Journal articles on the topic 'Migratory pastoralism'

Natural forage based migratory livestock herding is an important component of regional livelihood in the high altitude regions of Uttarakhand. Bhotiya, Van Gujjars and other hill pastoralists are traditionally engaged in migratory pastoralism. They practice cyclic seasonal migration with their livestock from foothills forests to alpine pastures and vice versa. Over the years, massive land use change and restrictions on grazing and migration in large forest areas have fragmented the pastoral landscape in the region. In 2010-11 Uttarakhand had only 1985.26 km² area designated as permanent pastures and other grazing land for the 5,121,138 grazing livestock. Creation of protected areas which is not inclusive, rapid urbanisation, increasing road networks through forests, hydro-power projects, change in social structure etc. have fragmented this traditional livelihood. There was a negative growth (-6.53%) of sheep population in state during the period 1997-2007 and negative meat production (-13.88%) during 2004-06. Himalayan pastoralism that has been ecologically sound so far is now facing a number of challenges. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/ijls.v9i3.12462 International Journal of Life Sciences 9 (3): 2015; 18-23

The study analysed the effect of demographic characteristics on conflict management in Jigawa State. Multi-stage sampling procedure consisting of purposive, snow ball sampling method, cluster sampling and random sampling were used in selecting 75 crop farmers, 75 sedentary pastoralists and 79 migratory pastoralists who were interviewed using Structured Questionnaire. The analytical tools used include descriptive statistics, logistics regression. The study revealed that farmers believed court verdict (53.3%) and intervention by low enforcement agents (40.0%) were the strategies of conflict resolution. The sedentary pastoralists generally believed that intervention by traditional leaders (52.0%) and local community crop farmers/herders intervention (42.7%) were the strategies of conflict resolution, while the migratory pastoralists opined that intervention by traditional leaders (50.6%) and payment of compensation to victims (49.4%) are the strategies of conflict resolution. The result further revealed that 57.3% of farmers, 65.3% of the sedentary pastoralists and 50.6% of the migratory pastoralists agreed that extension agents play vital roles in conflicts prevention and management. Results of logistic regression for the farmers showed that marital status (0.007), household size (0.100) and nature of the farms (0.010) were statistically significant, while for the sedentary pastoralists’ age (0.010), herd size (0.093) and awareness about grazing reserves (0.097) were significant, and for the migratory pastoralists herd size (0.074), herding experience (0.063) and membership of association (0.100) were statistically significant. However, the demographic characteristics associated with conflict should be properly managed by the appropriate institutions involving in conflict resolutions, similarly government should train and empowers extension agents in discharging their duties, and this will help in effective conflict prevention and management.
 Keywords: Conflict, demographic characteristics, farmers, sedentary and migratory pastoralists

Die Instruktion des Päpstlichen Rates bezüglich der Seelsorge für Migranten und Reisende Erga migrantes caritas Christi vom 3. Mai 2004 öffnet ein neues Kapitel in der Geschichte der allgemeinkirchlichen Dispositionen und Regulierungen in Bezug auf das Engagement der Kirche für Migrierende. Die ab 1969 verpflichtenden Richtlinien motu proprio vom Papst Paul den VI Pastoralis migratorum cura und Normen der Instruktion der Bischöflichen Kongregation De pastorali migratorum cura fruchteten durch die aus diesen Richtlinien und Normen sich ergebende Erfahrungen in Erga migrantes… in eine neue evangelisierende und missionarische Dynamik. Der theologisch-pastorale Teil im Vorhaben des Päpstlichen Rates wurde in der Instruktionsstruktur integrell mit dem rechtlich-pastoralen Teil verbunden und beide resultieren aus dem konziliären Dekret Chrystus Dominus. Die in der Erga migrantes dargestellten rechtlich-pastoralen Dispositionen haben das Ziel, Imigranten in der Gemeinde am Wohnort eine adäquate seelsorgerische Betreuung zu ermöglichen. Sie sollen ebenso dazu verhelfen, Spannungen zwischen örtlichen territoriellen Gemeinden und Seelsorgezentren für Migranten sowie zwischen dem Pfarrer der örtlichen teritoriellen Gemeinde und dem Kaplan/Missionär der Migranten zu vermeiden oder zu minimalisieren. Zugleich sollen die Dispositionen von einer monoethnischen Seelsorge der örtlichen Gemeinde zu einer Gemeinde von Morgen als einer multikulturellen oder mehrsprachlichen Gemeinde führen.

