Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Migratory policy'

The purpose of this thesis is to analyse which factors drive migration from Turkey towards Europe and whether the welfare benefits play a major role in the decision making process. The analysis is based on a gravitation model of migration in log-log form. The FE and RE methods were employed as estimation techniques and the Hausman test enabled to distinguish them. The present problem of heteroscedasticity was solved by adjusting the model with robust standard errors. The most important determinants appear to be individual income which immigrants can earn in the states of the EU-15 and welfare benefits provided by the EU-15. The number of acquisition of citizenship, as a proxy for migration policy of countries the EU-15, plays also important role. The limitation of the model is that the rest of the variables are not statistically significant and therefore we do not consider them as important determinants.

Orientador: Shiguenoli Miyamoto<br>Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-19T23:24:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Moreira_JuliaBertino_D.pdf: 904265 bytes, checksum: 368a853f839f65caa41e975ab121b4f9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012<br>Resumo: Esta tese trata da política em relação aos refugiados adotada no Brasil, a partir do pósguerra até os dias atuais. Para realizar este trabalho, empregamos diversos métodos de pesquisa: revisão bibliográfica, pesquisa documental, entrevistas semiestruturadas e banco de dados sobre condições de vida dos refugiados no Brasil. O objetivo principal da tese foi analisar as decisões estatais brasileiras concernentes aos refugiados, durante a periodização mencionada. A análise se baseou em três eixos interligados: relação entre fatores internos e externos, relações entre atores (estatais e não estatais), regras de entrada e condições de vida propiciadas aos refugiados no país. Procuramos investigar como se deu a interação entre esses atores (órgãos estatais, organização internacional e instituições da sociedade civil e com os refugiados), contextualizada em momentos históricos específicos. Examinamos essas decisões lançando luz sobre a convergência entre os fatores internos e externos que as orientaram. Buscamos explicar que essas decisões focalizaram a regulação imigratória, mas não se centraram na estruturação das condições de vida dos refugiados no país, à medida que houve articulação dos atores estatais com atores não estatais para buscar viabilizá-las. Pretendemos demonstrar, com isso, que tais decisões configuram a política em relação aos refugiados no Brasil no sentido de regulation policy, não acompanhada por uma immigrant policy devidamente estruturada no país<br>Resumo: Esta tese trata da política em relação aos refugiados adotada no Brasil, a partir do pósguerra até os dias atuais. Para realizar este trabalho, empregamos diversos métodos de pesquisa: revisão bibliográfica, pesquisa documental, entrevistas semiestruturadas e banco de dados sobre condições de vida dos refugiados no Brasil. O objetivo principal da tese foi analisar as decisões estatais brasileiras concernentes aos refugiados, durante a periodização mencionada. A análise se baseou em três eixos interligados: relação entre fatores internos e externos, relações entre atores (estatais e não estatais), regras de entrada e condições de vida propiciadas aos refugiados no país. Procuramos investigar como se deu a interação entre esses atores (órgãos estatais, organização internacional e instituições da sociedade civil e com os refugiados), contextualizada em momentos históricos específicos. Examinamos essas decisões lançando luz sobre a convergência entre os fatores internos e externos que as orientaram. Buscamos explicar que essas decisões focalizaram a regulação imigratória, mas não se centraram na estruturação das condições de vida dos refugiados no país, à medida que houve articulação dos atores estatais com atores não estatais para buscar viabilizá-las. Pretendemos demonstrar, com isso, que tais decisões configuram a política em relação aos refugiados no Brasil no sentido de regulation policy, não acompanhada por uma immigrant policy devidamente estruturada no país<br>Resumo: Esta tese trata da política em relação aos refugiados adotada no Brasil, a partir do pós-guerra até os dias atuais. Para realizar este trabalho, empregamos diversos métodos de pesquisa: revisão bibliográfica, pesquisa documental, entrevistas semiestruturadas e banco de dados sobre condições de vida dos refugiados no Brasil. O objetivo principal da tese foi analisar as decisões estatais brasileiras concernentes aos refugiados, durante a periodização mencionada. A análise se baseou em três eixos interligados: relação entre fatores internos e externos, relações entre atores (estatais e não estatais), regras de entrada e condições de vida propiciadas aos refugiados no país. Procuramos investigar como se deu a interação entre esses atores (órgãos estatais, organização internacional e instituições da sociedade civil e com os refugiados), contextualizada em momentos históricos específicos. Examinamos essas decisões lançando luz sobre a convergência entre os fatores internos e externos que as orientaram. Buscamos explicar que essas decisões focalizaram a regulação imigratória, mas não se centraram na estruturação das condições de vida dos refugiados no país, à medida que houve articulação dos atores estatais com atores não estatais para buscar viabilizá-las. Pretendemos demonstrar, com isso, que tais decisões configuram a política em relação aos refugiados no Brasil no sentido de regulation policy, não acompanhada por uma immigrant policy devidamente estruturada no país<br>Abstract: This PhD dissertation approaches the refugee policy adopted in Brazil, from the post-war until nowadays. In order to accomplish this study, we used different research methods: bibliographic review, documental research, semi-structured interviews and data base on the living conditions of the refugees in Brazil. The main purpose was to analyze the Brazilian state decisions during the above mentioned period. The analysis was based on three interlinked axis: the relation between internal and external factors; the relations among (state and non-state) actors; the rules of entry and the living conditions provided to the refugees in the country. We seek to investigate how the interaction among these actors (state agencies, international organizations, civil society institutions and refugees) occurred in specific historical periods. We examined the decisions relating to refugees highlighting the convergence between internal and external guiding factors within specific contexts. We seek to explain that these decisions focused on the immigratory regulation. However they did not shed light on the structure of the refugees' living conditions in the country, given the fact that state and non state actors articulated themselves in order to provide them. We intend to demonstrate that these decisions characterize the refugee policy in Brazil as regulation policy, not accompanied by a properly structured immigrant policy in the country<br>Abstract: This PhD dissertation approaches the refugee policy adopted in Brazil, from the post-war until nowadays. In order to accomplish this study, we used different research methods: bibliographic review, documental research, semi-structured interviews and data base on the living conditions of the refugees in Brazil. The main purpose was to analyze the Brazilian state decisions during the above mentioned period. The analysis was based on three interlinked axis: the relation between internal and external factors; the relations among (state and non-state) actors; the rules of entry and the living conditions provided to the refugees in the country. We seek to investigate how the interaction among these actors (state agencies, international organizations, civil society institutions and refugees) occurred in specific historical periods. We examined the decisions relating to refugees highlighting the convergence between internal and external guiding factors within specific contexts. We seek to explain that these decisions focused on the immigratory regulation. However they did not shed light on the structure of the refugees' living conditions in the country, given the fact that state and non state actors articulated themselves in order to provide them. We intend to demonstrate that these decisions characterize the refugee policy in Brazil as regulation policy, not accompanied by a properly structured immigrant policy in the country<br>Abstract: This PhD dissertation approaches the refugee policy adopted in Brazil, from the post-war until nowadays. In order to accomplish this study, we used different research methods: bibliographic review, documental research, semi-structured interviews and data base on the living conditions of the refugees in Brazil. The main purpose was to analyze the Brazilian state decisions during the above mentioned period. The analysis was based on three interlinked axis: the relation between internal and external factors; the relations among (state and non-state) actors; the rules of entry and the living conditions provided to the refugees in the country. We seek to investigate how the interaction among these actors (state agencies, international organizations, civil society institutions and refugees) occurred in specific historical periods. We examined the decisions relating to refugees highlighting the convergence between internal and external guiding factors within specific contexts. We seek to explain that these decisions focused on the immigratory regulation. However they did not shed light on the structure of the refugees' living conditions in the country, given the fact that state and non state actors articulated themselves in order to provide them. We intend to demonstrate that these decisions characterize the refugee policy in Brazil as regulation policy, not accompanied by a properly structured immigrant policy in the country<br>Doutorado<br>Ciencia Politica<br>Doutor em Ciência Política

