Academic literature on the topic 'Migratory pastoralism'

Natural forage based migratory livestock herding is an important component of regional livelihood in the high altitude regions of Uttarakhand. Bhotiya, Van Gujjars and other hill pastoralists are traditionally engaged in migratory pastoralism. They practice cyclic seasonal migration with their livestock from foothills forests to alpine pastures and vice versa. Over the years, massive land use change and restrictions on grazing and migration in large forest areas have fragmented the pastoral landscape in the region. In 2010-11 Uttarakhand had only 1985.26 km² area designated as permanent pastures and other grazing land for the 5,121,138 grazing livestock. Creation of protected areas which is not inclusive, rapid urbanisation, increasing road networks through forests, hydro-power projects, change in social structure etc. have fragmented this traditional livelihood. There was a negative growth (-6.53%) of sheep population in state during the period 1997-2007 and negative meat production (-13.88%) during 2004-06. Himalayan pastoralism that has been ecologically sound so far is now facing a number of challenges. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/ijls.v9i3.12462 International Journal of Life Sciences 9 (3): 2015; 18-23

The study analysed the effect of demographic characteristics on conflict management in Jigawa State. Multi-stage sampling procedure consisting of purposive, snow ball sampling method, cluster sampling and random sampling were used in selecting 75 crop farmers, 75 sedentary pastoralists and 79 migratory pastoralists who were interviewed using Structured Questionnaire. The analytical tools used include descriptive statistics, logistics regression. The study revealed that farmers believed court verdict (53.3%) and intervention by low enforcement agents (40.0%) were the strategies of conflict resolution. The sedentary pastoralists generally believed that intervention by traditional leaders (52.0%) and local community crop farmers/herders intervention (42.7%) were the strategies of conflict resolution, while the migratory pastoralists opined that intervention by traditional leaders (50.6%) and payment of compensation to victims (49.4%) are the strategies of conflict resolution. The result further revealed that 57.3% of farmers, 65.3% of the sedentary pastoralists and 50.6% of the migratory pastoralists agreed that extension agents play vital roles in conflicts prevention and management. Results of logistic regression for the farmers showed that marital status (0.007), household size (0.100) and nature of the farms (0.010) were statistically significant, while for the sedentary pastoralists’ age (0.010), herd size (0.093) and awareness about grazing reserves (0.097) were significant, and for the migratory pastoralists herd size (0.074), herding experience (0.063) and membership of association (0.100) were statistically significant. However, the demographic characteristics associated with conflict should be properly managed by the appropriate institutions involving in conflict resolutions, similarly government should train and empowers extension agents in discharging their duties, and this will help in effective conflict prevention and management.
 Keywords: Conflict, demographic characteristics, farmers, sedentary and migratory pastoralists

Die Instruktion des Päpstlichen Rates bezüglich der Seelsorge für Migranten und Reisende Erga migrantes caritas Christi vom 3. Mai 2004 öffnet ein neues Kapitel in der Geschichte der allgemeinkirchlichen Dispositionen und Regulierungen in Bezug auf das Engagement der Kirche für Migrierende. Die ab 1969 verpflichtenden Richtlinien motu proprio vom Papst Paul den VI Pastoralis migratorum cura und Normen der Instruktion der Bischöflichen Kongregation De pastorali migratorum cura fruchteten durch die aus diesen Richtlinien und Normen sich ergebende Erfahrungen in Erga migrantes… in eine neue evangelisierende und missionarische Dynamik. Der theologisch-pastorale Teil im Vorhaben des Päpstlichen Rates wurde in der Instruktionsstruktur integrell mit dem rechtlich-pastoralen Teil verbunden und beide resultieren aus dem konziliären Dekret Chrystus Dominus. Die in der Erga migrantes dargestellten rechtlich-pastoralen Dispositionen haben das Ziel, Imigranten in der Gemeinde am Wohnort eine adäquate seelsorgerische Betreuung zu ermöglichen. Sie sollen ebenso dazu verhelfen, Spannungen zwischen örtlichen territoriellen Gemeinden und Seelsorgezentren für Migranten sowie zwischen dem Pfarrer der örtlichen teritoriellen Gemeinde und dem Kaplan/Missionär der Migranten zu vermeiden oder zu minimalisieren. Zugleich sollen die Dispositionen von einer monoethnischen Seelsorge der örtlichen Gemeinde zu einer Gemeinde von Morgen als einer multikulturellen oder mehrsprachlichen Gemeinde führen.