Il passaggio epocale che si vive nelle differenti Chiese locali, deve rispondere alla sfida pastorale di saper coniugare il "locale" con il "globale". Un grosso apporto può essere dato dalla presenza dei migranti, ed in particolare dei cristiani. Di fronte a questo particolare "Kairos" le dinamiche pastorali della Chiesa non sono sufficientemente preparate a vivere questo inevitabile passaggio da una fede espressa in forma monocultrurale ad una fede espresso in forma inter-culturale. Siamo chiamati ad esprimere la "Cattolicità" della fede in una prassi pastorale diversa da quella sperimentata finora dove i soggetti pastorali attivi impegnati nell'annuncio sono anche cristiani che provengono da altri continenti.

Defter's are an excellent source for historians, especially in demographic and socio-economic research, they are also very useful in researching the Vlachian communities.Analysis of material contained in Ottoman defter's from the Herzegovina area leads to the following conclusions:1. In the area of Herzegovina, in the second half of the fifteenth century, Vlachs lived in a mostly nomadic lifestyle. Their number was at least sixty thousand people.2. In the second half of the fifteenth century, many abandoned villages were recorded. Abandoned villages were gradually settled by migratory Vlachs, which contributed to their change of lifestyle on semi-settled and settled. In 1585, Vlachs - shepherds who were not associated with a village were rare.3. In the Ottoman state, Vlachs those who lead an nomadic way of living, as well as those living in the Vlachian villages, were tax-favored, paid only a lump grazing tax for the state (a filuria with allowances), and did not pay any benefits to the timar owner. In the event that they served as derbenci's or vojnuc's, they were exempted from all taxes.4. Settling in the former agricultural villages, in particular related to undertaking agricultural activities, was most often associated with an additional burden of tithing for the sipahi. Departure from pastoralism meant degradation to a group of raya, most often in these villages mixed-agricultural-pastoral management was conducted. Newly settled villages rarely received the status of the vlachian villages, because such status freed residents from additional benefits even in the case of agricultural classes.5. The flat-rate grazing tax, filuria, in the fifteenth century had a fixed value and equaled 45 akçe, while at the end of the sixteenth century it was different for various Vlachs groups and could range from 60 to 200 akçe. Considering the fact that additional fees for sheep or tents were liquidated and that the value of employment fell akçe significantly compared to the fifteenth century, the real amount of taxes did not increase, and in some cases it decreased.6. Not much on the basis of defilers can be said about the language used by the Herzegovina Vlachs. In defeats from the fifteenth century they bear mostly Slavic names, but sometimes there are also names only in the Vlachs: Radu, Bratul, Dabija, the same also applies to local names.7. Gradually, Islamization processes took place. In the fifteenth century, they are almost invisible among the Vlachs, almost all of them wore Christian names. At the end of the sixteenth century, a significant percentage of Vlachs wore Muslim names. The Islamization process seems to be faster among the Vlachs settled than the Vlachs nomads, but there is no rule.8. In the light of the defters in the area of Herzegovina, there is no difference between Muslims and non-Muslims in burdens to the state, but defters do not include the cizye, or headship, collected from non-Muslims.