Orientador: Bela Feldman-Bianco<br>Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-24T13:07:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dias_GuilhermeMansur_D.pdf: 4969057 bytes, checksum: 398e47ac4003de55256aeed1177006e6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014<br>Resumo: Este trabalho investiga a articulação entre migração e segurança, tendo como foco a reprodução de políticas internacionais e a noção de tráfico de pessoas. Com base em uma etnografia multisituada, examino, em um primeiro momento, como os campos migratório e de justiça criminal tornaram-se interrelacionados no âmbito das políticas e legislações europeias e internacionais. Meu enfoque privilegia a observação de organismos internacionais que atuam na intersecção entre migração e segurança/criminalidade, mostrando seu papel na constituição de uma semântica da gestão migratória apoiada na re-apropriação de retóricas de direitos humanos. Em um segundo momento, analiso como as políticas que delineiam esta perspectiva têm sido difundidas e re-criadas no Brasil. Neste caso, a categoria "tráfico de pessoas" é utilizada como janela para acessar as complexidades inerentes à reprodução de mecanismos de governabilidade migratória vinculados ao controle de populações<br>Abstract: This thesis examines the link between migration and security, focusing on the reproduction of international policies and the concept of human trafficking. It is based on multi-sited ethnographic research conducted in Europe and Brazil. The first part of the thesis examines how migration and security became inter-related topics in European and international policymaking and legislation. The findings are based on the observation of several international organizations working in the field of migration and crime/security, tracing their role in the construction of a new discourse of migration governance, related to the use of human rights rhetoric. The second part of the thesis is comprised of the analysis of how the policies linking migration and security have been received and interpreted by the Brazilian State and society. In this case, the concept of "trafficking in human beings" and its introduction in the Brazilian context is used as a window to understand the complexities related to the migration apparatus and governance concerning the control of populations<br>Doutorado<br>Antropologia Social<br>Doutor em Antropologia Social

Le présent travail de recherche se propose d’explorer un aspect méconnu de l’histoire des migrations post-coloniales : la politique migratoire de l’Algérie de 1962 à 1988. Pour ce faire, l’ensemble des sources imprimées produites en Algérie durant la période a été consultée afin de saisir non seulement les grandes articulations de cette politique mais également la perception et les représentations que l’État, ses relais et citoyens pouvaient nourrir à l’endroit des Algériens ayant quitté leur pays d’origine mais conservant des liens étroits avec ce dernier. Après avoir retracé les contours précis - qualitatifs et quantitatifs - de l’émigration algérienne dans un contexte juridique, diplomatique et territorial, ce travail s’intéresse aux structures assurant le lien entre pays de départ et d’accueil, autour des notions essentielles d’intégration et d’identité, qui façonnent les mentalités tant dans l’exil que dans le pays de départ<br>The study focuses on an neglected field of research in the history of post-colonial migrations : Algerian emigration policy during the period from 1962 to 1988. To this end, all material published in Algeria during this period was consulted with the aim of ascertaining, not only the essential structure of this policy, but also the attitude of the State, its citizens and representatives towards the Algerians who had left - but maintained close ties with - their country of origin. Having identified the nature of Algerian émigration within a legal, diplomatic and territorial context, this study aims to define the structures that maintain the link with the mother country, encompassing the essential notions of integration and identity, that shape attitudes, both in exile ans in the country of origin

