic and prosopographic data from the rest of the document. The Second Letter to Timothy is therefore one of the easiest documents to date in the New Testament. Onésiphore n’a pas « été
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Karamucka-Marcinkiewicz, Magdalena. "Russia an empire of the “form” in Cyprian Norwid’s writings." Studia Norwidiana 37 English Version (2020): 5–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/sn.2019.37-1en.

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The aim of the article is to analyse Norwid’s historiosophical reflections on Russia, in which the key role is played by metaphors based on the relationship between the “form” and the “content”. This metaphoricity is reflected in the popular motif in the poet’s works, which considered the relationships of the “word” – the “letter” and the “spirit” – the “body”. In the analysed fragments, mainly from the poem Niewola, tsarist, imperialist Russia appears as an empire of the “form”, which in this case is supposed to mean the dominance of formalism and broadly understood enslavement over the spiri
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Krivolapov, Gleb L. "Dionysus or Heracles: Mark Antony’s Religious Policy in 41 BCE in the Light of <i>Epistula Marci Antonii Ad Koinon Asiae</i>." Hyperboreus 28, no. 2 (2023): 242–65. https://doi.org/10.36950/hyperboreus.swax-es84.

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In 41 BCE, following the Battle at Philippi (October 42 BCE), the triumvir Mark Antony toured the eastern provinces of the Roman Republic. During this trip, he restored the authority of Rome, levied contributions upon the cities, and appointed several rulers. The analysis of several developments after the Battle of Philippi (the triumvir’s participation in Lesser Mysteries in Athens, as well as his relations with Sisinna and Cleopatra) indicates that Antony stressed his mythical ancestor Heracles several times. It follows that while Antony did not place much political value on activities relat
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Rüpke, Jörg. "Reading early Christian texts as contributions to urban resilience." Acta ad archaeologiam et artium historiam pertinentia 36, no. 23 N.S. (2023): 167–76. https://doi.org/10.5617/acta.10491.

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Cities are strange places, maximizing density and attachment to place on the one hand and using these very conditions as a basis for wide-ranging movements and connectivity in the settlement tiers of their urban landscape as much as in external flows for often increasing distances on the other. Hospitable to such urban conditions, and profiting from them, are religious practices and imaginations. Against this background my chapter will inquire into the use of religion for challenging and strengthening urban resilience; that is, the ability to cope with threats and disaster by staying in place.
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Kallet-Marx, Robert M. "Quintus Fabius Maximus and the Dyme affair (Syll3684)." Classical Quarterly 45, no. 1 (1995): 129–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800041756.

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The most striking example of Roman intervention in the affairs of mainland Greece between the Achaean and Mithridatic Wars is provided by an inscription now in the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge. This stone bears the text of a letter to the city of Dyme in Achaea from a Roman proconsul named Q. Fabius Maximus, which describes his trial and sentencing of certain men of Dyme whom he had judged responsible for a recent disturbance in that city. One crux to be resolved is chronological: A date of c. 115 b.c. has long been generally accepted, but recently evidence from another, still unpublished ins
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PARSHYN, Illia. "A LITTLEKNOWN MENTION ABOUT A DOCUMENT OF LUTSK BISHOP OF 1319." Ukraine: Cultural Heritage, National Identity, Statehood 33 (2020): 3–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/ukr.2020-33-3-12.

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The article considers the mention of the letter of the bishop of Lutsk to the Polish king from 1319, inscribed in the inventory of Polish royal charters in 1681. Nothing is known about such a document from the Kyivan Rus heritage. The remark about Lutsk as a part of the Kingdom of Poland, at first glance, dates back to 1681, when the register was compiled, because, at the beginning of the 14th century, the city belonged to the Romanovych's Halychyna-Volyn state.Based on the analysis of political events, it is clear that there are no objective reasons for creating this document. Dukes Andrii an
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Pierpoint, W. S. "Edward Stone (1702–1768) and Edmund Stone (1700–1768): confused identities resolved." Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London 51, no. 2 (1997): 211–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.1997.0018.

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On the 25 April 1763 a letter was sent from Chipping Norton in Oxfordshire to the Right Honourable George Parker, Earl of Macclesfield, then President of the Royal Society, extolling the use of willow bark in curing agues and other feverish complaints. The writer describes how about a pound of bark taken from a common white willow ( Salix alba ) was dried in a bag over a baker's oven for more than three months, pulverized and then used to alleviate the agues, ‘intermitting disorders’ and distempers of 50 afflicted people. The undoubted medicinal properties of bark from willow and other Salix s
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