In 1993 the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR) of China established the 300 000 km2 Chang Tang Nature Preserve on the northwestern Tibetan plateau, an action precipitated by rapidly diminishing populations of chiru (Tibetan antelope) and wild yak. Some 30 000 nomadic pastoralists use areas within this reserve for livestock grazing, with many having traditionally depended in part on hunting for supplementary subsistence and trade. Following a 1997 request from TAR leaders for international assistance in addressing the conservation issues associated with the creation of this reserve, the TAR Forestry Bureau and the Network for University Co-operation Tibet — Norway began a 3-year research collaboration program in 2000 to outline human-wildlife interactions and conservation priorities in the western part of the reserve. To date, four excursions (2-6 weeks each) have been made to the western Chang Tang region, and investigations of interactions between pastoralists and wildlife conservation objectives have been initiated in an area of about 5000 km2, including the 2300 km2 Aru basin located at 5000 m elevation at the northern edge of pastoralist inhabitation. The Aru site is unique in that nomads have only recently returned to this previously off-limits basin. But, as in surrounding areas, the people's lives are undergoing changes recently influenced by the introduction of permanent winter houses, changing international trade in shahtoosh and cashmere wool, and a move towards stricter hunting regulations. The northwestern Chang Tang, with the Aru basin as a prime site, represents one of the last strongholds of the endangered chiru and wild yak, as well as home to Tibetan gazelle, kiang, Tibetan argali, blue sheep, wolf, snow leopard and brown bear. In autumn 2000, for example, with approximately 12 000 of the wild ungulates (mostly the migratory chiru) within the Aru basin along with some 8000 domestic livestock, issues of land use overlap and possible grazing competition are clear to both local nomads and reserve managers. Whereas livestock development actions elsewhere on the Tibetan plateau are promoting increased livestock production, they are doing so at the expense of wildlife, and such an approach will not be appropriate in areas where wildlife conservation is a major priority. Although some of the ongoing livestock development programs may be adapted to the western TAR, new approaches to pastoral development will have to be developed in the reserve. The ultimate goal of enhancing the nomads' standard of living, while conserving this truly unique array of biodiversity, presents a daunting challenge.

The Sahel is a fragile semiarid region extending through 10 countries south of the Sahara. Wild ungulate populations migrate to make use of nutritious but very seasonal food supplies. In doing this, they maintain a higher population size than they could as sedentary populations. Similarly, migratory pastoralists have traditionally lived with their cattle in balance with the vegetation. This balance was disrupted in the 1950's and 1960's by (i) the settlement of pastoralists around wells, and (ii) the expansion of agriculture north into the pastoralists' grazing lands. Land was lost both from overgrazing and from planting with cash crops coincident with increasing human and cattle populations. This has resulted in continuous famine in various parts of the Sahel since 1968. In addition, widespread soil denudation may be causing climatic changes towards aridity. Long-term climatic trends in the past 3000 years point to human interference rather than climatic change as the cause of the famine. The evidence suggests that the Sahel problem (i) is a man-made famine caused by overgrazing and not by lack of rain, (ii) was exacerbated by piecemeal development aid projects, and (iii) has been present for two decades. Also (iv) emergency food aid by itself will aggravate the problem, so that (v) food aid can only be acceptable if tied to long-term care of the people and regeneration of the vegetation.

Increasing conflicts between farmers and pastoralists continue to be a major challenge in the Sahel. Political and social factors are in tandem important underlying determinants for conflicts in the region, which are amplified by the variability and scarcity of natural resources, often as a result of climate variability and climate change. This study aimed at holistically assessing the main environmental parameters that influence the patterns of seasonal migratory movements (transhumance) in a transboundary area in the southern Republic of Chad and northern Central African Republic through a broad set of Earth observation (EO) data and data from the Transhumance Tracking Tool. A spatial model was applied to the datasets to determine the spatiotemporal dynamics of environmental suitability that reflects suitable areas and corridors for pastoralists. A clear difference in environmental suitability between the origin and destination areas of herders was found in the dry season, proving the main reason for pastoralists’ movements, i.e., the search for grazing areas and water. Potential conflict risk areas could be identified, especially along an agricultural belt, which was proven by conflict location data. The results demonstrate the potential and innovation of EO-derived environmental information to support the planning of transhumance corridors and conflict prevention in the Sahel. In the future, a combination of real-time tracking of herders and EO-derived information can eventually lead to the development of an early warning system for conflicts along transhumance corridors in the Sahel.