Is it possible to conceive of migrants as active stakeholders of migration and asylum policies rather than passive objects of political and humanitarian intervention? In the public discourse on migration, migrants' voices are largely ignored and their political future in the reception country is often that of ascribed muteness and disenfranchisement. Yet, migrants have a voice, a history, a context, and therefore, potential aspirations to a political existence. In this dissertation, I propose an empirical study of the migratory journeys that occurred during what has been known as "the summer of migration," which described the incoming of migrants via the Aegean Sea and through the Western Balkans to Germany and the rest of Northern Europe. Based on field observations in initial reception centers for asylum seekers in Hamburg and semi-structured interviews with fifteen participants from Syria, Iraq and Afghanistan who came to Germany between 2015 and 2016, this dissertation proposes an analytical framework that provides a critical approach to the migration management regime and migrants migratory journey narratives. The claim of this dissertation is double. First it argues that it is analytically necessary to systematize the production of immanent knowledge about migrants' journeys through their own subjectivities. Such a perspective enables a deeper understanding of the impact of human mobility on state sovereignty, borderscapes and the workings of the migration management regime. Second, it is equally necessary to politically contribute to the normalization of integrating migrants' voices in the public debate and discourse to address oppressive practices of migration management and control.<br>Ph. D.

La démographie de l’espace sibérien constitue le cadre général de cette étude. L’analyse se concentre sur les processus migratoires et sur le rôle qu’ils jouent dans le peuplement et le dépeuplement de l’Est de la Russie. Si les statistiques officielles nous permettent de saisir à diverses échelles géographiques les tendances principales, plusieurs enquêtes de terrain, qualitatives et quantitatives sont au cœur de ce travail, menées dans deux régions de l’Est russe : le kraï de Krasnoïarsk et l’oblast de l’Amour, auprès de la population générale et d’un échantillon de migrants présents dans les deux régions d’étude et originaires d’Ukraine, d’Arménie, d’Azerbaïdjan, Kirghizistan, Ouzbékistan, Tadjikistan et Chine.Après avoir précisé les flux migratoires intrarégionaux, le processus d’exode rural, le déclin des villes secondaires et la forte attractivité des capitales régionales, l’étude portant sur l’échantillon de migrants met l’accent sur la distinction entre les temporaires et permanents, en tenant toutefois compte de l’impossibilité d’appliquer strictement un classement binaire à un phénomène complexe et fluide. Nous identifions différentes stratégies migratoires, indépendantes des statuts légaux accordés aux migrants en Russie. En tenant compte des intentions exprimées par les répondants, on est par ailleurs en mesure d’estimer le degré de conversion des temporaires en permanents, le pourcentage des étrangers ayant l’intention de s’installer à long terme en Russie et, en définitive, l’apport de l’immigration à la population des deux régions.A l’issue de cette recherche les projections démographiques permettent de réfléchir aux conséquences démographiques de différents contextes économiques et sociopolitiques de la Russie. La démarche fait ressortir une fois encore l’importance du facteur migratoire pour le devenir démographique de la Russie, ainsi que la nécessité d’un nouveau développement de l’attractivité des régions périphériques et de la Sibérie en général.Nous développons en conclusion une réflexion sur les conditions permettant un apport positif de la migration à l’économie et à la démographie sibérienne : favoriser la mobilité temporaire et à courte distance pour freiner la migration permanente de l’Est vers l’Ouest, améliorer le potentiel d’attraction des régions sibériennes en menant un réel processus de décentralisation politique et économique. Un tel processus n’est pas d’actualité, mais pourrait prendre place à moyen ou long terme<br>The demographics of the Siberian area are the general framework of this study. The analysis focuses on migratory processes and the role they play in the population and depopulation of eastern Russia. Although the official statistics enable us to grasp the main trends on various geographical scales, several qualitative and quantitative field surveys are at the heart of this work, led in two regions of eastern Russia: Krasnoyarsk Krai and Amur Oblast, with the general population and a sample of migrants present in both study regions who were originally from Ukraine, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and China.After having described the intra-regional migratory flows, the rural exodus process, the decline of secondary cities and the strong appeal of the regional capitals, the study based on the sample of migrants places a strong emphasis on the difference between temporary and permanent migrants, yet takes into account the impossibility of strictly applying a binary classification to a complex and fluid phenomenon. We identify various migratory strategies that are independent from the legal statuses granted to migrants in Russia. Taking into account the intentions expressed by the respondents, we are able to estimate to what extent temporary migrants are converted to permanent migrants, the percentage of foreigners who intend to stay in Russia long term and give a definitive picture of immigration's contribution to the population of the two regions.At the end of this research, the demographic projections enable us to discuss the demographic consequences of various economic and socio-political contexts in Russia. The approach once again brings out the importance of the migratory factor to Russia's demographic future, as well as the need to newly develop the appeal of peripheral regions and Siberia in general.In conclusion, we discuss the conditions enabling the positive contribution of migration to the Siberian economy and demography: promoting temporary and short-distance mobility to slow down permanent migration from east to west and improving the potential for Siberian regions to attract migrants by leading a concrete political and economic decentralisation process. These processes are not yet in place, but could be implemented in the medium or long term

