Journal articles on the topic 'Migratory Authority'

AbstractThe 1995 UN Straddling and Highly Migratory Fish Stocks Agreement is designed to implement the management principles of the LOS Convention applicable to these stocks. This contribution focuses upon those aspects of the 1995 Agreement related to surveillance and enforcement, dispute settlement and the role and competence of regional fisheries management organisations (RFOs). The Agreement seeks to delegate fisheries management authority over straddling stocks to the RFOs. A key issue that will confront an RFO will be compatibility of management measures inside and outside the 200-nautical mile zone. An RFO will have to choose between a "top down" (the RFO managing the entire stock) or a "bottom up" (the coastal state having independent authority within 200 nautical miles) approach. While the 1995 Agreement is careful not to trample upon coastal state jurisdiction within 200 nautical miles, the preferred resource management approach supported by the 1995 Agreement and this contribution is the "top down" model.

Kalayat wetland is a historical and religious natural lake having direct connection with a sage, writer, namely, “Kapil-Muni” who is revered in the echelons of Hindu thought as a authority of literary predicament and his epical compositions were composed on the moorings of this very wetland. The objective of this research work is to singularly emphasize on the silently ongoing process of depletion of age-old wetland on a very fast rate in Haryana province of India. In the present research work, a total of 57 species of wetland birds belonging to 8 orders and 15 families were recorded. Out of the 57 species of wetland birds, 29 species of birds were winter migratory, 18 species resident and 7 species were Local migratory. The major causes of extinction of this historical lake of immense universal importance includes its renovation and supposedly rejuvenation by constructing cemented brick wall and consequently destroying the age old aquatic plants and animal, purely decimating the trophic structure. In addition, land filling deliberate and subsequent encroachment has spelled havoc with vast sheet of water. Resultantly, migratory birds coming in winter to Kalayat Wetland from far off places like Ladakh, Siberia, Russia and central Asia have stopped coming.

Skipjack tuna (Katsuwonus pelamis) is highly migratory species that spread from trophic and sub trophic waters. This species can be found in Atlantic, Indian and Pacific oceans. The genetic information of highly migratory species like skipjack tuna is important to support the sustainability of the fisheries. The objectives of this study are to gain information genetic diversity and population structure of exploited species and to understand the population kinship in Indonesian waters. Tissue samples were collected from six locations, i.e.: Sibolga (North Sumatera), Padang (West Sumatera), Binuangeun (Banten), Pacitan (East Java), Lombok (West Nusa Tenggara) and Kupang (East Nusa Tenggara). Microsatellite analysis was done in this study consisting of extraction, purification, polymerase chain reaction (PCR) amplification and electrophoresis. Three loci used for the analysis i.e.: UTD 172, UTD 523 and UTD 535. The results showed that there are two groups from six locations i.e.: group 1: Sibolga and Padang; group 2: Binuangeun, Pacitan Lombok and Kupang. The variance among these two groups is 0.066 with variance 5.441%. This finding in line with Indonesian Fisheries Management Area of 572 (west of Sumatera waters) and 573 (south of Java waters). However, as highly migratory species across nations, the management strategy for skipjack tuna needs collaboration among countries through regional fisheries management authority like Indian Ocean Tuna Commission (IOTC).

Peter Alexander Speek arrived in the United States in the fall of 1908 at the age of 35, “having in my pocket only 4c and knowing hardly more English words.” A leader of revolutionary activities against Russian rule in his native Estonia, Speek came to the U.S. a committed socialist intent on developing worker awareness and leading the class struggle. After two years in New York, Speek traveled to the West Coast, entered the graduate program i n economics at the University of Wisconsin, and worked two years as an investigator for the United States Commission on Industrial Relations (CIR). During his time with the CIR, Speek traveled widely across the United States, “visiting labor camps, cheap city lodging houses, gatherings of hoboes and tramps in so-called ‘jungles’, interviewing employers and various public agencies.” Speek wrote dozens of reports during these investigations that served as the foundation for official CIR policy recommendations and for a series of popular press articles on current migratory conditions. In doing this work, Speek became a recognized authority on migratory labor issues. Reference to Speek's reports can be found in studies of early-twentieth-century migratory labor conditions, but a specific evaluation of Speek and of his contributions has not been written. Speek's work for the CIR is of interest because of its subject matter and its comprehensive coverage. Speek's work is also of interest because it was during this period that Speek rejected his revolutionary socialism and became a structural reformer, accepting the basic U.S. economic and political system and working to improve the details of its institutions.

SUMMARY INTRODUCTION The stone monuments named as “Orhon” inscriptions located in Middle Asia are considered the first written Turkish findings. Our aim was to discuss the contents and physical appearance of the monuments according to the andrological perspective. METHODS These inscriptions were composed of three stone monuments built in the years 720-735 AD, in honor of three Khagans (Ruling leaders). RESULTS Although the theme of the writings emphasizes the male-dominant ruling style of the antique Middle Asian migratory tribes, we claim that the most interesting point was that the phallus had a secret role in the perspective of the stone monuments. CONCLUSION The trilogy of power, state authority, and erection was monumentalized in 8th-century inscriptions. The signs of Andrology should be sought in history, archeology, and art to expand the esthetic horizon of modern medical sciences.

This article addresses migration in the late seventeenth and the eighteenth century from Eastern Tibet to Chang Tang, the enormous high-plateau in Western Tibet. Evidence is presented about the rise of an intriguingly well-regulated nomadic society, questioning the dominant, environmentally framed narrative of Chang Tang as an uninhabited wilderness. The article examines why people started migrating, sheds light on specific migratory events and their cumulative effects. The article examines nomads’ adaptation to a sacred mountain landscape, an inhospitable climate, established customary practices and contending centralised sources of religious and political authority, while drawing on their own martial ethos and diverse skill sets. In order to explain causes and outcomes of specific events, the article employs an interdisciplinary theoretical approach. This approach unravels Chang Tang as pastoral realm, sacred landscape and contested frontier – sought controlled by the lords of distant Lhasa and empires of the Western Himalayas and Central Asia.