Within a changing global consciousness for international guardianship of the targets of terrorism, this article explores the broad narratives, strengths, and limitations of adopting community policing for the control of herdsmen terrorism in West Africa. It follows the search by social engineering and criminal justice practitioners for a relational and experiential agent for social change against destructive terrorist tendencies and its eroding influence on the sensibilities of human civilization. The article frames an approach for creating a social policing environment in rural and poor communities along pastoral transhumance routes in West and Central Africa. The mass murder of indigenous communities by the migratory and transborder terror groups in this region is a crime against humanity. The adoption of the concept of “connected communities” is suggested to create a multilayered and all-involving intelligence community policing shield in individual communities under siege of the pastoralists.

AbstractIn the plantation region of the Sambirano Valley in north-west Madagascar the spirits of wandering foreign dead haunt the region's forests. They are the displaced ghosts of migratory Antandroy, drawn here in search of employment. As pastoralists from the island's distant, arid south, Antandroy as an ethnic category are juxtaposed to self-perceptions voiced by indigenous Sakalava, whose kingdom coincides with this Valley. Tandroy difference is defined in reference to local constructions of savageness and strangeness: as pastoralists they are obsessed with herds; they migrate; they willingly participate in wage labour. In life, they are tolerated ‘guests’ of the region but in death they frustrate Sakalava with their persistent presence. Unlike any other migrant group, deceased Antandroy may continue to haunt the region, begging and stealing what is not rightfully theirs: food, wives, work, and fortune. Close analysis of these perplexing spirits reveals a localised ambivalence that characterises migrant identity and the meaning of work in an urban community shaped by the forces of multiculturalism and capitalism. By virtue of their persistent presence within the social and sacred geography of the Valley, the Tandroy dead threaten the integrity of Sakalava identity in a community (and nation) where indigenousness is defined by rootedness to the land. Central to the arguments presented here is the potency of the spiritual stranger, a social category that extends the anthropological analysis of religious appropriation beyond the boundaries of possession and embodiment. Further, the decipherment of complex meanings associated with alien spirits emerges ultimately as key to more general understandings of the symbolics of difference.

Los albergues y las casas de migrantes son el esfuerzo social más logrado en el acompañamiento y atención a los migrantes internacionales que transitan por México. La mayoría de ellos tienen al menos un componente católico. En este texto se abordan algunas de las complejidades (intraeclesiásticas, pastorales, financieras, jurídicas, recursos materiales y humanos, inseguridad) que enfrentan a fin de existir y actuar. Se aquilata su labor y se señalan algunas de sus principales características que distinguen unos albergues de otros en un entorno social y eclesial cada vez más difícil y problemático. Se concluye que su labor sigue siendo vital para los migrantes, para la convivencia social en los lugares de tránsito migratorio y para la gobernabilidad, aunque se encuentran en riesgo de ser rebasados por la inseguridad pública, la creciente demanda de atención por parte de los migrantes y la urgente necesidad de nuevos mecanismos de cooperación institucional.

This essay examines three central components of extensive livestock production—herd composition, grazing/pasture management, and rangeland tenure. In all of these areas, fenced, and open-range forms of migratory pastoralism face a number of shared problems. Set aside the presumption that either one of these systems is technically or institutionally more advanced than the other, and it turns out that each has lessons for the other. 1. For a variety of reasons, including climate change, we can look forward to a future world with less grass, which presents a challenge for livestock producers reliant on grass feeding livestock. With little delay and minimal scientific support, East African pastoralists are already adjusting to a new woody world by diversifying the species composition of their herds to include more browsers—camels and goats. There is a potential lesson here for commercial ranchers who have traded the stability of mixed herds for the profitability of keeping sheep or cattle alone. 2. Migratory rangeland systems distribute livestock very differently than fenced, rotational systems of livestock, and pasture management. Whereas, migratory herds exploit environmental heterogeneity, fenced ranching attempts to suppress it. Emerging archaeological evidence is demonstrating that pastoralists have amplified rangeland heterogeneity for millennia; ecological research shows that this heterogeneity sustains both plant and wildlife biodiversity at the landscape scale; and new approaches to ranch management are appropriating aspects of migratory herding for use on fenced ranches. A rapprochement between the environmental sciences, ranching, and open-range migratory pastoralism has occurred and merits wider policy recognition. 3. In contemporary Africa, indigenous tenure regimes that sustain open rangelands are eroding under pressure from market penetration and state encapsulation. At the same time in the American West, there are emerging novel land tenure instruments that replicate some of the most important functional characteristics of tenure arrangements in pastoral Africa. After many false starts, it appears that some aspects of American ranching do provide an appropriate model for the preservation of the open-range migratory systems that they were once supposed to supplant. “Development” policy needs to reflect upon this inversion of roles and its implications for accommodating diversity.