Dissertação de Mestrado em Relações Internacionais<br>Ao longo da década de 2010, intensos fluxos de migrantes e refugiados pelo Mar Mediterrâneo em direção à Europa coexistem com crescentes discursos e movimentos nacionalistas anti-imigração. Nesta conjuntura, a política migratória da Itália é marcadamente securitizada no governo de coligação do autodeclarado antissistema Movimento Cinco Estrelas com o partido populista-nacionalista Liga (junho de 2018-setembro de 2019). Em um país que é uma das principais “portas de entrada” e áreas de trânsito de migrantes na União Europeia, a gestão dos fluxos migratórios neste período (a cargo de Matteo Salvini, ministro do Interior e líder da Liga) é marcada por restrições a resgates e desembarques de migrantes em situação irregular e mudanças legais que crescentemente dificultam condições para concessão de proteção e asilo. Dado que as práticas adotadas são contestadas por diferentes setores sociais ao resultarem em potenciais violações aos direitos humanos e internacional, esta tese propõe-se a investigar de que modo a política migratória italiana é securitizada e gerida através da legitimação de ações excepcionais, em um período em que o país já verificava decréscimo dos fluxos migratórios. Para isto, conduzimos um estudo de caso baseado na síntese entre a teoria da securitização e a teoria pós-estruturalista do discurso, apoiado empiricamente por uma análise de discurso de Salvini e Liga focada em eventos-chave nos quais a imigração é posta no centro da agenda política durante este governo. Esta análise problematiza a influência das retóricas populistas-nacionalistas destes atores na hegemonização de uma antagonização migratória, clarificando a contingência e marcadores identitários de seus discursos que enquadram imigrantes e refugiados como ameaças de segurança. Assim, buscamos evidenciar como o processo ajuda a normalizar a excepcionalidade nas dimensões interna e externa de sua política migratória. Por fim, diante das contestações a esta dinâmica, identificamos projetos alternativos que materializam identidades e práticas mais inclusivas frente a estes desafios migratórios.<br>Throughout the 2010s, the large flows of migrants and refugees across the Mediterranean Sea towards Europe go side-by-side with growing anti-immigrant nationalist speeches and movements. At this juncture, Italy’s migration policy is marked by a sharp securitization during the coalition government between the self-declared antisystem Five Star Movement and the populist-nationalist party League (June 2018-September 2019). In a country that is a major point of entry into the European Union, the management of migratory flows in this period (in charge of Matteo Salvini, Interior Minister and leader of the League) is marked by restrictions on rescues and arrivals of irregular migrants and legal changes that hamper conditions for granting protection and asylum. Given that these practices are contested by different social sectors and result in potential violations of human and international rights, this thesis aims to investigate how Italy’s migration policy is securitized and managed through the legitimation of exceptional actions, in a period in which the country was already seeing a decrease in migration inflows. For this, we conducted a case study based on a synthesis between the securitization theory and the post-structuralist discourse theory, supported empirically by a discourse analysis of Salvini and the League, focused on key events in which immigration is placed in the center of the political agenda during this government. This analysis problematizes the influence of these actors’ populist-nationalist rhetoric on hegemonizing an antagonization of migration, clarifying the contingency and identity markers of their speeches that frame immigrants and refugees as security threats. We seek to explain how the process helps normalizing exceptionality in the internal and external dimensions of Italian migration policy. Finally, in the face of challenges against this dynamic, we identify alternative projects that materialize identities and more inclusive practices in the face of these migratory challenges.<br>N/A

Situated at the crossroads of family studies and migration research, this thesis discusses the experiences of Polish migrant mothers raising their children in Germany and the United Kingdom from a gender-centred feminist perspective. The literature review chapters of this work show the scholarly works relevant to a discussion on the migrant lives of the study’s respondents as migrants, being both Poles and mothers. On the one hand, it highlights scholarly research on the processes of mobility, particularly in relation to transnationalism, migration of mothers and children, as well as the specific conditions faced by contemporary migrants from Poland to Western Europe. On the other hand, it reflects on modern families and parenting, offering in particular a feminist critique of mothering. The thesis then supplies details on the data collection and includes a discussion of the researcher’s reflexivity in the field. The empirical evidence was obtained through a qualitative, small-scale field study – a feminist inquiry using an in-depth interviewing technique. By showcasing the findings, the thesis demonstrates a range of choices that Polish mothers abroad make when it comes to raising children. The study delineates the following ideal-type models: Mother-Pole connected to the Polish heritage, Intensive Motherhood adopted as a mainstream model of Western Europe, the peripheral instances of Feminist Mothering, and, finally, the New Migrant Mothering. The latter is an original, key contribution of this thesis, illustrated by women’s stories of the transnational integrative practice of mothering that aims at hybridization of Polish and Western influences. While addressing the earlier knowledge gap, namely the absence of the voices of Polish mothers as agents of mobility, the thesis ascertains a need for acknowledging diversity in parenting practices within the contemporary intra-European transnational families.

This thesis investigates the often neglected Mexican perspective on US immigration policy, contending that effective immigration policy can only be reached through a bilateral, multidimensional approach that incorporates the Mexican perspective. To delineate this perspective, I examine the historical, economic and socio-cultural views of immigration to the US in Mexico. I then evaluate the immigration policies pursued by both the US and Mexican governments through the lens of these Mexican perspectives. I show that current immigration policies and approaches are seriously flawed from the Mexican point of view, and stress that both governments must work to incorporate the Mexican perspective into the current debate over immigration reform in the United States.