Il passaggio epocale che si vive nelle differenti Chiese locali, deve rispondere alla sfida pastorale di saper coniugare il "locale" con il "globale". Un grosso apporto può essere dato dalla presenza dei migranti, ed in particolare dei cristiani. Di fronte a questo particolare "Kairos" le dinamiche pastorali della Chiesa non sono sufficientemente preparate a vivere questo inevitabile passaggio da una fede espressa in forma monocultrurale ad una fede espresso in forma inter-culturale. Siamo chiamati ad esprimere la "Cattolicità" della fede in una prassi pastorale diversa da quella sperimentata finora dove i soggetti pastorali attivi impegnati nell'annuncio sono anche cristiani che provengono da altri continenti.

Defter's are an excellent source for historians, especially in demographic and socio-economic research, they are also very useful in researching the Vlachian communities.Analysis of material contained in Ottoman defter's from the Herzegovina area leads to the following conclusions:1. In the area of Herzegovina, in the second half of the fifteenth century, Vlachs lived in a mostly nomadic lifestyle. Their number was at least sixty thousand people.2. In the second half of the fifteenth century, many abandoned villages were recorded. Abandoned villages were gradually settled by migratory Vlachs, which contributed to their change of lifestyle on semi-settled and settled. In 1585, Vlachs - shepherds who were not associated with a village were rare.3. In the Ottoman state, Vlachs those who lead an nomadic way of living, as well as those living in the Vlachian villages, were tax-favored, paid only a lump grazing tax for the state (a filuria with allowances), and did not pay any benefits to the timar owner. In the event that they served as derbenci's or vojnuc's, they were exempted from all taxes.4. Settling in the former agricultural villages, in particular related to undertaking agricultural activities, was most often associated with an additional burden of tithing for the sipahi. Departure from pastoralism meant degradation to a group of raya, most often in these villages mixed-agricultural-pastoral management was conducted. Newly settled villages rarely received the status of the vlachian villages, because such status freed residents from additional benefits even in the case of agricultural classes.5. The flat-rate grazing tax, filuria, in the fifteenth century had a fixed value and equaled 45 akçe, while at the end of the sixteenth century it was different for various Vlachs groups and could range from 60 to 200 akçe. Considering the fact that additional fees for sheep or tents were liquidated and that the value of employment fell akçe significantly compared to the fifteenth century, the real amount of taxes did not increase, and in some cases it decreased.6. Not much on the basis of defilers can be said about the language used by the Herzegovina Vlachs. In defeats from the fifteenth century they bear mostly Slavic names, but sometimes there are also names only in the Vlachs: Radu, Bratul, Dabija, the same also applies to local names.7. Gradually, Islamization processes took place. In the fifteenth century, they are almost invisible among the Vlachs, almost all of them wore Christian names. At the end of the sixteenth century, a significant percentage of Vlachs wore Muslim names. The Islamization process seems to be faster among the Vlachs settled than the Vlachs nomads, but there is no rule.8. In the light of the defters in the area of Herzegovina, there is no difference between Muslims and non-Muslims in burdens to the state, but defters do not include the cizye, or headship, collected from non-Muslims.

In 1993 the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR) of China established the 300 000 km2 Chang Tang Nature Preserve on the northwestern Tibetan plateau, an action precipitated by rapidly diminishing populations of chiru (Tibetan antelope) and wild yak. Some 30 000 nomadic pastoralists use areas within this reserve for livestock grazing, with many having traditionally depended in part on hunting for supplementary subsistence and trade. Following a 1997 request from TAR leaders for international assistance in addressing the conservation issues associated with the creation of this reserve, the TAR Forestry Bureau and the Network for University Co-operation Tibet — Norway began a 3-year research collaboration program in 2000 to outline human-wildlife interactions and conservation priorities in the western part of the reserve. To date, four excursions (2-6 weeks each) have been made to the western Chang Tang region, and investigations of interactions between pastoralists and wildlife conservation objectives have been initiated in an area of about 5000 km2, including the 2300 km2 Aru basin located at 5000 m elevation at the northern edge of pastoralist inhabitation. The Aru site is unique in that nomads have only recently returned to this previously off-limits basin. But, as in surrounding areas, the people's lives are undergoing changes recently influenced by the introduction of permanent winter houses, changing international trade in shahtoosh and cashmere wool, and a move towards stricter hunting regulations. The northwestern Chang Tang, with the Aru basin as a prime site, represents one of the last strongholds of the endangered chiru and wild yak, as well as home to Tibetan gazelle, kiang, Tibetan argali, blue sheep, wolf, snow leopard and brown bear. In autumn 2000, for example, with approximately 12 000 of the wild ungulates (mostly the migratory chiru) within the Aru basin along with some 8000 domestic livestock, issues of land use overlap and possible grazing competition are clear to both local nomads and reserve managers. Whereas livestock development actions elsewhere on the Tibetan plateau are promoting increased livestock production, they are doing so at the expense of wildlife, and such an approach will not be appropriate in areas where wildlife conservation is a major priority. Although some of the ongoing livestock development programs may be adapted to the western TAR, new approaches to pastoral development will have to be developed in the reserve. The ultimate goal of enhancing the nomads' standard of living, while conserving this truly unique array of biodiversity, presents a daunting challenge.