Pastoral societies use animals as providers of food, fuel, fiber, draught power and transportation. However, nomadic, semi- nomadic and transhumant pastoralist societies have lifestyles that revolve mainly around their livestock. The transhumant pastoral societies inhabiting the high Himalayan areas exploit the seasonal abundance of grazing areas. As social and ecological conditions change, pastoralists adjust accordingly. Contrary to their reputation, pastoralists have traditional practices for conserving vegetation by rotational grazing. Pastoralists make a significant contribution to India’s economy in terms of food security (milk), provision of draft animal power, as well as foreign exchange earnings (meat, fiber for example, pashmina wool). Since pastoralists do not own land, their produce is generated by dependence on communally and state owned grazing land. Currently, the trend towards globalization of the market, with pastoral lands increasingly being commercialised and/or turned in to national parks, has created problems for the pastoralists. Since Independence of India, the pastoralists of the Himalayas have faced a series of significant changes from external, political and economic changes. These structural alterations have brought adjustments in many aspects of the traditional pastoral system, including migratory cycle, local economy and social organisation. Many of them left their traditional transhumant way of life and settled along valleys. Some have settled in urban areas, others stick to the pastoral activities by changing the composition of livestock by increasing number of goats and decreasing number of yaks. All pastoral groups in Himalaya face the similar constraints and stimuli. Natural exigencies, extreme weather conditions, drought, epidemics and predators, result in reduction of animals. Likewise, social crisis, such as phases in domestic developmental cycle and work force shortage in herding groups cause concern in the community. An attempt has been made to study the change and problems faced by the area- Changthang and people- Changpas due to the development programs of the government agencies of the state.

AbstractThe Bronze Age is a complex period of social, cultural and economic changes. Recent paleogenomic studies have documented a large and rapid genetic change in early Bronze Age populations from Central Europe. However, the detailed demographic and genetic processes involved in this change are still debated. Here we have used spatially explicit simulations of genomic components to better characterize the demographic and migratory conditions that may have led to this change. We investigated various scenarios representing the expansion of pastoralists from the Pontic steppe, potentially linked to the Yamnaya cultural complex, and their interactions with local populations in Central Europe, considering various eco-evolutionary factors, such as population admixture, competition and long-distance dispersal. Our results do not support direct competition but rather the cohabitation of pastoralists and farmers in Central Europe, with limited gene flow between populations. They also suggest occasional long-distance migrations accompanying the expansion of pastoralists and a demographic decline in both populations following their initial contact. These results link recent archaeological and paleogenomic observations and move further the debate of genomic changes during the early Bronze Age.

Background: Ministry of Health Kenya has adopted new guidelines for FANC services emphasizing on four antenatal care visits, birth planning and emergency preparedness. In North eastern Kenya predominately occupied by Somali pastoralist Communities only 37% of women of reproductive age receive ANC service at least 4 times during pregnancy, which is considerably lower than the national rate of 58%. There is limited utilization of healthcare services among nomadic pastoralist compared to general population, this is due to several constraints stemming from their migratory way of life, poor social services and spatial disparities. Limited studies have adopted qualitative approaches to explore access and utilization FANC among pastoralist communities. The study explored access and utilization of FANC service among pastoralist community of North Eastern Kenya.
 Methodology: The study is an exploratory qualitative study, using a purposive sampling method forty eight women who give birth two years prior to the study were selected, sixteen male partners and three ANC providers. Data was collected using FGDs and KIIs and analyzed thematically.
 Results: There is low utilization of FANC among pastoralist communities, the proportion of respondents who had utilized was 83.3% but only few 39.6% had utilized the required four visits (FANC). There is delayed initiation of uptake of FANC services where majority respondents 55.0% had attended ANC in their second trimester while only 17.5% had utilized in their first trimester as recommended. Barrier that hampered FANC uptake are: long distance to health centre, transport cost, low level of FANC knowledge, TBAs practice, low income and harmful cultural practices. Major facilitators identified are free FANC charges, good attitude of a care giver and fear of pregnancy complication. Access challenges range from inadequate infrastructure, lack of skilled health attendants and logistical constraints to harmful cultural practices.
 Conclusion: There is need to reduce travelling time to the health facility by conducting regular outreach services targeting nomads with no near facility, improve culturally sensitive FANC to increase accessibility, involving all health stakeholders and community representatives to increase cultural acceptability and also help priorities policies that increases FANC service uptake.