Cette thèse avait pour but d’examiner les significations et la nature de la « politique migratoire » et d’en proposer un cadre théorique, tout en effectuant une analyse globale de la politique d’immigration de la Deuxième République de Pologne (1918-1939), à l’époque un État multilinguistique, multiconfessionnel et multiculturel, qui est (ré)construit à l’issue de la Grande Guerre. En s’appuyant sur les méthodes qualitatives et sur l’analyse de contenu d’archives ou de sources primaires imprimés, en tant que notre méthode d’analyse des données, nous visons à étudier les questions suivantes: dans quelle mesure la politique d’immigration fait partie des politiques publiques d’un État et sert d’instrument pour la construction de l'État et de la Nation, mais aussi comment l’État protège ses citoyens à l'étranger ? Quelles en sont les origines et comment l’État construit sa politique migratoire ? Est-elle constante ou évolue-t-elle - et le cas échéant comment ? - en fonction du temps, du régime ou contexte politique (démocratie parlementaire, régime autoritaire, ou la montée des tensions précédant une guerre) ? Quelles sont les interactions entre la politique migratoire, la politique étrangère de l'État et les relations internationales et quelle est l’imporance des accords bilatéraux sur la migration en tant qu'outils juridiques internationaux ?<br>The objective of this dissertation was to investigate the meaning and nature of ‘migration policy’ and give it a theoretical frame by conducting a global analysis of the migration policy of the Second Republic of Poland (1918-1939), a multi-linguistic, multi-faith, multi-cultural Polish state ‘(re)established’ after the Great War. Using qualitative research methods and applying the content analysis of archival sources and other primary printed materials as our data analysis method we aimed to investigate: the extent to which migration policy is a public policy of the state, a tool for the state and nation building and how the state protects its citizens abroad; the origins and construction of the state migration policy and the extent to which it is a constant policy and if/how it changes over time in different political scenarios: parliamentary democracy system, authoritarian regime and in the years of growing military and political tension preceding the outbreak of war; the interactions between migration policy, foreign policy of the state and international relations, as well as the meaning of bilateral migration agreements as international legal tools

L’obiettivo principale di questa tesi è di analizzare l’origine ed evoluzione della dimensione esterna della politica migratoria dell’Unione Europea. Attraverso un framework teorico che coniuga la letteratura sui ‘new modes of governance’ con quella riguardante il ‘rational-choice institutionalism’, questa tesi si propone di analizzare il sistema di governance in tre settori politici che rientrano nell’ambito della dimensione esterna: politica di riammissione, controlli esterni alle frontiere, e cooperazione con Paesi terzi concernente la gestione della migrazione legale. Sulla base delle premesse teoriche sopra indicate, questa tesi avanza due conclusioni principali. In primo luogo, si sostiene che l’evoluzione del sistema di governance nei tre casi presi in considerazione, lungi dal seguire un percorso lineare verso una sempre maggiore comunitarizzazione, ha al contrario dato luogo a sistemi di governance ‘ibridi’, che combinano cioè elementi vincolanti tipici del metodo comunitario con elementi caratteristici dei “new modes of governance”, incentrati sull’uso di soft law. In secondo luogo, si evidenzia il ruolo centrale rivestito dagli Stati Membri nello sviluppare tali sistemi di governance in accordo con due obiettivi prioritari: limitare l’autonomia delle istituzioni sovranazionali all’interno del processo decisionale e plasmare i risultati di tali politiche in accordo con le preferenze degli stessi Stati Membri.<br>The central aim of this thesis is to provide an account of the origin and evolution of the external dimension of EU migration policy. By means of a theoretical framework that combines new modes of governance and rational-choice institutionalism, this thesis analyses the systems of governance of three policy areas falling within the external dimension: readmission policy, external border controls and cooperation with third countries in the field of legal migration. On the basis of such theoretical premises, two central arguments are advanced. First of all, it is argued that the evolution of the system of governance in the three cases, far from following a linear path towards communitarization, has resulted in the adoption of mixed systems featuring both 'old' modes of governance in line with the traditional Community Method and 'new’ modes based on soft-law and non-binding commitments. Secondly, this thesis underlines the central role played by the Member States in devising those governance mechanisms in order to fulfil two main objectives: limiting the discretion of EU supranational institutions in the decision-making process and shaping policy outcomes according to their preferred policy options.

