Academic literature on the topic 'Migratory policies'

Issue of foreign labour migrants in Serbia does not occupy very prominent place in Serbian governmental policies. These policies are mainly focused towards Serbian Diaspora and Serbian labour migrants working abroad. Conversely, national policies on foreigners in Serbia are mostly concentrated on suppression of illegal immigrants and inclusion and readmission of Serbian refugees. The development of Serbian migratory policies represents part of national Euro-integration strategy. Therefore we find relevant to draw attentions to this topic. In this paper we outline basic national legislation procedures, laws and migratory strategies and give review of basic national and other bodies. Furthermore, we focus on gaps in processing problems of labour migrants in Serbia.

This article examines dance pieces premiered in the Nordic countries at the height of the Syrian refugee crisis in 2015. Framed by the heated debates on current immigration policies, as well as prevailing tropes of a theater of migration and the figure of “the migrant,” the analysis centers on the potential for creating spaces of resistance in the encounter between choreographic performance and spectators. Drawing on analytical concepts such as migratory aesthetics and choreographic agency, the focus is on the interrelationship between the choreographic articulations of experience of migration and their materialization before an audience.

Purpose The purpose of this study is to navigate the challenges irregular migratory flows generate for cities and urban systems. The migration and refugee crises that challenged Europe in 2015-2016 revealed that the developed world cities and urban areas are largely unprepared to address challenges that irregular migratory flows generate. This paper queries the smart and resilient cities’ debates, respectively, to highlight that migration-related challenges and opportunities have not been explicitly addressed in those deliberations. This creates a disconnect between what these debates promise and what cities/urban systems increasingly need to address on a daily basis. Subsequently, a way of bridging that disconnect is proposed and its policy-making implications discussed. Design/methodology/approach To suggest ways of navigating irregular migration-inflicted challenges cities/urban areas face, a nexus between the smart cities and resilient cities’ debates is established. By placing advanced sophisticated information and communication technologies (ICTs) at the heart of the analysis, a novel dynamic ICTs’ enabled integrated framework for resilient urban systems is developed. The framework’s dynamics is defined by two hierarchically interconnected levers, i.e. that of ICTs and that of policy-design and policy-making. Drawing from qualitative analysis and process tracing, the cross-section of policy design and policy-making geared towards the most efficient and ethically sensitive use of sophisticated ICTs is queried. Subsequently, options available to cities/urban systems are discussed. Findings The ICTs’ enabled integrated framework for resilient urban systems integrates the effectiveness of migrants and refugees’ policy design and policy-making in human-centred thinking, planning and policy-design for resilient urban systems. It places resilient approaches in the spotlight of research and policy-making, naming them the most effective methods for promoting a humanistic smart cities and resilient urban systems vision. It highlights critical junctions that urban systems’ stakeholders must consider if the promise of emerging sophisticated ICTs is to be employed effectively for the entire society, including its most vulnerable members. Research limitations/implications First, when designing ICTs’ enabled integrated resilient urban systems, the key stakeholders involved in the policy-design and policy-making process, including local, national and regional authorities, must employ a holistic view to the urban systems seen through the lens of hard and soft concerns as well as considerations expressed by the receiving and incoming populations. Second, the third-sector representatives, including non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and other actors, need to be seen as peers in integrated humanistic networks, thereby contributing critical, unbiased knowledge flows to infrastructures, which promote fair and inclusive participation of migrants and refugees in local economies. Practical implications The ICTs’ enabled integrated framework for resilient urban systems promotes a humanistic smart cities’ and resilient urban systems’ vision. It suggests how to design and implement policies apt to meet the needs of both receiving and incoming populations along value chains specific to smart and resilient cities. It promotes emerging sophisticated ICTs as the subtle, yet key, enabler of data ecosystems and customized services capable of responding to critical societal needs of the receiving and the incoming populations. In addition, the framework suggests options, alternatives and strategies for urban systems’ stakeholders, including the authorities, businesses, NGOs, inhabitants and ICTs’ providers and vendors. Originality/value The value added of this paper is three-fold. At the conceptual level, by bringing together the smart cities and resilient cities debates, and incorporating sophisticated ICTs in the analysis, it makes a case for their usefulness for cities/urban areas in light of challenges these cities/urban areas confront each day. At the empirical level, this analysis maps the key challenges that cities and their stakeholders face in context of migratory flows and highlights their dual nature. At the policy-making level, this study makes a case for a sound set of policies and actions that boost effective use of ICTs beyond the smart technology hype.

This article introduces the concept of a “valve” state as an instrument in the study of transit migration. A “valve” state is defined as a transit state that, due to its geographical position, to a specific regional political and geopolitical configuration and to key changes in its migration control policies, can play a decisive role in significantly shaping regional transit migratory flows. The case study of the 2015 Balkan migratory wave is used to show that this phenomenon was triggered by policy changes in two “valve” states, Greece and Macedonia, that challenged the externalisation and securitisation policies of the European Union. Developments in the first part of 2016 are also taken into consideration in order to show the role of “valve” states in putting an end to the migratory wave. Critically, this was due to the creation of a new “valve” state, Turkey, as part of Brussels’ regime of influence.