Drawing on the concept of technological mediation, this article examines the spatial politics of observation technologies and associated practices that have been used to monitor the movement of migratory wildebeests in the Serengeti from the 1950s until the 2000s. It shows that key technologies, and the types of research collaborations they sustained, mediated notably different normative ideas about human–wildlife interaction and the sharing of space in and around protected areas. During the 1950s and 1960s, observations of animal migration were conducted by airplane. Direct observation was characterized by the study of movement of migratory ungulates, such as the wildebeest, and humans across space in real time. Aerial observations depended on a close cooperation between scientists and park authorities, and on the knowledge and observational skills of game wardens. The experience of the movement of animals and people in real time allowed, to some degree, for experimentation with forms of human land-use. During the 1970s, many small-scale and short-term projects shifted the research focus toward data recording by camera. Aerial photographs created supposedly complete spatial overviews of inhabitation, which supported interpretations of spatial conflicts between humans occupying the park’s surrounding areas and animal populations inside the park. From the 1980s onward, computer technology allowed for long-term calculations of past and future trends in population densities of individual species. The understanding of the wildebeest as a keystone species and the Serengeti as a baseline ecosystem turned communities of local pastoralists and agriculturalists into a future threat. As observation technologies are here to stay, it remains important to pay attention to technologies’ potential roles in creating additional distances between researchers and research subjects. Historical insights, such as the ones presented in this article, can help reflect on how various forms of remote sensing may mediate normative views on human–wildlife interactions and consequentially affect local livelihoods.