Este trabalho aborda o tema das políticas migratórias defensivas dos Estados e sua relação com a proteção elusiva dos refugiados e solicitantes da condição de refugiado (SCR). Com frequência, o tema é submetido a interpretações superficiais, limitadas e, inclusive, equivocadas, as quais não contribuem para um entendimento diligente à altura da complexidade da problemática. A pesquisa fundamenta-se nas contribuições de diversos estudiosos sobre o assunto e agrega dados empíricos atualizados. O estudo busca analisar, no âmbito internacional, desde a década de 1990, as três principais políticas migratórias defensivas aplicadas pelos Estados em relação ao fluxo e acolhimento de refugiados e SCR, bem como suas implicações. Para tanto, nesse escopo, faz-se necessário considerar o dinamismo do processo decisório político dos Estados em um contexto de afirmação de interesses e tensões internacionais. Igualmente, a partir da aplicação da tríade de políticas migratórias defensivas, são analisadas suas contradições no que tange à assunção do responsibility-sharing internacional e à vinculação com fatores que originam os fluxos de deslocamentos forçados.<br>This research deals with the subject of the State’s defensive migration policies regarding its relation to the elusive protection of refugees and asylum seekers. Quite often, this subject is under superficial, limited, and also erroneous, interpretation, which does not contribute to a better understanding of its complexity. The analysis is supported by the contributions of many experts in this field and includes new data. This paper seeks to analyze, in the international context, since the 90s, the three main defensive migration policies used by States in regard to the influx and protection of refugees and asylum seekers, as well as their implications. In this sense, it is appropriate to consider the dynamism involving the State’s political decision process in a context of diverging interests and international tensions. Also, from the application of the three defensive migration policies, the paper analyses their contradiction in relation to the assumption of the international responsibility-sharing, as well as their link to the factors that originate the influx of forced displacement.<br>Este trabajo trata del tema de las políticas migratorias defensivas de los Estados y su relación con la protección esquiva de refugiados y solicitantes de la condición de refugiado (SCR). A menudo, el tema es sometido a interpretaciones superficiales, limitadas e, incluso, equivocadas, las cuales no contribuyen para un entendimiento diligente a la altura de la complejidad de la problemática. El análisis está basado en las contribuciones de distintos expertos sobre el tema y agrega datos empíricos actualizados. El estudio busca analizar, en el ámbito internacional, desde la década de los años 1990, las tres principales políticas migratorias defensivas aplicadas por los Estados en relación al flujo y acogida de refugiados y SCR, además de sus implicaciones. Para eso, en ese ámbito, es necesario considerar el dinamismo del proceso decisorio político de los Estados en un contexto de afirmación de intereses y tensiones internacionales. Igualmente, a partir de la aplicación de la tríade de políticas migratorias defensivas, son analizadas las contradicciones de dichas políticas en lo que se refiere a la asunción del responsibility-sharing internacional y a la vinculación con factores que originan los flujos de desplazamientos forzados.

A partir du cas de la politique d'aide au retour volontaire en France, cette recherche propose une interprétation des politiques d'éloignement des étrangers en situation irrégulière, telles qu'elles sont formulées à l'échelle de l'Union européenne sous l'angle du « retour ». Le principe d'expulsion est maintenant transposé dans le champ de l'action sociale, sous la forme de divers dispositifs d'assistance humanitaire qui masquent la dimension de contrainte contenue dans l'objectif final de faire sortir les étrangers du territoire. Ce brouillage amène à s'intéresser aux ressorts matériels et symboliques de la domination qui s'exerce sur les « retournés » par le biais de cette assistance, où s'observe un retournement du rapport des expulsables à leur départ, rebaptisé « volontaire ». En tenant bout à bout l'étude des processus de renvoi et des expériences d'après-retour, il s'agit de mettre en perspective les mythologies et les réalités du phénomène. Pour ce faire, on examine, à travers les mécanismes de relégation, l'ensemble des acteurs et des institutions participant à l'aménagement d'un espace transnational de prise en charge sociale reliant les pays de renvoi aux pays d'où venaient les émigrés, particulièrement dans les effets sociopolitiques et anthropologiques que leurs opérations produisent<br>Starting from the issue of assisted voluntary return in France, this research offers an interpretation of removal policies for undocumented foreigners, labeled as "return policy" in the European Union. The principle of deportation has now been transposed to the field of social policy. Therefore, various humanitarian assistance programmes have hidden the notion of obligation which underlies the final goal of having foreigners leave the country. This confusion leads to the study of material and symbolic patterns of domination applied to "returnees”. In fact, this assistance involves a twist in the relation to the departure: undocumented migrants are no longer deportable people but foreigners asking for voluntary departure. Considering the whole process of removal and post deportation experiences, this research is to outline the myths and realities of return. Thus, trough relegation mechanisms, both social actors and institutions have been investigated. Their involvement and its consequences in the set up of a transnational space bonding the "deporting countries" and the countries of origin have been thoroughly analysed from a sociopolitical and an anthropological point of view