Since the beginning of the twenty-first century, changes have occurred in the regional dynamics of international migration and in the ways governments manage human mobility. This article argues that the migratory system connecting the three northern countries of Central America (Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras) with Mexico and the United States has not been accompanied by regional management of migratory flows. Instead, a succession of government plans and projects reveals a perspective marked by the effects of the “externalization” of US borders, leading to more complex migration routes and increased vulnerability of migrants. The article discusses how externalized control policies influence migratory spaces, routes, and timelines, and leave many stranded in transit countries before they eventually arrive at their intended destinations. Reconsidering the process of mobility in light of migration management policies would appropriately enlarge the traditional economic, social, cultural, and environmental factors that affect migration strategies.

This article explores the construction of memory policies for accompanied girls and boys traveling in a caravan of Central American migrants. Theoretically, it is argued that memory has not only a cognitive function, but also a political one, in the sense that they remember and question social processes in the places where it is produced and signified. Methodologically, oral and visual narratives of two girls and four boys from Honduras and Guatemala, who arrived at the Tamaulipas border in February 2019, are used and analyzed in a thematic and dialogical way. It is argued that the policies of children's memory are oriented to the enunciation of violence in their countries of origin, the resistance to the violation experienced during the migratory transit and to the denunciation of American migratory policies. Finally, the findings of the study contribute to the discussions on the agency of migrant children and their relevance as social agents within the Central American Caravans.

AbstractThis article analyses strategies for channelling a migrant population out of a country by indirect means. Specifically, we examine the response of the Ecuadorean state to the influx of Venezuelan newcomers since 2015. We argue that this response has been characterised by inaction, rooted not in policy failures or bad governance, but rather in a strategic governmental rationality. We show how migrants are ‘herded’ out of the country as a result of a form of indirect government that works differently from other ‘anti-immigrant’ policies like forced deportations or incarceration at the border, and yet produces similar outcomes.

The economic assimilation of immigrants is one of the main topics of the migration economic literature. The United States, the United Kingdom, or even Canada, are usually chosen to lead such studies. We have decided to observe the differences in immigrant’s economic assimilation between two host countries which are less studied in empirical papers and very similar in terms of geography and language: Germany and Austria. The country of origin for the immigrants observed in this study is Turkey because Turkish immigrants are highly represented among the immigrant population in the both host countries. We have found that both female and male Turkish immigrants assimilate faster in Germany than in Austria. This faster assimilation could be partly due to the implementation of less restrictive migratory policies in Germany compared to Austria

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:55:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Joao Carlos Jarochinski Silva.pdf: 1549804 bytes, checksum: 24f6ac20dedabda61d4c14a00bbc31fe (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-11-17<br>Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior<br>Portugal is a country marked by emigration flows. However, with the end of the Colonial Empire, the re-democratization and its entry into the European Community, Portugal has started to receive immigrants, mainly from its former colonies, in search of better opportunities in a country that showed favorable circumstances for said immigrants to settle and improve their lives. In the 1990s, besides the immigrants from former colonies, groups from other locations started to arrive, especially people from Eastern Europe and Asia. In light of this, the topic of migration started to definitively receive attention in the political scene, and Portugal produced a great quantity of norms for regulation of this issue in the end of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century. Portugal´s belonging to the European Union, however, brought as a consequence the need of the incorporation of community rules to deal with immigration, be it by people from other Member-states of the EU, be it by people from third states, which started to be called third-country nationals. The latter are, notably, when in irregular situation, victims of a migration logic mainly focused on repulsion, which generates either barriers or the criminalization of the act of migrating. Steaming from this, the present work develops an analysis of the legislative production in the issue of migration in Portugal, highlighting the connection of said legislative production with the history of the migratory flows that marked the country, up to the moment in which state´s regulation begins to be replaced by community rules. The construction of integration in Europe, the incorporation of the migration issue into other topics of the European Union and the most relevant legislative production in this area are also analyzed, especially in terms of their content and production which will be debated. Furthermore, the work posits the specificity of the migratory framework of Portugal in the midst of a comparison with the scenarios of other countries in Southern Europe, which were branded as the Southern European Model of Immigration. The work also discusses striking aspects for migration, as the use of culture for exclusion, the view that immigration is a factor of insecurity, and the media s discourse on immigration and migrants. Thus, by means of the comparative methodology between the Portuguese and European realities, the work assesses the change brought about the Europeization of migratory norms in Portugal, aiming to demonstrate that this shift did not mean an improvement in regulation, given that it does not considered either the specific national context or the interests and external ties of the country, does not offer more efficient means of control, and is based in a standardization that thinks migration with a focus on security and exclusion<br>Portugal é um país marcado pelo predomínio de levas emigratórias. Entretanto, com o fim do Império Colonial, com a redemocratização e com a entrada na Comunidade Europeia, passou a receber levas de imigrantes, notadamente das ex-colônias, em busca de melhores oportunidades nesse país que demonstrava oportunidades para que esses migrantes se estabelecessem e melhorassem de vida. Nos anos 1990, além dos imigrantes das ex-colônias, começaram a chegar grupos de outras localidades, com destaque para pessoas vindas do Leste Europeu e da Ásia. A partir dessa nova realidade, a temática da migração destaca-se em definitivo no cenário político, fazendo com que no final do século XX e começo do XXI, aquele país produzisse uma grande quantidade de normas para a regulação da matéria. Mas, o fato de pertencer à União Europeia trouxe como consequência a necessidade de incorporação das regras comunitárias para tratar as imigrações, seja das pessoas advindas dos países-membros da União, seja de terceiros, que passaram a receber a denominação extracomunitários. Estes últimos são, notadamente, quando irregulares, vítimas de uma lógica migratória dominante de repulsa, o que gera barreiras ou criminalização do ato de migrar. A partir desse contexto, o trabalho desenvolve uma análise da produção de Portugal em matéria migratória, salientando a conexão desta com a história dos fluxos que marcaram o país, chegando até o momento em que a regulação estatal começa a ser substituída pela produção comunitária. Também se analisa a construção da integração na Europa, a incorporação da temática migratória aos temas da União e as suas produções mais destacadas, as quais serão debatidas em termos de conteúdo e produção. Além disso, verifica a especificidade do quadro migratório por meio de uma comparação com o cenário dos países do sul europeu, os quais foram designados como Modelo Sul da Europa. Além disso, discute aspectos impactantes para as migrações, como o uso da cultura para fins de exclusão, a visão da imigração como um fator de insegurança e o discurso midiático sobre as imigrações e os migrantes. Portanto, por meio da metodologia comparativa entre a realidade portuguesa e a europeia, o trabalho avalia a mudança provocada pela europeização das normas migratórias, em Portugal, a fim de demonstrar que tal guinada não significou a melhoria na regulação, pois não atenta para o contexto específico nacional, nem para os interesses e vinculações externas do país, não oferece meios mais eficientes de controle e se baseia numa generalização que pensa a migração focada sobre o aspecto de segurança e exclusão