The Sahel is a fragile semiarid region extending through 10 countries south of the Sahara. Wild ungulate populations migrate to make use of nutritious but very seasonal food supplies. In doing this, they maintain a higher population size than they could as sedentary populations. Similarly, migratory pastoralists have traditionally lived with their cattle in balance with the vegetation. This balance was disrupted in the 1950's and 1960's by (i) the settlement of pastoralists around wells, and (ii) the expansion of agriculture north into the pastoralists' grazing lands. Land was lost both from overgrazing and from planting with cash crops coincident with increasing human and cattle populations. This has resulted in continuous famine in various parts of the Sahel since 1968. In addition, widespread soil denudation may be causing climatic changes towards aridity. Long-term climatic trends in the past 3000 years point to human interference rather than climatic change as the cause of the famine. The evidence suggests that the Sahel problem (i) is a man-made famine caused by overgrazing and not by lack of rain, (ii) was exacerbated by piecemeal development aid projects, and (iii) has been present for two decades. Also (iv) emergency food aid by itself will aggravate the problem, so that (v) food aid can only be acceptable if tied to long-term care of the people and regeneration of the vegetation.

Based on eighteen months of ethnographic fieldwork among the Dariganga and Khalkh ethnic groups of Mongolia, the thesis attempts to demonstrate their perception of landscape. Dariganga are the least studied among all ethnic groups of Mongolia, thus giving me a chance to present these issues for the first time in academic literature. I compare my data with this coming from the Khalkh Mongols to get a fuller picture of the perception of landscape in my country. Some scholars studying Monglian culture seem to presuppose that Mongolia is a never ending great steppe, an empty place or an infinite space. My work shows that their conclusions do not take into account the real Mongol – local, emic – environment perception. Mongolian landscape, as presented in local traditions, consists of many precisely defined spaces, characterised by invisible agents of land (spirits, masters, tengers etc). Within the shepherds’ understanding of their environment, I have identified fundamental types such as beneficial, fortunate and dangerous. I analyse these essential elements of the perception of landscape based on my ethnographic and autoethnographic research, including intensive participant observation. In the first chapter, I present how herders of two abovementioned areas change seasonally their territories by taking into account natural conditions and requirements of their livestock. This movement is crucial for feeding the herds properly, at the same time preserving pastures from degradation. Given that so much in the nomadic lifestyle has changed recently, a question arises, should the contemporary, modernized Mongolian pastoralism be still called “nomadism” or, rather, using more recent terms, should it be labeled a “mobile” or “migratory” pastoralism. After presenting the current discussion, I opt for last term. In the next chapter, I present four types of places considered dangerous: the wild, the haunted, the touristic and the harmful (mining places in particular). All of them are excluded from pastoral economy, the herders consider them “lost areas”. In the third chapter, I describe some historical sites venerated by local population, such as inherited campground, archaeological monument, and a dwelling place of old Dariganga heroes/brigands. The first, bor shoroo, is for herders a core element of their homeland; the second site is a place where Dariganga create their historical homeland based on archaeological relics. As for the third one, the Mongols all over the country venerate the Shiliin Bogd mountain, the abode of a group of brigands, sain er, as a national energetic centre. Those respectful areas are of decisive importance for creating homeland identity, both on a local as well as on a national level. In the last chapter, I present the local cult of Altan Ovoo, one of the ten state sacred mountains, believed to provide health and growth to humans and animals in the region. The ceremony of state worship is strengthening local identity and national unity. Thus, the mountain is regarded as the centre of Dariganga nature and culture. To sum up, Mongolian herders consider their land as a primary source of their livelihood; therefore, they strive for a correct harmony with it.