This article adopts the concept of securitisation to understand the failure of the English East India Company�s attempt to build a territorial empire on the island of Sumatra in the late 17th and early 18th centuries. Securitisation formed a key component of European colonialism, involving the creation of fortified and militarised borders both to exclude groups from entering newly defined territorial spaces, but also as a way to control goods, labour and resources within those spaces. Ultimately, this form of imperialism failed on the west coast of Sumatra, where a highly mobile society participated in a shared political culture that made any formal boundary or border between Malay states too difficult to enforce. Trading networks, religious affiliations, transregional kinship ties, and migratory circuits all worked to undermine the Company�s attempt to establish its authority over delineated territory and the people and goods within it.

AbstractIn this article, I trace how return migrants (former labor emigrants) from Andalusia, Spain draw on their regional history of emigration as a resource for claiming the moral authority to assess immigrants from the global south. By comparing their own migratory experiences and those of new migrants, Andalusians renegotiate competing ideas about their region's membership in Europe, a question with renewed political saliency during the ongoing economic crisis. Specifically, they use comparisons to claim a more central place in Europe for Andalusia, while at the same time eschewing moral culpability for Europe's mistreatment of labor emigration. To do so, Andalusian return migrants mobilize discourses of migrant suffering at various geopolitical scales of belonging, often mapping Andalusians’ experiences of emigration and return onto the region's historical trajectory of Europeanization. The scaling up and down of discourses of migrant suffering in the context of historical narratives of migration enables Andalusians to claim moral superiority based on their non-European, migrant past while also claiming European belonging in the present. Memorializing and assessing migrant suffering thus become forms of discursive work that help construct the political and moral limits of Europeanness. Through analysis of this process, I call for a more central focus on return migration and the intersection of multiple kinds of population mobility in migration research and in the study of European unification.

Phosphorus is one of the main causes of waterbodies in Scotland being at less than good ecological status (GES) in terms of the water framework directive (WFD). In Scotland, there are more than 8000 standing waters, defined as lakes and reservoirs that have a surface area of more than 1 hectare. Only about 330 of these are monitored routinely to assess compliance with the WFD. The export coefficient tool PLUS+ (phosphorus land use and slope) has been developed to estimate total phosphorus (TP) concentrations in the unmonitored sites; modelled values are then compared to WFD target concentrations for high, good, moderate, poor, and bad status to assess compliance. These type-specific or site-specific targets are set by the regulatory authority and form part of a suite of physical, chemical, and ecological targets that are used to assess GES, all of which must be met. During development, the PLUS+ tool was applied to 323 monitored catchments and 7471 unmonitored catchments. The efficacy of the tool was assessed against TP concentrations observed in 2014 and found to perform well in the rural catchments. 51% of standing waters had the same modelled and observed WFD class (i.e., High, Good, Moderate, Poor, Bad), and a further 40% of standing waters had a modelled WFD class that was within one class of observed water quality. The tool performed less well in catchments with larger inputs of TP from urban sources (e.g., sewage). The greatest deviations between measured and modelled classes were explained by the shortage of information on wastewater treatment works, fish farms, migratory birds, levels of uncertainty in TP measurements, and the amount of in-lake re-cycling of P. The limitations of the tool are assessed using data from six well documented case study sites and recommendations for improving the model performance are proposed.

Con base en la revisión de algunos estudios recientes que se han llevado a cabo en diversas comunidades rurales de las nuevas regiones migratorias, en este artículo se revisan, de manera crítica, dos interpretaciones de los estudios sobre la familia rural: la economía campesina como unidad de producción-consumo y el ciclo de desarrollo de la unidad doméstica. En las condiciones actuales la migración, interna e internacional, desempeña un papel decisivo en las comunidades rurales. Muchos estudios han constatado la voluntad de las mujeres de salir de los grupos domésticos y sumarse a los flujos migratorios por motivos particulares, por situaciones y demandas específicas de ellas; su salida ha contribuido al resquebrajamiento de los sistemas tradicionales de organización y reproducción de la familia campesina.Las feministas, y más tarde los estudios con la perspectiva de género, criticaron la visión de que las familias rurales constituían unidades de producción-consumo donde las decisiones correspondían a un modelo de estrategias familiares de sobrevivencia y reproducción (Hondagneu-Sotelo, 2007; Wolf, 1990). Ese modelo privilegiaba la homogeneidad, la colectividad, la solidaridad y el consenso, es decir, suponía que en los hogares no había conflictos ni tensiones a la hora de tomar decisiones que a todos comprometían (Ariza, 2007). La familia era una “unidad económica moral” que se sustentaba en los principios de “reciprocidad, consenso y altruismo” (Grasmuck y Pessar, 1991).Los estudios desde el enfoque de género señalaron que en las familias había relaciones de poder basadas en una distribución jerárquica y desigual de los derechos, recursos y autoridad que afectaban especialmente a las mujeres (Ariza, 2007; González Montes, 2002; Hondagneu-Sotelo, 2007; Wolf, 1990). Las críticas alcanzaron a los estudios migratorios: la migración no era un fenómeno exclusivamente de los hombres, las migrantes no eran apéndices de la migración masculina y sus desplazamientos podían tener motivaciones particulares (Ariza, 2007; Hondagneu-Sotelo, 2007). AbstractBased on a review of recent studies conducted in various rural communities in the new migration regions, this article critically reviews two interpretations of rural family studies: the peasant economy as a production-consumption unit and the household development cycle. In the current conditions, internal and international migration play a key role in rural communities. Many studies have shown the willingness of women to leave home and join migratory flows for personal reasons, or due to specific situations and demands. Their departure has contributed to the breakdown of the traditional systems of organization and reproduction of the peasant family.Feminists, and subsequently studies with a gender perspective, criticized the view that rural families were production-consumption units where decisions corresponded to a model of family strategies for survival and reproduction (Hondagneu-Sotelo, 2007; Wolf , 1990). That model favored homogeneity, collectivity, solidarity and consensus, in other words, it assumed that households had no conflicts or tensions when it came to making decisions that involved everyone (Ariza, 2007). The family was a “moral economic unit” based on theprinciples of “reciprocity, consensus and altruism” (Grasmuck and Pessar, 1991).Studies from a gender perspective pointed out that there were power relations infamilies based on a hierarchical, unequal distribution of rights, resources and authority that particularly affected women (Ariza, 2007; González Montes, 2002; Hondagneu-Sotelo, 2007; Wolf, 1990). This criticism reached migration studies: migration was not an exclusively male phenomenon; women migrants were not appendages of male migration and their displacement could be based on personal motivation (Ariza, 2007; Hondagneu-Sotelo, 2007).