Cette thèse explore les dimensions contemporaines du dispositif spatial de contrôle migratoire en Croatie. Elle retrace la genèse d’un ensemble de camps destiné à des personnes en migration, installés voire financés dans le cadre de l’adhésion à l’Union européenne. Le regard géographique scrute ce dispositif des années 2000 jusqu’à la période qualifiée de « crise » migratoire (2015-2016) pour en révéler les formes, les fonctions et les dynamiques. À l’échelle fine des individus, l’analyse s’intéresse aux effets de ce mode de gestion de l’altérité depuis les sociétés locales. Dans cette optique, le projet cartographique s’attarde sur des trajectoires migratoires sensibles et incarnées. Ancrées dans une géographie sociale holiste, les conclusions de cette recherche fondée sur le cas croate questionnent les approches restrictives des politiques d’immigration et d’asile en Europe<br>This dissertation explores contemporary dimensions of the migratory control dispositif in Croatia. The research outlines how camps designed for people in migration were implemented through European union pre-adhesion incentives or funding. Through a geographical approach, the dispositif is analysed from the 2000s to the time period of the so called migratory "crisis" (2015-2016), in order to scrutinize its forms, fonctions and dynamics. At the individual level, the analysis questions the effects of this way of dealing with otherness in local societies. To this end, the cartographic project pays attention to the personal migratory journeys. Based on a social ant holistic geography and on the Croatian case-study, the conclusions of the research interrogate restrictive immigration and asylum policies in Europe