Les changements politiques qui ont eu lieu dans les pays de l’Est européen depuis 1989 ont eu pour conséquence l’ouverture des frontières des ex-pays communistes, facilitant les départs et les retours des leurs citoyens. La transformation économique qui se poursuit dans cette région de l’Europe a toutes ces conséquences :la hausse du chômage, les salaires très peu élevés, les difficultés économiques observées notamment dans les régions rurales etc. Tout cela provoque un déplacement de personnes qui, cherchant leur terre d’exile, cherchant une vie meilleure, se dirigent de l’Est vers l’Ouest du continent. <p>En 1991, le Royaume de Belgique a changé la législation concernant les citoyens polonais en leur accordant l’entrée libre, sans visas, pour un séjour touristique de trois mois. Cette modification de la loi a initié une nouvelle vague migratoire provenant de Pologne. <p><p>Notre étude concerne le milieu immigré polonais de Bruxelles, avec une prise en considération particulière de la question de la naissance et le fonctionnement d’un nouveau type d’organisation sociale qu’est la communauté transnationale. L’approche théorique de cette recherche est basée sur les études récentes relatives aux communautés transnationales. A partir de travaux de Alejandro Portes, Douglas Massey et Saskia Sassen, Robert Cohen et Steven Vertovec nous pouvons définir une communauté transnationale comme une nouvelle forme de vie sociale qui est composée d’immigrés vivant dans le pays d’accueil, des familles et des enfants des migrants qui sont dans le pays d’origine, d’anciens immigrés qui sont déjà rentrés dans leur pays d’origine et des migrants potentiels. Les communautés transnationales développent leurs propres entreprises, organisations, institutions et différentes formes de dépendances qui permettent à leurs membres de vivre et travailler dans le pays d’immigration, même sans avoir ni le permis de séjour ni le permis de travail. Le réseau de liens et d’organisations aide aussi la circulation des biens, des fonds financiers, ainsi que des informations entre le pays d’accueil et le pays d’origine. <p><p>Le but de cette recherche est de vérifier l’hypothèse qu’actuellement à Bruxelles se développe une communauté transnationale d’immigrés polonais illégaux. Cette communauté aide les migrants à exister en même temps dans les deux pays ;par exemple gagner de l’argent à Bruxelles et continuer la construction d’une maison dans le village natal, travailler en Belgique et élever des enfants qui sont en Pologne. Nous analysons la formation, les logiques de fonctionnement et l’évolution de la communauté transnationale polonaise implantée à Bruxelles ainsi que les organisations et les institutions, entre autres informelles, aidant les Polonais qui vivent sur le sol belge. Les questions liées à la problématique de l’emploi des immigrés polonais à Bruxelles constituent des éléments importants de notre recherche. L’accès des immigrés polonais au marché informel de l’économie belge, le fonctionnement du secteur du travail illégal, les métiers ethniques, la dynamique d’insertion des Polonais sur le marché de l’emploi bruxellois, les relations entre les patrons belges et les employés polonais ainsi que l’existence du secteur informel des entreprises polonaises nous semble particulièrement intéressant à développer dans le cadre de notre recherche. <p><p>Une analyse approfondie de la communauté polonaise de Bruxelles représente un intérêt non négligeable tant pour la Région de Bruxelles – Capitale que pour l’Etat belge, notamment à cause de l’ampleur de cette immigration. Les ressortissants polonais séjournant en Belgique constituent le premier groupe migrant parmi tous les immigrés originaires de l’Europe centrale et orientale. Dans ce contexte, il nous semble intéressant de connaître cette communauté qui se développe sur le sol belges depuis déjà 15 ans sans aucun statut officiel pendant plusieurs années. <p><br>Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Orientador: Shiguenoli Miyamoto<br>Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-06T01:28:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Moreira_JuliaBertino_M.pdf: 525751 bytes, checksum: 8b195af406c864a3af3d5917fdb5f5cd (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006<br>Resumo: Este trabalho tem como objetivo analisar como a questão dos refugiados foi se desenvolvendo no contexto internacional, em períodos distintos, de 1943 aos dias atuais. Tendo isso em vista, primeiramente, delimitou-se o objeto de estudo, distinguindo os refugiados dos demais grupos de deslocamentos forçados, como migrantes, deslocados internos e apátridas. Também foram apontadas as causas que levam ao refúgio e as soluções implementadas para os refugiados. Em seguida, examinou-se a questão dos refugiados a partir de três grandes intervalos de tempo: o pós-Segunda Guerra Mundial, no decorrer dos anos 1943 a 1960; a grande descolonização afro-asiática e o final da Guerra Fria, durante os anos de 1960 a 1990; e o cenário pós-Guerra Fria dos anos 1990 até a atualidade. Com isso, apresentaram-se alguns fluxos de refugiados ocorridos em várias regiões do mundo, bem como as organizações criadas para proteger os refugiados e os instrumentos internacionais e regionais elaborados em matéria de refugiados, no período mencionado. Além disso, analisou-se a atuação de alguns Estados em relação aos refugiados, destacando os momentos de cooperação e conflito entre eles, assim como a atuação do Alto Comissariado das Nações Unidas para os Refugiados (ACNUR) em prol dos refugiados, ao longo deste período. E, por fim, refletiu-se sobre a construção e transformação das definições de refugiado e sobre as diferenças entre os sistemas da ONU e os regionais de proteção aos refugiados<br>Abstract: The objective of this work is to analyze how the refugees¿ issue was developed in the international context, through distinct periods, from 1943 to nowadays. Considering this, first of all, the object of study was defined by distinguishing refugees from others groups of forced migration, such as migrants, internally displaced persons and stateless. The causes that lead to refuge were also pointed out, as well as the solutions adopted to refugees. After, the refugees¿ issue was examined by three great periods: the post Second World War, during 1943 to 1960; the African and Asiatic decolonization and the end of the Cold War, during 1960 to 1990; and the scenery of the post Cold War, from 1990 to nowadays. Thereby, some refugees¿ flows occurred in various regions of the world in the whole period were presented, as well as the organizations created to protect refugees and the international and regional instruments elaborated regarding refugees. Furthermore, the positions of some States related to refugees were analyzed, emphasizing the moments of cooperation and conflict among them, as well as the action of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in favor of refugees, along this period. And, finally, this work reflected on the construction and transformation of refugee definitions and the differences between the UN system and the regional systems of protection for refugees<br>Mestrado<br>Mestre em Ciência Política

Cette thèse interroge les dynamiques de construction du rapport à la politique (intérêt, critique, indifférence, engagement etc.) des descendants d’immigrés nés en France – ou y ayant grandi – et résidant dans un quartier d'habitat social dans lequel est mise en oeuvre la politique de la ville. L'originalité de ce travail vient du fait que différents rapports à la politique sont étudiés et que les familles rencontrées sont originaires de différents pays (Sénégal, Algérie, Maroc, Vietnam, Laos, Comores etc.). L'analyse développée à partir d’entretiens biographiques souligne l’influence des différents parcours migratoires des parents et des expériences communes des enfants sur la construction de leurs attitudes politiques ; elle questionne leur éventuelle spécificité. Elle accorde une attention particulière à la mémoire familiale et aux dynamiques des transmissions intergénérationnelles, aux trajectoires socioprofessionnelles des descendants d’immigrés et de leurs parents ainsi qu’au contexte local de vie<br>This PhD questions the dynamics of political attitudes (interest, criticism, indifference, involvement etc.) of French youths from non-European immigrant background born or raised in France in deprived areas where a specific policy is implemented. The originality of this study is that it includes different attitudes towards politics and different countries of origin. The interlocutors interviewed are from Senegal, Algeria, Morocco, Vietnam, Laos, Comoros etc. The analysis developed from biographical interviews underlines the influence of the different migration paths of the parents, and the common experiences of their children on the construction of their political attitudes; it questions their possible specificity. This analysis pays particular attention to the family memory and the dynamics of intergenerational transmission, to the socio-professional trajectories of immigrants’ descendants and those of their parents as well as their local context of residence