This research study was conducted on socio-economic conditions of families living in squatter’s settlement of Karachi. The urban population is booming with unprecedented growth due to heavy influx or migration of rural population to the cities especially in Karachi. The rural families are migrating to the city in a way to have better employment; improved lifestyles in urban societies. Migrators usually accommodated in squatters’ settlements of Karachi because of high residing cost in urban areas. The squatters’ settlements are located at outskirt of the city on government owned lands. However the provincial government has set up Sindh Katchi Abadi Authority (SKAA) department for upgrading or regularizing Katchi Abadis which are working under specific rules and regulations. In this study the role of SKAA also highlighted to analyze the working preferences of organization for the rehabilitation or betterment of squatter settlements. The research topic is chosen in order to investigate about the socio-economic issues of families living in squatters settlements. The data is collected from 200 respondents of squatters from squatters’ settlements which are situated in six different districts of Karachi. Data is collected by the self-prepared questionnaire which was prepared in a way to investigate socio-economic issues and problems of squatters’ families living in the settlements. This research found that whole sample of squatters is of migrators. These settlements are considered illegal and have no provision of basic necessities including drinking safe water; inadequate sanitation system; and low standard of housings.

The Esso Long Island Point facility is situated on the edge of Western Port, an important Ramsar designated wetland for migratory birds in Victoria, Australia. The gas fractionation and crude oil storage facility has operated for over 40 years and has discharged treated wastewater to Western Port for most of these years in accordance with its environmental regulatory licence. The 2003 State Environment Protection Policy for Waters of Western Port is the Victorian Environment Protection Authority’s regulatory framework for licensing wastewater discharges to the wetland, and among other items, requires that discharges must cause no ‘detrimental change in the environmental quality of the receiving waters’ or ‘chronic impacts outside any declared mixing zone’. A major upgrade to the water treatment facility in 2010 included a risk-based marine ecosystem program to monitor key environmental indicators including water quality, jetty pile invertebrate communities and seagrass condition. The program’s longer-term monitoring record has allowed assessment of potential chronic effects on invertebrates and seagrass by comparing temporal changes at monitoring sites over the period from pre-operations (2010) to present (2016) and spatial changes between near-field to far-field sites, kilometres from the discharge point. The program has shown that management of the discharge maintains beneficial uses and environmental objectives at the boundary of the mixing zone, and the marine ecosystem is protected from potentially slower and longer-term adverse effects in the far-field. The program demonstrates that the treated wastewater discharge has had no adverse impact on key environmental indicators in Western Port over the longer-term study period.

ABSTRACT Built in Scotland as a Union Steamship Company tramper in 1925, the S.S. Catala plied the coast of British Columbia for decades before ending her sailing career as a floating hotel in Ocean Shores, Washington. In 1965 a fierce Pacific storm capsized the 229’ riveted steel-hulled vessel at her moorings transforming a real estate developer'S dream into a local attractive nuisance. The casualty occurred at Damon Point, a land spit that has since become a State Park and is one of the coast'S richest migratory waterfowl habitats as well as the nesting ground for two federal and state-listed threatened birds. Multiple salvage efforts had failed before the derelict'S superstructure was cut away and the hull buried in the mid-80'S. In the spring of 2006 a beachcomber discovered black oil within the Catala'S rusted remains setting-off a Washington State Department of Ecology driven effort to remediate the wreck before the winter storm season created a catastrophic persistent oil release. Time was short: site access could not begin until August when the threatened birds vacated the spit; the contractor had to withdraw by the end of September when the site became vulnerable to ocean storm surges. Regulatory compliance was complicated: Ecology had to win fast-track permits from five separate agencies before they could authorize their contractor, Global Diving & Salvage, to begin work. Engineering was challenging: heeled over and buried in the intertidal zone, the Catala'S keel was 26’ below grade; a robust sheet pile cell had to be constructed to provide worker safety from unstable soils and manage water inflow. Despite these conditions the project team was able to safely remove over 30,000 gallons of bunker oil from the ship delivering to the State of Washington a striking example of the benefits of a pro-active derelict vessel response. This case study will discuss the technical and managerial process by which this intertidal site was remediated.

Abstract Authors writing about the history of the “coolie trade” in Cuba have generally focused on the multinational effort to halt the trafficking of Chinese workers. Little has been written about either the role of consuls as middlemen or of Spanish participation in the traffic in treaty ports. Yet, several sources indicate that many officials at Spanish consulates in coastal China were intensely involved in the shipment of Chinese emigrants to Cuba and other coolie trade destinations, and were also at the centre of international scandals. These consular officers frequently used their authority to obtain a monopoly over the trade. In this article, I argue that the coolie trade was the main objective of Spain's consular deployment in China, and that the involvement of these consular officials was crucial in developing an abusive migratory system and sustaining the mistreatment of Chinese immigrant workers throughout the second half of the nineteenth century.

Over the past 20 years the Cataraqui Region Conservation Authority (CRCA) has been purchasing the area surrounding Parrot’s Bay in hopes to conserve wildlife habitat. By collaborating with CRCA, our aim is to gain insight through research of the surrounding area and examination of case studies from other conservation areas, to create the most effective conservation plan for Parrot’s Bay. The goal is to minimize the negative impacts of recreational trails and activities on wildlife within the conservation area. Such impacts include the disruption of migratory patterns, the relocation of animals into the area and fragmentation of habitat due to trail location. By identifying key species and their migration patterns within Parrot’s Bay we will design a plan that will cater to the species inhabiting the land while minimizing the anthropogenic effects on the natural habitats. Another key factor in the design of Parrot’s Bay is the issue of urban sprawl, which is very prevalent in this region. Our project will seek to minimize the effects of urban sprawl on the conservation area through the use of land planning and management policies. The outcome we hope to achieve is the formation of a master plan for Parrot’s Bay, to link all acquired land in order to prioritize and manage wildlife species most effectively.