Notre questionnement autour des politiques linguistiques familiales au sein des familles plurilingues vivant dans l’environnement multilingue et multiculturel luxembourgeois est motivé par le trilinguisme qui caractérise le Luxembourg, la forte mixité de la population, l’intérêt que suscite les questions linguistiques des enfants issus de l’immigration et scolarisés au Luxembourg ainsi que notre expérience personnelle avec les langues au quotidien. À cet effet, nous cherchons à comprendre comment les parents issus de divers socles linguistiques ou ayant la même langue d’origine communiquent entre eux avant la naissance des enfants et comment la naissance des enfants reconfigure les usages linguistiques familiaux. Entre autres, nous cherchons à comprendre les motivations des choix linguistiques parentaux, les stratégies de communication mises en place par les parents pour établir un climat de communication en famille et l’influence des enfants sur l’environnement linguistique familial. Pour ce faire, sur le plan méthodologique, en couplant les entretiens ethnographiques avec les enregistrements des conversations familiales, nous avons eu accès aux pratiques linguistiques déclarées et effectives de dix familles aux profils linguistiques très variés et dont la résidence des parents au Luxembourg varie entre sept et quarante-deux ans. La méthodologie de l’analyse de contenu nous a permis de comprendre que l’expérience migratoire de chaque parent, les conditions d’acquisition/d’apprentissage et d’utilisation des langues qu’offre l’environnement luxembourgeois et le désir de développer le capital linguistique des enfants sont certaines des raisons qui poussent les parents à adopter une attitude positive envers le plurilinguisme. Plus loin, nos résultats suggèrent que bien que les enfants ne participent pas activement aux prises des décisions sur les choix des langues à véhiculer en famille, ils exercent cependant une influence sur l’environnement linguistique familial. Dans la même lignée, nous avons découvert que dès les premiers contacts des enfants avec des langues autres que celles de la famille, ces enfants ont tendance à avoir une préférence pour les langues dominantes de l’extérieur. En outre, nos résultats suggèrent qu’il n’y a pas de stratégie de communication parentale standard pour la transmission des langues familiales, mais que dans chaque famille, en fonction des objectifs que les parents se sont fixés, ces derniers peuvent adopter diverses stratégies face aux usages linguistiques de leurs enfants. En somme, nos travaux ouvrent de nouvelles pistes de recherche en politiques linguistiques familiales dont la dimension éducative des enfants issus de l’immigration nous semble particulièrement importante<br>The importance of investigating the family language policies within multilingual families living in Luxembourg is primarily based the trilingualism that characterizes Luxembourg, the heterogeneity of its population, problems faced by immigrant children schooling in Luxembourg’s school and individual’s personal experience with everyday language use as well. Hence, this thesis’s aim is to investigate how parents from different linguistic backgrounds or having the same language of origin communicated with each other prior to the birth of their children and how the birth of these children reshapes the family language environment. Specifically, we aim to understand the parents’ motivations with regard to their language choices and the communication strategies they implement in order to establish a family communication environment. In addition, considering the effects of language contact, we focus on the school languages and their influence on the children’s language at home. In order to achieve this, from a methodological point of view, by combining ethnographic interviews with the recordings of a family conversation, we gained access to the declared and real linguistic practices of ten families with highly diverse linguistic profiles. These families reside between seven and forty-two years in Luxembourg. Further, content analysis was used to examine the migratory experience of each parent. Some of the major reasons why parents adopted a positive attitude towards multilingualism were (a) the language learning and use opportunities offered by Luxembourg and (b) the desire to develop the linguistic capital of their children. Our results later suggest that although children do not participate actively in the language use decision-making process they actively influence the family language environment. Because the languages they learn in school impact the ways in which they speak at home. Moreover, we discovered that once these children have contact with the officially recognised languages in Luxembourg, which might be different from that of the family, they tend to shift their preference towards these dominant languages. In addition, we discovered that there is no standard parental communication strategy for passing the family languages on to the children. Rather, depending on the parents' objectives, they can adopt different strategies. Overall, this thesis opens new perspectives for research that investigates the family language policies of multilingual families byhighlighting the relevance of educational dimensions of children with immigrant backgrounds<br>Die Relevanz der Untersuchung der Sprachenpolitik von mehrsprachigenFamilien im Großherzogtum Luxemburg gründet sich vor allem auf die vorhandene Dreisprachigkeit als einzigartiges Charakteristikum von Luxemburg, die gesellschaftliche Heterogenität, die schulischen Probleme von Kindern mit Migrationshintergrund, sowie auf die individuelle Sprachnutzung von Personen im Alltag. Das Ziel der vorliegenden Arbeit ist es daher zu untersuchen in wie fern die Geburt eines Kindes und der Austausch mit den eigenen Kindern den Sprachgebrauch von Eltern mit unterschiedlichen Herkunftssprachen beeinflusst. Ein großes Interesse galt dabei insbesondere der Untersuchung der persönlichen Motive der Eltern bezüglich der Auswahl von Sprachen und der Entwicklung dazugehöriger familiärer Kommunikationsstrategien. Zusätzlich wurde der schulische Sprachkontakt der Kinder betrachtet sowie dessen Einfluss auf den Sprachgebrauch der Kinder zuhause untersucht. Die Kombination von ethnographischen Interviews und Tonaufzeichnungen von Gesprächen der Familien zuhause ermöglichte die Gegenüberstellung des explizit angegebenen und des tatsächlichen Sprachgebrauchs von zehn Familien mit äußerst vielfältigen Sprachprofilen. Zum Zeitpunkt der Untersuchung wohnten diese Familien zwischen sieben und 42 Jahre in Luxemburg. Darüber hinaus wurde eine qualitative Inhaltsanalyse durchgeführt, um die Migrationserfahrungen beider Elternteile genauer zu beleuchten. Die Hauptgründe, welche zu einer Entwicklung einer positiven Einstellung der Eltern gegenüber Mehrsprachigkeit geführt haben, waren demnach (a) das (eigene) Erlernen der Sprachen und die Möglichkeiten zum vielfältigen Einsatz dieser Sprachen in Luxemburg sowie (b) ihr Wunsch sich das sprachliche Repertoire ihrer Kinder anzueignen. Unsere Ergebnisse deuten darauf hin, dass die Sprachen der Kinder, welche sie in der Schule gelernt haben einen Einfluss auf den familiären Sprachgebrauch haben, obwohl die Kinder keine aktive Rolle im Entscheidungsprozess bezüglich der familiären Sprachennutzung trugen. Des Weiteren konnte gezeigt werden, dass der Kontakt mit den offiziellen Sprachen in Luxemburgs Schulen dazu führte, dass Kinder eine Präferenz für diese dominanteren Sprachen entwickelten, selbst wenn die Familie eine andere Sprache spricht. Bezüglich des von denEltern initiierten Sprachenlernens konnten keine standardisierten Kommunikationsstrategien festgestellt werden. Vielmehr scheint es so, dass verschiedene Strategien in Abhängigkeit der individuellen Ziele der Eltern angepasst werden können. Insgesamt zeigt diese Arbeit neue Perspektiven zur Erforschung der familiären Sprachenpolitik in mehrsprachigen Familien auf, indem die Bedeutung der Bildungsinstitutionen in den Vordergrund gestellt wird