En anthropologie, la migration, du mot latin migratio, signifie en principe un déplacement physique d’un être humain (migration humaine), bien que des déplacements non-humains soient aussi qualifiés de migrations (migration animale, migration de plantes, migration de planètes etc.). Suite à la généralisation de l’État-nation comme forme d’organisation politique au 19e siècle, on distingue surtout la migration transnationale (qui implique le déplacement d’au moins une frontière nationale) et la migration interne (à l’intérieur de frontières étatiques). Par ailleurs, ces migrations peuvent prendre la forme d’une migration pendulaire (mouvement de va-et-vient), circulaire (mouvement en cercle), saisonnière (migration de travail influencé par les saisons agricoles) ou durable, menant à une installation et une naturalisation. Parmi les causes, on a longtemps souligné les migrations de travail alors que les cas de migrations climatiques et forcées augmentent de façon significative : migrations imposées par le contexte, notamment politique, par exemple pendant une guerre civile ou encore déplacements engendrés par des changements climatiques comme une sècheresse ou l’avancement du désert dans la zone du Sahel. Le tourisme est parfois considéré comme une forme volontaire de migration à courte durée. Jusqu’à présent, peu de travaux lient les réflexions sur les migrations avec celles sur la mobilité (Ortar, Salzbrunn et Stock, à paraître). Certaines recherches sur l’ethnicité (Barth 1999 [1969]) et la transnationalisation ainsi que de nouvelles catégories statistiques développées au niveau gouvernemental témoignent du fait que certaines personnes peuvent être considérées ou perçues comme migrant-e-s sans avoir jamais effectué un déplacement physique au-delà des frontières nationales de leur pays de naissance. Ainsi, aux Pays-Bas et en Belgique, dans le discours politique, on distingue parfois autochtones (grec, littéralement terre d’ici) et allochtones (grec, littéralement terre d’ailleurs). Au Pays-Bas, on entend par allochtone une personne qui y réside et dont au moins un parent est né à l’étranger. Ce terme était destiné à remplacer le terme « immigré », mais il continue à renvoyer des résidents (voire des citoyens) à (une partie de) leur origine. Le terme allemand « Migrationshintergrund » (littéralement background migratoire) pose le même problème. L’anthropologie s’intéresse de facto dès l’émergence de la discipline aux migrations, notamment dans l’étude de sociétés pastorales (en focalisant les déplacements des éleveurs et de leurs troupeaux) ou dans l’analyse des processus d’urbanisation (suite à la migration du monde rural vers les villes). En revanche, l’anthropologie des migrations et de la transnationalisation n’émergent que dans les années 1990 en tant que champ portant explicitement ce nom – d’abord dans le monde anglophone (Glick Schiller N., Basch L. et C. Blanc Szanton 1992, Hannerz U. 1996), et ensuite dans le monde francophone (Raulin A., D. Cuche et L. Kuczynski 2009 Revue Européenne des Migrations internationales, 2009, no. 25, vol. 3), germanophone (Pries L. 1996), italophone (Riccio 2014), hispanophone, lusophone etc.. La traite des esclaves et les déportations de millions de personnes d’Afrique Sub-Saharienne vers l’Europe et les Amériques, qui ont commencé au 17e siècle et duré jusqu’en 1920, ont été étudiées dans le cadre de l’anthropologie marxiste (Meillassoux 1986) puis par des historiens comme Olivier Pétré-Grenouilleau (2004) ou encore par Tidiane N’Diaye (2008), ce dernier ayant mis l’accent sur la longue et intense implication de commerçants arabes dans la traite négrière. La violente « mission civilisatrice » ou campagne de conquête coloniale a très souvent été accompagnée d’une mission de conversion au christianisme, ce qui a fait l’objet de publications en anthropologie depuis une trentaine d’années sous l’impulsion de Jean et John Comaroff (1991) aux Etats-Unis, et plus récemment en France (Prudhomme 2005). Selon les contextes régionaux, l’une ou l’autre forme de migration a été étudiée de manière prépondérante. En Chine, les migrations internes, notamment du monde rural vers les villes, concernent presque autant de personnes dans l’absolu (229,8 millions en 2009 selon l’Organisation internationale du Travail) que les migrant-e-s transnationaux dans le monde entier (243,7 millions en 2015 selon les Nations Unies/UN International Migration Report). Le pourcentage de ces derniers par rapport à la population mondiale s’élève à environ trois pour cent, ce qui semble en décalage avec la forte attention médiatique accordée aux migrant-e-s transnationaux en général et aux réfugiés en particulier. En effet, la très grande majorité des déplacé-e-s dans le monde reste à l’intérieur des frontières d’un État-nation (Withol de Wenden C., Benoît-Guyod M. 2016), faute de moyens financiers, logistiques ou juridiques (passeport, visa). La majorité des réfugiés politiques ou climatiques reste à l’intérieur des frontières nationales ou dans un des pays voisins. Ainsi, selon l’UNHCR/ l’Agence des Nations Unies pour les Réfugiés, sur les 65,3 millions de personnes déplacées de force, 40,8 millions étaient des déplacé-e-s internes