Introduction: West Nile Virus (WNV) infection is an important arthropod-borne zoonosis viral disease. This virus is neglected in Yemen especially in Hodeidah.
 Aim of the Study: The purpose of this study was to detect WNV infection, determine the epidemiological and clinical characteristics within febrile patients in Hodeidah city and to determine some risk factors associated with WNV infection.
 Materials and Methods: 136 febrile patients in a hospital base study were diagnosed in Center of Tropical Medicine and Infectious Diseases (CTMID), Authority of General Al-Thawara Hospital, Hodeidah, Yemen from January of 2017 to December of 2017. WNV infection was detected by enzyme linkage immune sorbent assay (ELISA) on serum samples.
 Results and Discussion: The results showed that 5 cases (3.67%) were WNV – positive namely IgM that was detected in winter and spring seasons, the most prevalent antibodies of WNV were IgG namely 75 cases (55.14%). Most common symptoms were fever, headache, fatigue, weakness, arthralgia, myalgia and photophobia. The treatment based on the intravenous therapy (IV) with anti-pyritic, plasma in some cases and all cases were recovered while mortality rate was 00%.
 Conclusion: WNV was detected in Hodeidah which placed in Tehama "western Yemen", as first time by our preliminary study that confirmed the evidence of WNV IgM and IG antibodies presence on 2017, in order to increase safety of diagnosis of febrile diseases, it is essential to continue surveillance of this emerging infection, suggesting that this emergence has been transported by migratory birds from wintering areas to Tehama region.

This research study was conducted on socio-economic conditions of families living in squatter’s settlement of Karachi. The urban population is booming with unprecedented growth due to heavy influx or migration of rural population to the cities especially in Karachi. The rural families are migrating to the city in a way to have better employment; improved lifestyles in urban societies. Migrators usually accommodated in squatters’ settlements of Karachi because of high residing cost in urban areas. The squatters’ settlements are located at outskirt of the city on government owned lands. However the provincial government has set up Sindh Katchi Abadi Authority (SKAA) department for upgrading or regularizing Katchi Abadis which are working under specific rules and regulations. In this study the role of SKAA also highlighted to analyze the working preferences of organization for the rehabilitation or betterment of squatter settlements. The research topic is chosen in order to investigate about the socio-economic issues of families living in squatters settlements. The data is collected from 200 respondents of squatters from squatters’ settlements which are situated in six different districts of Karachi. Data is collected by the self-prepared questionnaire which was prepared in a way to investigate socio-economic issues and problems of squatters’ families living in the settlements. This research found that whole sample of squatters is of migrators. These settlements are considered illegal and have no provision of basic necessities including drinking safe water; inadequate sanitation system; and low standard of housings.


 
 