Ce travail de thèse s’intéresse au contrôle migratoire mis en œuvre à la frontière maroco-espagnole et à ses effets sur les personnes ciblées. Mettant en lumière les processus de minorisation des ressortissant-e-s d’Afrique centrale et de l’Ouest candidat-e-s à l’Europe, cette étude, basée sur une ethnographie multisituée menée aux échelles locale et micro-locale, amène à penser les rapports sociaux de sexe et de race en jeu dans les régimes migratoires en place. Elle tente de dénaturaliser les figures du « migrant subsaharien » et de la « migrante subsaharienne » pour dévoiler les processus qui se jouent derrière ces catégories racialisées et genrées, ancrées dans un contexte d’externalisation des frontières européennes, et de négociations permanentes entre l’UE, ses États membres (ici l’Espagne) et leurs alliés africains (ici le Maroc) pour la lutte contre l’immigration dite clandestine. Elle essaie également de décrypter et de mettre en perspective théorique les violences systémiques qui régissent cette situation de frontières militarisée, ainsi que les résistances qui y ont lieu. Elle amène alors à examiner la question suivante : comment comprendre l’institutionnalisation tacite du recours à la violence mortifère contre les labellisé-e-s « Subsahariens » à la frontière maroco-espagnole ? Pour répondre, il faut regarder de chaque côté de la frontière, mais aussi la considérer comme un ensemble ; confronter les points de vue des contrôleur-se-s et des contrôlé-e-s, appréhender le passé cristallisé dans le présent : penser la colonialité des politiques migratoires espagnoles, et au-delà, du régime européen des migrations<br>This thesis focuses on the migration control implemented at the Moroccan-Spanish border and its effects on the targeted persons. Highlighting the processes of “minoritisation” of Central and West African nationals who are candidates for Europe, this study, based on a multi-site ethnography conducted at local and micro-local levels, leads us to think about the social relations of gender and race at stake in existing migration regimes. It attempts to denaturalize the figures of the female and male “sub-Saharan migrant” to reveal the processes behind these racialized and gendered categories, anchored in a context of externalisation of European borders, and permanent negotiations between the EU, its Member States (here Spain) and their African allies (here Morocco) for the fight against so-called illegal immigration. It also tries to decipher and put into theoretical perspective the systemic violence that governs this militarized border situation, as well as the humanitarian actions and resistance that take place there. It then leads to the following question: how can we understand the tacit institutionalization of the use of deadly violence against those labelled as “Sub-Saharans” on the Moroccan-Spanish border? To answer, we must look at each side of the border, but also consider it as a whole; grasp the sexual division of labour in controlling mobility; compare the points of view of controllers and controlled persons and understand the past crystallized in the present: think about the coloniality of Spanish and European migration policies