<br>Dysertacja ta, oparta na osiemnastomiesięcznych badaniach etnograficznych, przeprowadzonych wśród mongolskich Chałchasów i Darigangów poświęcona jest prezentacji ich postrzegania krajobrazu. Darigangowie stanowią najmniej zbadaną grupę etniczną w Mongolii, w związku z czym mam możliwość prezentacji zagadnień na ich temat po raz pierwszy w literaturze akademickiej. W swojej pracy porównuję zebrane przeze mnie materiały z tymi, dotyczącymi Mongołów Chałchasów w celu pełniejszego przedstawienia wyobrażeń na temat krajobrazu w moim kraju. Część badaczy zajmujących się kulturą Mongolii, kojarzy Mongolię z niekończącym się stepem, miejscem pustym lub bezkresną przestrzenią. Moja praca pokazuje, że w podobnych twierdzeniach nie są brane pod uwagę prawdziwie mongolskie, a więc lokalne, emiczne znaczenia warunkujące zrozumienie otoczenia przez Mongołów. Mongolski krajobraz, zgodnie z tradycją lokalną zawiera liczne, precyzyjnie zdefiniowane przestrzenie, związane z niewidzialnymi reprezentantami terenów (duchami, gospodarzami, tengerami). Na podstawie wyobrażeń pasterzy na temat ich otoczenia zidentyfikowałem trzy podstawowe typy [przestrzeni], takie jak użyteczne, pomyślne i niebezpieczne. Analizuję owe trzy elementy postrzegania krajobrazu na podstawie badań etnograficznych, autoetnograficznych, zawierających intensywne obserwacje uczestniczące. W pierwszym rozdziale prezentuję, w jaki sposób pasterze z wyżej wspomnianych miejscowości zmieniają sezonowo ich pastwiska w zależności od warunków naturalnych oraz potrzeb ich zwierząt hodowlanych. Owe przemieszczenia są konieczne nie tylko ze względu na potrzebę dostarczania odpowiedniego pożywienia dla zwierząt, ale są też potrzebne do ochrony pastwiska przed degradacją. Biorąc pod uwagę przemiany, które w ostatnim czasie zachodzą w koczownictwie powstaje pytanie, czy współczesną, zmodernizowaną formę mongolskiego pasterstwa wciąż można nazwać „nomadyzmem” [koczownictwem] czy też właściwsze są nowsze terminologie, takie jak pasterstwo „mobilne” lub „migrujące”. W kontekście przedstawianej przeze mnie aktualnej dyskusji na ten temat, jestem skłonny optować za drugim terminem. W kolejnym rozdziale prezentuję cztery typy przestrzeni uważane za niebezpieczne: dzikie, nawiedzone, turystyczne i szkodliwe (w szczególności miejsca wydobycia). Wszystkie te przestrzenie są wyłączone z gospodarki pasterskiej, określane przez pasterzy jako „ziemie stracone”. W trzecim rozdziale opisuję miejsca historyczne czczone przez lokalną ludność, takie jak pastwiska dziedziczone, obiekty archeologiczne, miejsca zamieszkania bohaterów/zbójów Darigangów. Pierwsze, bor szoroo – jest kluczowym komponentem postrzegania [koncepcji] ojczyzny dla pasterzy, drugie – to miejsce związane z reliktami archeologicznymi, które stały się podstawą do wykreowania przez Darigangów historycznej ojczyzny. Trzecie – czczona przez wszystkich Mongołów góra Szilijn Bogd, siedziba bohaterów-zbójów sain er, uważana przez Mongołów jako centrum energii państwowej. Owe miejsca czczone odgrywają decydującą rolę w kreowaniu tożsamości zarówno lokalnej, jak i na poziomie państwowym. W ostatnim rozdziale prezentuję lokalny kult Altan Owoo, jednej z dziesięciu świętych państwowych gór, który to zapewnia zdrowie i wzrost dla ludności i zwierząt w danej okolicy. Państwowa uroczystość oddawania czci górze wzmacnia tożsamość lokalną i jedność narodową. Stąd ta góra jest uważana za centrum natury i kultury Darigangów. Podsumowując, pasterze mongolscy postrzegają ich ziemie jako podstawowe źródło ich życia, stąd dążą do właściwej harmonii z nim.

This chapter examines the growth of agricultural production in the Greek city-states. It traces the evolutions and mutations of agriculture in the ancient Greek world as well as the consequences of these changes, first by discussing the so-called Mediterranean trilogy that comprised ancient Greek agriculture: grain, olives, and grapes. While cereals, grapes, and olives constituted the heart of agricultural production in ancient Greece, the role played by other products such as fig, vegetables, roses and other flowers, and honey is also considered. The chapter goes on to explore animal husbandry in the Greek city-states, focusing on the debate on “pastoralism” in the Early Iron Age, constraints in livestock raising, and the three main regional types of stock raising that extended from the southern Aegean to Thessaly, the Peloponnese, and the vast migratory areas of western Greece. Finally, it analyzes rangeland ecology and management during the period.