 This paper investigates linkages between two apparently disparate government initiatives. Together they function symbolically to maintain Australia’s moral order by excluding filth, keeping personal and national boundaries tight and borders secure. The Commonwealth government recently set aside over five million dollars to improve continence in the Australian population (incontinence is the inability to control movements of the bowel or bladder, producing leakage of filth in the form of urine and faeces). The Strategy funded research into prevalence rates, treatment strategies, doctor education, a public toilet mapping exercise, and public awareness through a telephone helpline and patient information pamphlets. Almost simultaneously with the continence initiative, concerns over the influx of asylum seekers to Australia lead the federal government to focus more resources on strengthening Australia’s border protection. This paper explores the two phenomena of personal and national boundary maintenance as aspects of classification dilemmas based in conceptions of filth, pollution and cleaning rituals. Continence and Boundary Maintenance Elias has pointed out that the development of rules of decorum around bodily control was the very essence of ‘the civilizing process’ in Western cultures. Currently, we see bodily control as a prerequisite for becoming an adult, and the loss of control is a sign of a loss of responsible adulthood, a ‘spoiled identity’ (Goffman; Murcott; Hepworth). However, Foucault pointed out that the body, through the imposition of the State and the medical profession, has become a target for self-work, resulting not in self-empowerment but in subjection. Through the ‘new micro-physics of power’ (Foucault 139), the bladder and pelvic floor have become sites in need of control. Analysis of discourses around incontinence, both in the public and private spheres, indicate a concern with issues of control and agency, particularly the moral imperative to be in control of one’s body and the feelings of incompetence produced by the loss of control. Incompetence, self blame and guilt are evident in sufferers’ talk about their condition (Tilbury et al.; Murcott). The negativity surrounding incontinence is connected with the construction of urine and faeces as filth – but is this construction of dirtiness ‘natural? Mary Douglas argued that cultural classification creates the order of social life and has an inherently moral dimension. A consequence is that things which cross categorical boundaries are impure and therefore dangerous, because they threaten the rules of classification. Douglas suggested that there is nothing inherent in ‘unclean’ things which make them dirty. Soil in the garden is ‘clean’ whereas on the carpet it is ‘dirty’, spaghetti on a plate is clean, but on your trousers it is dirty. Douglas concluded that dirtiness is not about the stuff itself, but about it being in the wrong location. We are left with the very old definition of dirt as matter out of place. This is a very suggestive approach. It implies two conditions: a set of ordered relations and a contravention of that order. … Dirt is the by-product of a systematic ordering and classification of matter, in so far as ordering involves rejecting inappropriate elements (Douglas 48). Like the fear of deviance generally, fear of pollution by ‘dirty’ things is strongly emotive because of its threat to the larger moral order. In the same way that moral panics, scapegoating, and witch hunts occur where there is a threat to the collectivity’s boundaries, clean-ups are in order where there is a perceived social crisis which threatens social classification and order. They serve as purges, drawing attention to the violated moral order, and to the State’s ability to secure it. Cleaning rituals function symbolically to reaffirm the social order. Thus, an insistence on continence is symbolic of something deeper than a fear of infection from leaking urine and faeces. Douglas suggests that issues of dirt and cleanliness in relation to the human body are actually about wider social concerns. The body is a tabula rasa on which the concerns of society are writ small. The biological body is a symbol of the social body. Elias argued bodily control and social control are linked – for example we are careful to control publicly bodily functions such as farting, belching and yawning. Now if bodies serve as symbols of society, then concern over group boundaries will be expressed symbolically as concerns over bodily boundaries. Bodily orifices, those entrances and exits which define the boundaries of the body most obviously, become sites of some significance, and those dirty things which traverse these openings/closings challenge and destabilize the system of categorization which society holds sacrosanct. But why, one might ask, the recent concern over bodily boundaries? Continents and Border Protection On the ABC’s 7.30 Report (20 June 2002) anchor Kerry O’Brien introduced a story about ‘the migrant problem’ in the Netherlands with a comment about the Dutch desire to control the ‘flooding’ in of refugees through their ‘weakening borders’ and noted the growing public concern to ‘seal their leaking border’. While such imagery obviously references the story of ‘the little Dutch boy and the dike’, it was directly relevant to Australian audiences because Australia was in the midst of its own ‘refugee crisis’ (see Saxton; Manne; Pickering; Gelber). The ‘Tampa crisis’, in September 2001, saw a Norwegian freighter, the Tampa, rescue 433 asylum seekers from their sinking boat which was headed for Australia. Australia denied the Tampa permission to enter its waters and ports, so it was left out to sea for days, while the Australian government negotiated a face saving solution to the problem. This was the ‘Pacific solution’ – whereby asylum seekers are moved to nearby Pacific nations to be ‘processed’ off shore, in exchange for monetary incentive to these struggling economies. Asylum seekers were demonized by the press and by politicians for threatening to throw themselves and their children overboard. Prime Minister John Howard suggested some were likely to be terrorists, and the then Minister of Immigration Philip Ruddock asked the rhetorical question: ‘Are these the sort of people we want as Australians?’ Discursive analyses of media coverage (news reports, opinion columns and letters to the editor) of the arrival of asylum seekers indicate that they were represented as illegal, illegitimate and threatening (Saxton), and constructed as deviant in a variety of ways, including being diseased (Pickering). The language used to describe the ‘threat’ is revealing: terms such as ‘swamped’, ‘awash’, ‘latest waves’, ‘more waves’, ‘tides’, ‘floods’ and ‘migratory flood’ (Pickering 172). Most importantly, a ‘national rights’ discourse emerged, asserting Australia’s authority over its physical and cultural space, and its right to ‘protect its territory and character’ (Saxton 111) from potentially polluting pariahs, the excrement of other nations, refugees. The net result of these activities was the putting in place of a series of emergency measures to ensure Australia’s borders were ‘protected’, including moving the legal definition of borders, rigorous enforcement of imprisonment in detention centres, providing a two thousand dollar incentive to return to their countries of origin, and increased sea and air surveillance. Recent moves by the government to make seeking asylum more difficult have continued this trend. Continents and Continence Now what do incontinence and the Tampa crisis have in common? Obviously both are attempts to contain filth, ensuring boundary maintenance of the individual and the national body. The desire of the Australian government to clarify Australia’s boundaries by reducing them to its mainland is indicative of a concern with keeping national boundaries precise and clear. The threat of breaches from outside spurs this attempt to ensure closure, but it is simultaneously evidence of the fear of violation. Australia’s attempts at boundary maintenance are forms of ‘pollution rituals’ designed to maintain the definition of Australia as the domain of white Anglo-Saxon Christians (Hage; Saxton; Pickering). Being racially, ethnically and religiously different, asylum seekers challenge cherished notions of what ‘we’ Australians are – they are matter-out-of-place, challenging the integrity of the nation. As Pickering notes: ‘Asylum seekers transgress many boundaries: physical, geographic, language, legal, national, social and political. In so doing they routinely disrupt established, although precarious, orders’ (Pickering 170). The ‘breach’ panic, and consequent attempts to fortify ‘fortress Australia’, function symbolically to reaffirm the social order and maintain the classification of in-group and out-group. Conclusion The parallels drawn between these two initiatives are not meant to assert a causal relationship, but rather a form of ‘elective affinity’ (Weber). Thus, my argument is rather more than a recognition of the ways in which body metaphors are used as ‘convenient way[s] for talking or thinking about the moral and political problems of society’ (Turner 1), but less than a suggestion that one is in a direct causal relationship to the other. If pollution behaviour is that which condemns objects or ideas which might confuse cherished classifications, then government attempts to keep national boundaries contained and bodies secure are both examples of pollution behaviours. The National Continence Management Strategy and the concerns about Australia’s border protection are both symbolic manifestations of the same concern over unsealed boundaries and boundary crossings. Both result from a barely contained hysteria manifest in a fear of things coming in, and things going out, and a frustrated recognition of the impossibility of keeping entries and exits secure. The National Continence Management strategy mirrors the macro concerns over boundary maintenance and security. The tightening up of movements of matter across bodies, and movements of people across nations, are signs of attempts to control identity. But from whence has this concern arisen? One possibility is the general destabilising of national identities resulting from the broad postmodern recognition of hybridity and fluidity in the construction and maintenance of identity. A specific example of this is the fact that while Australia has long been proud of its identity as a white nation of the Antipodes, at the same time it is developing an identity as multicultural. The traditional values of white society are being challenged and the resulting destabilization is threatening (Hage; Ang; Phillips). Postmodern constructions of identity as contextual, fuzzy, and open ended, destabilize identity as singular and unproblematic. Hall and du Gay, Bhabha, and others have noted the discomfort attendant on a version of identity which is hybrid and liminal, which challenges the notion that categories are clear cut and people are either ‘in’ or ‘out’. This discomfort results in the need to shore up individual and national identities through efforts to define and maintain boundaries and to contain them – in essence to re-establish and defend ‘fortress Australia’ by containing matter in its proper place, and excluding filth. References Bhabha, Homi, ed. Nation and Narration. London: Routledge, 1990. Douglas, Mary. Purity and Danger: An Analysis of Concepts of Pollution and Taboo. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1966. Elias, Norbert. The Civilizing Process. Trans. E. Jephcott. Oxford: Blackwell, 1994. Foucault, Michel. Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison. Trans A. Sheridan. Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1979. Gelber, Katherine. “A Fair Queue? Australian Public Discourse on Refugees and Immigration.” Journal of Australian Studies 1 March 2003: 23-30. Goffman, Erving. Stigma: Notes on the Management of Spoiled Identity. New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, 1963. Hage, Ghassan. White Nation: Fantasies of White Supremacy in a Multicultural Society. Annendale NSW: Pluto Press, 1998. Hall, Stuart, and Paul du Gay, eds. Questions of Cultural Identity. London: Sage, 1996. Hepworth, Mike. Stories of Ageing. Buckingham: Open University Press, 2000. Manne, Robert, with David Corlett. “Sending them Home: Refugees and the New Politics of Indifference.” Quarterly Essay 13. Melbourne: Black, 2004. Murcott, Anne. “Purity and Pollution: Body Management and the Social Place of Infancy.” In Sue Scott and David Morgan, eds. Body Matters. London: The Falmer Press, 1993. Pickering, Sharon. “Common Sense and Original Deviancy: News Discourses and Asylum Seekers in Australia.” Journal of Refugee Studies 14.2 (2001):169-86. Saxton, Alison. “‘I Certainly Don’t Want People like That Here’: The Discursive Construction of Asylum Seekers.” Media International Australia Incorporating Culture and Policy 109 (Nov. 2003): 109-20. Tilbury, Farida, Pradeep Jayasuriya, Jan Taylor, and Liz Williams. Continence Care in the Community. Report to Department of Health and Aged Care, 2001. Turner, Bryan. “Social Fluids: Metaphors and Meanings in Society.” Body and Society 9.1 (2003): 1-10. Turner, Bryan, with Colin Samson. Medical Power and Social Knowledge. London: Sage, 1996. 
 