Les migrations africaines en Amérique latine s'inscrivent dans un processus de reconfiguration du phénomène migratoire. Les parcours se déploient et se recomposent au gré non seulement de l'histoire des politiques migratoires, des crises et des opportunités économiques mais aussi en fonction des histoires de groupes et d'individus. La complexification des procédures de contrôle au Nord et la mondialisation des Suds engendrent un certain éclatement des destinations. Dès les années 1990, mais surtout depuis les années 2000, des migrants, en provenance surtout d'Afrique de l'Ouest, tissent les contours d'un dispositif migratoire transatlantique Sud-Sud.À Buenos Aires, les Africains s'inscrivent sur le territoire selon des modalités distinctes. Si la grande majorité développe une activité de commerce de rue sous l'impulsion notamment de la communauté mouride sénégalaise, d'autres essaient d'exploiter une demande d'africanité, ou encore de se frayer une voie dans le football et dans les affaires. De ces inscriptions multiples, naissent des liens cosmopolites avec les différents segments de population la société d'accueil. Ces interactions qui peuvent donner lieu à des processus de négociation, produisent des recompositions sociales et identitaires à caractère ethnique, religieux ou encore de genre<br>African migration in Latin America is part of a process of reconfiguration of global migration. Paths unfold and recompose by the way of not only the history of migration policies, crises and economic opportunities but also by the groups and individuals stories. The rising complexity of the control procedures in the North, joint to the South globalization, results in bursting of destinations. By the 1990s, but especially since the 2000s, especially migrants from West Africa, weave the contours of a transatlantic migration South-South device. In Buenos Aires, the Africans try to be part of the territory in different ways. While the vast majority develops a street trading activity, driven mainly by the Murid Senegalese Community, others try to exploit a desire of Africanness, or maybe to find their way in football and in business. From these multiple origins, cosmopolitan links with the various segments of the host society population are born. These interactions, which can lead to negotiation processes, produce social and identity changes in ethnic, religious or gender dimensions<br>Las migraciones africanas en América Latina hacen parte de un processo de reconfiguración global del fenómeno migratorio. Los recorridos se despliegan y se recomponenal ritmo, no solo de la historia de las politicas migratorias, las crisis y las oportunidades ecónomicas, sino también en función de las historias de grupos e individuos. Los procedimientos de control cada vez más complejos en los países del Norte y la globalización de los países del Sur generan cierta diversificación en los destinos. Desde la década de los 90, pero especialmente desde al año 2000, los immigrantes procedentes principalmente de Africa occidental,han tejido los contornos de un dispositivo transatlántico de migración Sur-Sur. En Buenos Aires, los Africanos se inscriben sobreel territorio según diversas modalidades. Si bien la gran mayoría desarrolla una actividad de comercia callejero, iniciada principalmentepor la comunidad mora senegalesa, otros tratan de explotar un deseo de africanidad, o aún, forjarse un camino en el fútbol y en los negocios. De estas inscripciones múltiples,nacen vinculos cosmopolitas con diversos segmentos de población de la sociedad de acogidad. Esta interraciones, que pueden dar lugar a procesos de negociación, producen recomposiciones sociales e identitarias de carácter étnico, religioso y hasta de género religioso

En tant que sujets migrants, les Latino-américains sont surtout identifiés dans le contexte états-unien, où ils constituent une population étrangère importante. Pourtant, avec une importante évolution quantitative en Europe et en France, ils commencent à se faire une place dans les études européennes sur les migrations internationales. Si en raison de leurs liens culturels et historiques, les Latinos sont surtout présents dans des pays comme l’Espagne, le Portugal ou encore l’Italie, des communautés latino-américaines existent aussi en France. Parmi eux, la catégorie la plus visible est celle des exilés politiques issus des dictatures sud-américaines, dans une moindre mesure celle des étudiants internationaux et, depuis les années quatre-vingt, celle des migrants économiques. Considérés comme « exemple d’intégration », cette image idéalisée des réfugiés latino-américains laisse dans l’ombre certains aspects pourtant essentiels et inhérents à l’intégration, telle la participation dans la société d’accueil et surtout l’accès au marché de l’emploi. A l’appui des récits de vie, ce travail doctoral se propose d’analyser leurs parcours, avec une attention particulière aux stratégies qu’ils mettent en place pour rendre possible une insertion professionnelle de plus en plus restreinte par les politiques migratoires qui les concernent en tant que ressortissants non européens. Pour ce faire, notre discussion considère aussi bien l’élément subjectif (perceptions, expériences, ressources et stratégies mobilisés) que des éléments structurants et objectifs comme les politiques migratoires et les différents rapports sociaux établis dans le pays d’accueil<br>As migrant subjects, Latin Americans are mostly identified in the US context, where they constitute a significant foreign population. However, with a significant quantitative evolution in Europe and France, they are beginning to find a place in European studies on international migration. If due to their cultural and historical ties, Latinos are mostly present in countries like Spain, Portugal or Italy, the Latin American communities also exist in France. Among them, political exiles from South American dictatorships is the most visible category. To a lesser extent, that of international students too, and since the 1980s, economic migrants emerged as a new profile. Considered as an "example of integration", this idealized image of Latin American refugees leaves behind certain aspects that are essential and inherent to integration, such as participation in the host society and especially access to the labor market. Supported by life stories, this doctoral research aims to analyze their life paths, with attention to the strategies they put in place to make possible a labor insertion increasingly restricted by the migration policies that concern them as non-European nationals. To do this, our discussion considers both the subjective element (perceptions, experiences, resources ans strategies mobilized) and the structuring ans objective elements such as migration policies and the different social relations migrants establish in the host country