et seulement 3,2 millions des demandeur-e-s d’asile en 2015. L’urbanisation croissante qui s’opère dans le monde suscite une augmentation de la migration de travail, notamment en Chine. Dans cet État, le système d’enregistrement et d’état-civil (hukou) limite l’accès aux services sociaux (santé, école, etc.) à la commune de naissance : un changement de résidence est soumis à des conditions restrictives, ce qui engendre une perte de droits élémentaires pour des dizaines de millions de migrants ruraux ne possédant pas de permis de résidence (Jijiao 2013). En France, jusqu’au tournant culturel (qui marque une bifurcation de la focale de la recherche vers les appartenances culturelles et religieuses des personnes étudiées) dans les années 1990, les sciences sociales des migrations, notamment la sociologie des migrations, ont surtout étudié les conditions et rapports de travail, les inégalités sociales ou encore la politique du logement et les inégalités spatiales (Salzbrunn 2015), conduisant ainsi à une très forte focalisation sur les rapports de classe et sur les conditions de vie des immigré-e-s des anciennes colonies. La migration des personnes hautement qualifiées n’a en revanche été que peu étudiée. Après la chute du mur de Berlin, les « appartenances multiples » (concept central de l’ouvrage de Yuval-Davis, Viethen et Kannabiran 2006), notamment religieuses (Capone 2010), ont été privilégiées comme objet de recherche. Cette tendance, accompagnée par un climat politique de plus en plus xénophobe dans certains pays européens, a parfois pointé vers une « ethnicisation » de la religion (Tersigni, Vincent et Willems, à paraître). Le glissement de perception d’une population de la catégorie des « travailleurs immigrés » ou « Gastarbeiter » (littéralement « travailleurs invités ») vers celle de « musulmans » s’inscrit dans un processus d’altérisation, sous-entendant dans les deux cas qu’il s’agit d’un groupe homogène marqué par les mêmes caractéristiques, et ignorant de ce fait la « diversité au sein de la diversité » (Vertovec 2010), notamment les différences en termes de niveau de formation, de genre, d’âge, de statut juridique, de préférence sexuelle, du rapport aux discours et pratiques religieux etc. Beaucoup d’études se sont ainsi focalisées sur des groupes fondés sur le critère d’une nationalité ou d’une citoyenneté commune, ce qui a été critiqué comme relevant d’un « nationalisme méthodologique » (Glick Schiller et Caglar 2011). Même le nouveau champ de recherches consacré aux espaces sociaux transnationaux (Basch, Glick Schiller et Szanton Blanc 1992 ; Salzbrunn 2016) a parfois été (auto-)critiqué pour la reproduction des frontières nationales à travers une optique transnationale. Ont alors émergé des réflexions sur une relocalisation de la migration (Glick Schiller et Caglar 2011) et sur l’enracinement spatial de la migration dans des espaces sociaux translocaux (Salzbrunn 2011). Bien que la moitié de la population migratoire soit féminine, les aspects de genre n’ont été étudiés que très tardivement (Morokvasic-Müller 1984), d’abord dans un contexte de regroupement ou de liens familiaux maintenus pendant la migration (Delcroix 2001 ; Kofman 2004 ; Kofman et Raghuram 2014), puis dans celui des approches féministes du développement (Verschuur et Reysoo 2005), de la migration du travail et des frontières genrées (Nouvelles Questions Féministes 26, 2007). En effet, les dynamiques internationales dans la division du travail engendrent une chaîne globale des soins (« global care chain ») qui repose essentiellement sur les femmes, que ce soit dans le domaine médical, de la pédiatrie ou des soins aux personnes âgées. La réflexion sur la division internationale du travail reproductif a été entreprise par Rhacel Parrenas (2000) et développée par Arlie Hochschild (2000). On peut obtenir une vue d’ensemble des projets européens consacrés au genre et à la migration, voir les résultats du projet européen GEMMA. Enhancing Evidence Based Policy-Making in Gender and Migration : http://gemmaproject.seminabit.com/whatis.aspx En anthropologie politique, l’évolution de systèmes politiques sous l’impact d’une migration de retour, a été étudiée dans un contexte postcolonial (von Weichs 2013). De manière générale, les réflexions menées dans un contexte études postcoloniales de ce type n’ont été entreprises que tardivement en France, et ce souvent dans une optique très critique, voire hostile à ces débats (L’Homme 156, 2000). Parmi les autres sujets traités actuellement en anthropologie des migrations se trouvent les inégalités sociales et spatiales, les dynamiques religieuses transnationales (Argyriadis et al. 2012), les réfugiés et leurs moyens d’expressions politiques et artistiques (Salzbrunn 2014) ou musicales (Civilisations 67, 2018 ; Salzbrunn, Souiah et Mastrangelo 2015). Enfin, le développement conceptuel du phénomène de transnationalisation ou des espaces sociaux translocaux, voire le retour à la « localisation de la migration » (titre de l’ouvrage de Glick Schiller et Caglar 2011) sont des réponses constructives à la question : Comment étudier les migrations dans des sociétés super-diverses (Vertovec 2011) sans réifier leurs appartenances ?