 
 
 Citation reference for this article
 
 MLA Style
 Tilbury, Farida. "Filth, Incontinence and Border Protection." M/C Journal 9.5 (2006). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0610/06-tilbury.php>. APA Style
 Tilbury, F. (Nov. 2006) "Filth, Incontinence and Border Protection," M/C Journal, 9(5). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0610/06-tilbury.php>. 

This article explores the role of authenticity in televisual teaching and learning based on a case study of Who Do You Think You Are?, a documentary series in which celebrities go on a journey to retrace their family tree. Originally broadcast by the British Broadcasting Corporation, this series has been adapted in eighteen countries, including Australia. The Australian version is produced locally and has been airing on the public channel Special Broadcasting Service (SBS) since 2008. According to its producers, Who Do You Think You Are? teaches history and promotes multiculturalism:We like making a broad range of programs about history and telling our own Australian stories and particularly the multicultural basis of our history […] A lot of people know the broad Australian stroke, English, British history but they don’t really know as much about the migratory history […] It’s a way of saying this is our country now, this is where it came from, here’s some stories, which you might not be aware of, and what’s happened to people along the way. (Producer 1) In this article, I examine Who Do You Think You Are? as an educational text and I investigate its pedagogy. Starting with the assumption that it aims to teach, my intention is to explain how it teaches. In particular, I want to demonstrate that authenticity is a key feature of its pedagogy. Applied to the televisual text, the term “authentic” refers to the quality of being true or based on facts. In this sense, authenticity implies actuality, accuracy and reliability. Applied to media personae, “authentic” must be understood in its more modern sense of “genuine”. From this perspective, to be “authentic” requires displaying “one’s inner truths” (McCarthy 242). Based on my textual analysis and reception study, I show that these two forms of authenticity play a crucial role in the pedagogy of Who Do You Think You Are? Signifying Authenticity One of the pedagogical techniques of Who Do You Think You Are? is to persuade viewers that it authentically represents actual events by using some of the codes and conventions of the documentary. According to Michael Renov, the persuasive modality is intrinsic to all documentary forms and it is linked to their truth claim: “the documentary ‘truth claim’ (which says, at the very least: ‘Believe me, I’m of the world’) is the baseline for persuasion for all of nonfiction, from propaganda to rock doc” (30). Who Do You Think You Are? signifies actuality by using some of the codes and conventions of the observational documentary. As Bill Nichols explains, observational documentaries give the impression that they spontaneously and faithfully record actual events as they happen. Nichols compares this mode of documentary to Italian Neorealism: “we look in on life as it is lived. Social actors engage with one another, ignoring the filmmakers” (111). In Who Do You Think You Are? the celebrities and other social actors often engage with one another without acknowledging the camera’s presence. In those observational scenes, various textual features signify actuality: natural sounds, natural light or shaky hand-held camera, for example, are often used to connote the unprepared recording of reality. This is usually reinforced by the congruence between the duration of the scene and the diegetic time (the duration of the action that is represented). Furthermore, Who Do You Think You Are? emphasises authenticity by showing famous Australians as ordinary people in ordinary settings or doing mundane activities. As one of the SBS programmers pointed out during our interview: “It shows personalities or stars that you can never get to as real people and it makes you realise that those people, actually, they’re the same as you and I!” (SBS programmer). Celebrities are “real” in the sense that they exist in the profilmic world; but in this context showing celebrities “as real people” means showing them as ordinary individuals whom the audience can relate to and identify with. Instead of representing “stars” through their usual manufactured public personae, the program offers glimpses into their real lives and authentic selves, thus giving “backstage access to the famous” (Marwick and boyd 144). In this regard, the series aligns with other media texts, including “celebreality” programs and social networking sites like Twitter, whose appeal lies in the construction of more authentic and intimate presentations of celebrities (Marwick and boyd; Ellcessor; Thomas). This rhetoric of authenticity is enhanced by the celebrity’s genealogical journey, which is depicted both as a quest for historical knowledge and for self-knowledge. Indeed, as its title suggests, the program links ancestry to personal identity. In every episode, the genealogical investigation reveals similarities between the celebrity and their ancestors, thus uncovering personality traits that seem to have been transmitted from generation to generation. Thus, the series does more than simply showing celebrities as ordinary people “stripped of PR artifice and management” (Marwick and boyd 149): by unveiling those transgenerational traits, it discloses innermost aspects of the celebrities’ authentic selves—a backstage beyond the backstage. Who Do You Think You Are? communicates authenticity in these different ways in order to invite viewers’ trust. As Louise Spence and Vinicius Navarro observe, this is characteristic of most documentaries: Whereas fiction films may allude to actual events, documentaries usually claim that those events did take place in such and such a way, and that the images and sounds on the screen are accurate and reliable […] Most documentaries—if not all of them—have something to say about the world and, in one way or another, they want to be trusted by their audience. (Spence and Navarro 13) Similarly, Nichols writes that as documentary viewers, “we uphold our belief in the authenticity of the historical world represented on screen […] we assume that documentary sounds and images have the authenticity of evidence” (36). This is supported by Thomas Austin’s reception study of documentary films in the United Kingdom, which shows that most viewers expect documentaries to give them “access to the real.” According to Austin, these generic expectations about authenticity contribute to the pedagogic authority of documentaries. Therefore, the implied audience (Barker and Austin) of Who Do You Think You Are? must trust that it authentically represents actual events and individuals and they must perceive it as an accurate and reliable source of knowledge about the historical world in order to “attain a meaningful encounter” (48) with it. The implied audience in no way predicts actual audiences’ responses (which I will examine in the remainder of