A presente tese tem como objetivo analisar as políticas migratórias da França pelo prisma da teoria da securitização da imigração. Esta corrente teórica é proveniente da escola crítica de estudos da segurança, e possui como conceitos centrais segurança, ameaça, borders e boundaries. A securitização observa que a imigração é conceitualizada como uma fonte de insegurança para a comunidade política, por isso as fronteiras são erguidas para a proteção dos autóctones, onde discursos políticos (contra a imigração) e políticas migratórias (restritivas) são convergentes. As políticas de imigração e integração francesas são orientadas pelo modelo republicano universalista. A natureza deste modelo proporciona um problema estrutural para a implementação de políticas às minorias, que juntamente com os discursos políticos, contra a imigração, proporcionaram o aumento do nacionalismo. Existe uma facilidade de converter os refugiados em uma fonte de insegurança devido à concorrência entre segurança humana e segurança nacional. Os refugiados estão na gray zone das políticas migratórias, onde o conceito pode ser facilmente manipulado, e os critérios de atribuição do status de refugiado podem ser contestados. A pesquisa de campo sobre a situação dos refugiados de Nord-Pas-de-Calais demonstra que a dialética entre os conceitos de refugiado, imigrante ilegal e sans-papiers contribui para a permanência da insegurança e confinamento dos refugiados entre as fronteiras, onde estão implicados a França e o Reino Unido. Esta pesquisa revelou um contexto de ausência de acolhida (do governo), onde os refugiados estão à mercê do mercado da imigração ilegal e da violência dos policiais.<br>This thesis aims to analyze the migration policies of France through the prism of the securitization of immigration theory. This theoretical current comes from the school of critical security studies, and has as central concepts security threat, borders and boundaries. The securitization observes that immigration is conceptualized as a source of insecurity for the political community, where the boundaries are erected to protect autochthonous, where political speeches (anti-immigration) and migration policies (restrictive) are convergent. The french immigration and integration policies are guided by universalist republican model. The nature of this model provides a structural problem for implementing policies for minorities, that along with political speeches, against immigration, provided the increase in nationalism. There is a facility to convert the refugees into a source of insecurity due to the competition between human security and national security. The refugees are in the gray zone of migration policies, where the concept can be easily manipulated, and the criteria for granting refugee status may be contested. The field research on the situation of refugees in Nord-Pas-de-Calais demonstrates that the dialectic between the concepts of refugee, illegal immigrant and sans-papiers contributes for the permanence of insecurity and confinement of refugees between the borders, which France and United Kingdom are implicated. This research reveals an absence of welcome context (of the government), where refugees are at the mercy of the illegal immigration market and police violence.

Seven European Regional Governments, together with Earlall and universities and research centres, have undertaken to refine a first draft of a Joint Progress Report of Regions on Implementation of European Lifelong Learning Strategies in the perspective of the Europe 2020 Strategy. The purpose of this exercise is to demonstrate the usefulness and need to make an instrument available to European Regional Governments that helps to understand and evaluate the educational conditions of the regional population when compared with other regions. The Report shows how, over the decade, all the Regional Governments have undertaken to adapt training systems to the demographic dynamics characterised by the general ageing of the population and by migratory phenomena. Simultaneously the Report also shows the need for urgent improvements in some fields where the impact of policies is still too modest and where the risk of stagnation must be dealt with (for example, lifelong learning policies and NEET reduction).

Seven European Regional Governments, together with Earlall and universities and research centres, have undertaken to refine a first draft of a Joint Progress Report of Regions on Implementation of European Lifelong Learning Strategies in the perspective of the Europe 2020 Strategy. The purpose of this exercise is to demonstrate the usefulness and need to make an instrument available to European Regional Governments that helps to understand and evaluate the educational conditions of the regional population when compared with other regions. The Report shows how, over the decade, all the Regional Governments have undertaken to adapt training systems to the demographic dynamics characterised by the general ageing of the population and by migratory phenomena. Simultaneously the Report also shows the need for urgent improvements in some fields where the impact of policies is still too modest and where the risk of stagnation must be dealt with (for example, lifelong learning policies and NEET reduction).

Seven European Regional Governments, together with Earlall and universities and research centres, have undertaken to refine a first draft of a Joint Progress Report of Regions on Implementation of European Lifelong Learning Strategies in the perspective of the Europe 2020 Strategy. The purpose of this exercise is to demonstrate the usefulness and need to make an instrument available to European Regional Governments that helps to understand and evaluate the educational conditions of the regional population when compared with other regions. The Report shows how, over the decade, all the Regional Governments have undertaken to adapt training systems to the demographic dynamics characterised by the general ageing of the population and by migratory phenomena. Simultaneously the Report also shows the need for urgent improvements in some fields where the impact of policies is still too modest and where the risk of stagnation must be dealt with (for example, lifelong learning policies and NEET reduction).

Seven European Regional Governments, together with Earlall and universities and research centres, have undertaken to refine a first draft of a Joint Progress Report of Regions on Implementation of European Lifelong Learning Strategies in the perspective of the Europe 2020 Strategy. The purpose of this exercise is to demonstrate the usefulness and need to make an instrument available to European Regional Governments that helps to understand and evaluate the educational conditions of the regional population when compared with other regions. The Report shows how, over the decade, all the Regional Governments have undertaken to adapt training systems to the demographic dynamics characterised by the general ageing of the population and by migratory phenomena. Simultaneously the Report also shows the need for urgent improvements in some fields where the impact of policies is still too modest and where the risk of stagnation must be dealt with (for example, lifelong learning policies and NEET reduction).