this article) but it is an important aspect of the program’s pedagogy: for the text to be read as a “history lesson” (Nichols 39) viewers must be persuaded by the program’s rhetoric of authenticity. Perceiving Authenticity My reception study confirms that in order to learn, viewers must be persuaded by this rhetoric of authenticity, which promises “information and knowledge, insight and awareness” (Nichols 40). This is illustrated by the responses of five viewers who participated in a screening and focus group discussion. Arya, Marnie, Junior, Lec and Krista all say that they have learnt from Who Do You Think You Are? either at home or from the episode that was screened before our discussion. They all agree that the program teaches about history, multiculturalism and other aspects that were not predicted by the producers (such as human nature, relationships and social issues). More importantly, these viewers learn from the program because they trust that it authentically represents actual events and because they perceive the personae as “natural”, “relaxed” and “being themselves” and their emotions as “genuine”: Krista: It felt genuine to me.Lec: Me also […]Marnie: I felt like he seemed more natural, even with the interpreter there, talking with his aunty. He seemed more himself, he was more emotional […]Arya: I don’t think that they’re acting. To go outside of this session, I mean, I’ve seen the show before and I think it is really genuine. As Austin notes, what matters from the viewers’ perspective is not “the critically scrutinised indexical guarantee of documentary, but rather a less well defined and nebulous sense of qualities such as the 'humanity', 'honesty', 'sincerity'.” This does not mean that viewers naively believe that the text gives a transparent, unmediated access to the truth (Austin). Trust (or in Austin’s words “willing abandonment”) can be combined with scepticism (Buckingham; Ang; Liebes and Katz). Marnie, for example, oscillates between these two modalities of response: Marnie: If something seems quite artificial, it stands out, you start thinking about well, why did they do that? But while they’re just sitting down, having a conversation, there’s not anything really that you have to think about. Obviously all those transition shots, sitting on the rock, opening a letter in the square, they also have, you know, the violins playing and everything. Everything builds to feel a bit more contrived, whereas when they’re having the conversation, I wasn’t aware of the music. Maybe I was listening to what they were saying more. But I think you sort of engage a bit more in listening to what they’re saying when they’re having a conversation. Whereas the filling, you’re not really thinking about his emotions so much as…why is he wearing that shirt? Interestingly, the scenes that Marnie perceives as authentic and that she engages with are the “conversations” scenes, which use the codes and conventions of the observational documentary. The scenes that she views with scepticism are the more dramatised sequences, which do not use the codes and conventions of the observational documentary. Marnie is the only viewer in my focus groups who clearly oscillates between trust and scepticism. She is also the most ambivalent about what she has learnt and about the quality of the knowledge that she gains from Who Do You Think You Are? Authenticity and Emotional Responses Because they believe that the personae and emotions in the program are genuine, these viewers are emotionally engaged. As the producers explain, learning from Who Do You Think You Are? is not a purely cognitive process but is fundamentally an emotional and empathetic experience: There are lots of programs on television where you can learn about history. I think what’s so powerful about this show is because it has a very strong emotional arc […] You can learn a lot of dates, and you can pass a test, just on knowing the year that the Blue Mountains were first crossed or the Magna Carta was signed. But what Who Do You Think You Are? does is that it takes you on a journey where you get to really feel the experiences of those people who were fighting the battle or climbing the mast. (Producer 2) The producers invite viewer empathy in two ways: they design the program so that viewers are encouraged to share the emotions of people who lived in the past; and they design it so that viewers are encouraged to share the emotions of the celebrities who participate in the program. This is illustrated by the participants’ responses to one scene in which the actor Don Hany sees an old photograph of his pregnant mother: Lec: I was touched! I was like “aw!”Ms Goldblum: I didn’t buy it.Krista: You didn’t feel like that, Lec?Lec: Not at all! Like, yeah, I got a bit touched.Junior: Yeah. And those looked like genuine tears, they weren’t crocodile tears.Ms Goldblum: I didn’t think so. There was a [sniffing], pause, pose, camera moment.Junior: I had a little moment…Krista: Aw!Interviewer: You had a moment?Junior: Yeah, there was a little moment there.Ms Goldblum: Got a little teary?Junior: When he’s looking at the photos, yeah. Because I think everyone’s done that, gone back and looked through old photos, you know what that feeling is. As this discussion suggests, authenticity is a crucial aspect of the program’s pedagogy, not only because the viewers must trust it in order to learn from it, but also because it facilitates empathy and emotional engagement. Distrust and Cynicism In contrast, the viewers who do not learn from Who Do You Think You Are? perceive the program as contrived and the celebrity’s emotions as inauthentic: Wolfgang: I don’t think they taught me much that I didn’t already know in regards to history.Naomi: Yeah, me neither […] I kind of look at these shows and think it’s a bit contrived […]Wolfgang: I hate all that. They’re constructing a show purely for money, that’s all bullshit. That annoys me […]Ms Goldblum: But for me the show is just about, I don’t know, they try to find something to be sentimental and it’s not. Like, they try to force it […] I didn’t buy it […] Because they are aware of the constructed nature of the program and because they perceive it as contrived, these viewers do not engage emotionally with the content: Naomi: When I see someone on this show looking at photos, I find it really difficult to stop thinking he’s got a camera on his face.Wolfgang: Yeah.Naomi: He’s looking at photos, and that’s a beautiful moment, but there’s a camera right there, looking at him, and I can’t help but think that when I see those things […] There are other people in the room that we don’t see and there’s a camera that’s pointing at him […] This intellectual distance is sometimes expressed through mockery and laughter (Buckingham). Because they distrust the program and make fun of it, Wolfgang and Ms Goldblum (who were not in the same focus group) are both described as “cynics”: Ms Goldblum: He gets all teary and I think oh he’s an actor he’s just putting that shit on, trying to make it look interesting. Whereas if it were just a normal person, I’d find it more believable. But I think the whole premise