This book is concerned with the effects of European migration policy on migrants in the Global South. In particular, it uncovers how border enforcement policies and the crackdown on irregular migration affect the life of migrants in so called ‘transit’ countries outside the European Union. The material for this study is based on ethnographic research in Morocco with migrants from Sub-Saharan Africa. The book is mainly concerned with the human and social effects of immobility during the migratory journey. It describes how migration policies in and outside Morocco contribute to a situation where migrants get stuck in Morocco for years, and in the process become increasingly marginalized from participation in society. These prolonged periods of forced immobility negatively affect migrants’ life course, as well as their relation to the present, past and future. This alters their feelings of identity, their social relations to friends and relatives, and their aspirations for the future. The immense human suffering this situation implies has a tendency to further reinforce their wish to leave the country, rather than encouraging them to abandon their migratory projects. The book links these empirical insights on immobility to social theories of time. It argues that the fragmentation of migration processes and immobilization of migrants has an impact on migrants’ view of their own lives as ‘out of sync’ with modernity. Thinking about migration and immobility in relation to time offers a different perspective on migration processes which have until now mostly been theorized through reference to concepts of space.

AbstractThe phenomenon of irregular migration is very complex in the EU, including Finland. Definitions and practices regarding asylum seekers, refugees, and undocumented migrants are blurred. The laws and immigration policies also attempt to define and enact fixed categories by which to classify undocumented migrants, but these people always escape such legal boundaries through their actions, decisions, and migratory behaviours.In this chapter, we study the asylum-related legislation and processes from the viewpoints of both the authorities who decide whether to grant international protection, and the undocumented migrants who request asylum. The chapter describes the Finnish asylum process in detail, and explains how the undocumented migrants (mostly former asylum seekers) we studied experienced it. Some countries tolerate undocumented migrants, allowing them to work and have access to many public services. In other countries, such as Finland, they are denied the right to work and barely have access to healthcare. Being an undocumented migrant is simultaneously about becoming an undocumented migrant, and failing the asylum process is the most common path to becoming an undocumented migrant. We also indicate how, during the COVID-19 pandemic, the number of new asylum applications in Finland decreased by more than half.

The authors outline how, as undocumented immigrants face danger throughout their journeys and challenges settling in U.S. communities, local civil society actors at each stage must ensure that their human and civil rights are respected. Policies that only address the migratory flow into the United States will not resolve issues of violence, poverty, and political exclusion in the countries of origin that force people to flee. Despite their lack of legal status in the United States, immigrant youth have a crucial role to play in ensuring a secure future—for others like them but also for U.S. civil society more broadly. The authors illustrate the ways that migrant youth have been taking the lead on articulating their visions for a better world, and discuss how—informed by youth advocacy—local communities and state governments can build effective networks, implement protective policies, and provide needed services.

Chapter 3 lays the groundwork for the comparative analysis by describing the specific contexts of exit and reception for migrants from Turkey, the Dominican Republic, Mexico, and the Philippines. For contexts of exit, it pays particular attention to how political regimes and economic development policies have contributed to migration since each country’s first migratory wave. For contexts of reception, it identifies the relevant host countries for each case and then shows how their immigration laws, labor markets, and public opinion have affected the composition and experiences of migrants living within their borders. The chapter concludes with a picture of the legal, socioeconomic, and geographical profiles of migrants from each of the four countries.

The scientific community and humanitarian organizations have produced a considerable amount of research on the mental health status of migrants. However, few studies have looked at the mental health of migrant women. This chapter is aimed to study this phenomenon, beginning with an examination of risks related to sexual and gender-based violence in the different steps of the migration process, and the psychological implications of the migratory process on Mediterranean African women in Europe. The migration and different forms of violence on women are associated with psychopathological manifestations such as post-traumatic stress disorder, depression, adaptation, and trauma- and stressor-related disorders. There is very limited knowledge on the lived experiences of migrant women and in future studies researchers should investigate the relationship between migration, gender, and mental health, in order to encourage the policies and prevention/treatment programmes for women and for psychosocial issues that may arise.

Through close-readings of two video installations, Chapter 6 addresses the problematics of the increasing securitisation of nation-state borders in ‘Fortress Europe’ and beyond, which restricts the movements of people who are forced to migrate by war, destitution, persecution or environmental reasons. Ursula Biemann’s video-essay Sahara Chronicle (2006-7) is used to unpack the general question of how artistic productions can respond to discourses on complex political issues such as forced migration, European border policies, and the risk of reducing migrants to ‘bare life’ (Agamben) in the politico-juridical order. Isaac Julien’s video installation Western Union: Small Boats (2007) is used to examine how the enforcement of European borders against irregular migration surfaces in the artistic-cinematic imaginary. Chapter 6 explores the tensional interpenetration of politics, ethics and aesthetics in Julien’s installation. Using a concept coined by Mieke Bal, it proposes that Isaac Julien’s installation could be conceived of as an instance of ‘migratory aesthetics’. However, the sheer beauty of his cinematic representation of the real-life tragedies of migrants makes it necessary to move beyond the question of aesthetics and consider the issue of aestheticisation and the ethical relation of the artist to his subject matter.