of the show is they take famous people, like actors and all those people in the spotlight, I think because they put on good shows. I would be more interested in someone who wasn’t famous. I’d find it more genuine.Junior: You are such a cynic! […]Wolfgang: And look, maybe I’m a big cynic about this, and that’s why I haven’t watched it. But it’s this emotionally padded, scripted, prompted kind of thing, which makes it more palatable for people to watch. Unlike most participants, who identify the program as “educational” and “documentary”, Wolfgang classifies it as pure entertainment. His cynicism and scepticism can be linked to his generic labelling of the program as “reality TV”: Wolfgang: I don’t watch commercial TV, I can’t stand it. And it’s for that reason. It’s all contrived. It’s all based on selling something as opposed to looking into this guy’s family and history and perhaps learning something from it. Like, it’s entertainment, it’s not educational […] It’s a reality TV sort of thing, I just got no interest in it really. As Annette Hill shows in her reception study of the reality game program Big Brother, most viewers are cynical about the authenticity of reality television. Despite the generic label of “reality”, most interpret reality programs as inauthentic. Indeed, as John Corner points out, reality television is characterised by display and performance, even though it adopts some of the codes and conventions of the documentary. Hill’s research also reveals that viewers often look for moments of authenticity within the unreal context of reality television: “the ‘game’ is to find the ‘truth’ in the spectacle/performance environment” (337). Interestingly, this describes Naomi and Wolfgang’s attitude towards Who Do You Think You Are?: Naomi: The conversation with his mum seemed a bit more relaxed, maybe. Or a bit more...I don’t know, I kind of look at these shows and think it’s a bit contrived. Whereas that seemed a bit more natural […]Wolfgang: Often he’s just sitting there and I suppose those are filling shots. But I found that when he was chatting to his aunty and seeing the photos that he hadn’t seen before, when he was a child, he was tearing up […] That’s probably the one time I didn’t notice, like, didn’t think about the cameras because I found it quite powerful, when he was tearing up, that was a kind of an emotional moment. According to Austin, viewers’ discourses about authenticity in relation to documentaries and reality television serve as markers of cultural distinction: Often underpinning expressions of the appeal of 'the real', the use of a discourse of authenticity frequently revealed taste markers and a set of cultural distinctions deployed by these cinemagoers, notably between the veracity and 'honesty' of Etre et Avoir [a French documentary] and the contrasting 'fakery' and 'inauthenticity' of reality television. Describing documentaries as authentic and educational and reality television as fake entertainment can be a way for some (middle-class) viewers to assert their socio-cultural status. By performing as the sceptical and cynical viewer and criticising lower cultural forms, research participants distinguish themselves from the imagined mass of unsophisticated and uneducated (working class?) viewers (Buckingham; Austin). Conclusion Some scholars suggest that viewers learn when they compare what they watch on television to their own experiences or when they identify with television characters or personae (Noble and Noble; Tulloch and Lupton; Tulloch and Moran; Buckingham and Bragg). My study contributes to this field of inquiry by showing that viewers learn when they perceive televisual content as authentic and as a reliable source of knowledge. More importantly, the results reveal how some televisual texts signify authenticity to invite trust and learning. This study raises questions about the role of trust and authenticity in televisual learning and it would be fruitful to pursue further research to determine whether these findings apply to genres that are not factual. Examining the production, textual features and reception of fictional programs to understand how they convey authenticity and how this sense of truthfulness influences viewers’ learning would be useful to draw more general conclusions about televisual pedagogy, and perhaps more broadly about the role of trust and authenticity in education. References Ang, Ien. Watching Dallas: Soap Opera and the Melodramatic Imagination. London: Methuen, 1985. Austin, Thomas. "Seeing, Feeling, Knowing: A Case Study of Audience Perspectives on Screen Documentary." Participations 2.1 (2005). 20 Nov. 2014 ‹http://www.participations.org/volume%202/issue%201/2_01_austin.htm›. Barker, Martin, and Thomas Austin. From Antz to Titanic: Reinventing Film Analysis. London: Pluto Press, 2000. Big Brother. Exec. Prod. John de Mol. Channel 4. 2000. Buckingham, David. Children Talking Television: The Making of Television Literacy. London: The Falmer Press, 1993. Buckingham, David, and Sara Bragg. Young People, Media and Personal Relationships. London: The Independent Television Commission, 2003. Corner, John. "Performing the Real: Documentary Diversions." Television & New Media 3.3 (2002): 255—69. "Don Hany." Who Do You Think You Are? Series 5, Episode 3. SBS. 16 Apr. 2013. Ellcessor, Elizabeth. "Tweeting @feliciaday: Online Social Media, Convergence, and Subcultural Stardom." Cinema Journal 51.2 (2012): 46-66. Hill, Annette. "Big Brother: The Real Audience." Television & New Media 3.3 (2002): 323-40. Liebes, Tamar, and Elihu Katz. The Export of Meaning: Cross-Cultural Readings of Dallas. Cambridge: Polity Press, 1990. Marwick, Alice, and danah boyd. "To See and Be Seen: Celebrity Practice on Twitter." Convergence: The International Journal of Research into New Media Technologies 17.2 (2011): 139-58. McCarthy, E. Doyle. “Emotional Performances as Dramas of Authenticity.” Authenticity in Culture, Self, and Society. Eds. Phillip Vannini & J. Patrick Williams. Farnham: Ashgate Publishing, 2009. 241-55. Nichols, Bill. Introduction to Documentary, Second Edition. Bloomington: Indiana UP, 2001. Noble, Grant, and Elizabeth Noble. "A Study of Teenagers' Uses and Gratifications of the Happy Days Shows." Media Information Australia 11 (1979): 17-24. Producer 1. Personal Interview. 29 Sept. 2013. Producer 2. Personal Interview. 10 Oct. 2013. Renov, Michael. Theorizing Documentary. New York: Routledge, 1993. SBS Programmer. Personal Interview. 22 Nov. 2013. Spence, Louise, and Vinicius Navarro. Crafting Truth: Documentary Form and Meaning. New Brunswick: Rutgers UP, 2011. Thomas, Sarah. "Celebrity in the ‘Twitterverse’: History, Authenticity and the Multiplicity of Stardom Situating the ‘Newness’ of Twitter." Celebrity Studies 5.3 (2014): 242-55. Tulloch, John, and Deborah Lupton. Television, Aids and Risk: A Cultural Studies Approach to Health Communication. Sydney: Allen & Unwin, 1997. Tulloch, John, and Albert Moran. A Country Practice: "Quality Soap". Sydney: Currency Press, 1986. Who Do You Think You Are? Exec. Prod. Alex Graham. BBC. 2004. Who Do You Think You Are? Exec. Prod. Celia Tait. SBS. 2008.