Ce travail de thèse s’intéresse au contrôle migratoire mis en œuvre à la frontière maroco-espagnole et à ses effets sur les personnes ciblées. Mettant en lumière les processus de minorisation des ressortissant-e-s d’Afrique centrale et de l’Ouest candidat-e-s à l’Europe, cette étude, basée sur une ethnographie multisituée menée aux échelles locale et micro-locale, amène à penser les rapports sociaux de sexe et de race en jeu dans les régimes migratoires en place. Elle tente de dénaturaliser les figures du « migrant subsaharien » et de la « migrante subsaharienne » pour dévoiler les processus qui se jouent derrière ces catégories racialisées et genrées, ancrées dans un contexte d’externalisation des frontières européennes, et de négociations permanentes entre l’UE, ses États membres (ici l’Espagne) et leurs alliés africains (ici le Maroc) pour la lutte contre l’immigration dite clandestine. Elle essaie également de décrypter et de mettre en perspective théorique les violences systémiques qui régissent cette situation de frontières militarisée, ainsi que les résistances qui y ont lieu. Elle amène alors à examiner la question suivante : comment comprendre l’institutionnalisation tacite du recours à la violence mortifère contre les labellisé-e-s « Subsahariens » à la frontière maroco-espagnole ? Pour répondre, il faut regarder de chaque côté de la frontière, mais aussi la considérer comme un ensemble ; confronter les points de vue des contrôleur-se-s et des contrôlé-e-s, appréhender le passé cristallisé dans le présent : penser la colonialité des politiques migratoires espagnoles, et au-delà, du régime européen des migrations<br>This thesis focuses on the migration control implemented at the Moroccan-Spanish border and its effects on the targeted persons. Highlighting the processes of “minoritisation” of Central and West African nationals who are candidates for Europe, this study, based on a multi-site ethnography conducted at local and micro-local levels, leads us to think about the social relations of gender and race at stake in existing migration regimes. It attempts to denaturalize the figures of the female and male “sub-Saharan migrant” to reveal the processes behind these racialized and gendered categories, anchored in a context of externalisation of European borders, and permanent negotiations between the EU, its Member States (here Spain) and their African allies (here Morocco) for the fight against so-called illegal immigration. It also tries to decipher and put into theoretical perspective the systemic violence that governs this militarized border situation, as well as the humanitarian actions and resistance that take place there. It then leads to the following question: how can we understand the tacit institutionalization of the use of deadly violence against those labelled as “Sub-Saharans” on the Moroccan-Spanish border? To answer, we must look at each side of the border, but also consider it as a whole; grasp the sexual division of labour in controlling mobility; compare the points of view of controllers and controlled persons and understand the past crystallized in the present: think about the coloniality of Spanish and European migration policies

Cette thèse porte sur les pratiques du droit des étrangers au Maroc. Par l’analyse de divers mécanismes de mobilisation du droit, tels qu’ils se déploient quotidiennement, son objectif est d’observer et de décrire, en contexte, les activités d’acteurs variés impliqués ou confrontés à un droit, des institutions et des procédures visant les étrangers. Ceci passe par une étude de l’activité judiciaire et administrative en la matière. Ceci passe aussi par une clarification de méthodes utilisées par les gens, professionnels ou profanes, dans leurs pratiques quotidiennes, impliquant de fait de prendre en compte les dimensions sociales et politiques du droit, des étrangers en particulier. En adoptant une démarche praxéologique, il s’agit de s’intéresser au droit en action en reconsidérant un ensemble de pratiques, méthodiques et ordonnées, pour en clarifier les modes endogènes de production et d’intelligibilité.Une première partie s’attache à présenter la démarche praxéologique, tout en apportant des éclairages sur un ensemble de phénomènes sociaux et politiques ancrés dans le contexte marocain contemporain. La seconde partie est consacrée à la description et à l’analyse de situations de rencontre de l’étranger avec l’administration et la justice, à partir d’une série d’épisodes permettant d’éclairer le déploiement pratique du droit en contexte. Une troisième partie s’attache aux méthodes de raisonnement, de compréhension, d’interprétation, qui permettent de mieux comprendre le droit des étrangers au Maroc, en accordant une attention particulière à l’analyse des catégorisations et aux jeux d’inférences. L’ensemble des chapitres offre un traitement original de différents processus et mécanismes de la grammaire du droit en action, mettant en exergue les relations qu’entretiennent le droit et la société, ainsi que la dimension intrinsèquement politique du droit des étrangers<br>This dissertation deals with the practices surrounding the law regarding foreigners in Morocco. Its aim is to observe and describe, in context, the activities of diverse people who find themselves involved or faced with the law, institutions and procedures related to the presence of foreigners. The intention, however, is to analyze various mechanisms involved in the ordinary mobilization of law. This goes through the study of legal and administrative activities in this domain. The clarification of methods used by people, both professional and lay, in their daily practices includes de facto to take into consideration the social and political dimensions of the law, and in particular that related to foreigners. By adopting a praxiological perspective, the purpose is to deal with law in action and to revisit a set of practices, methodical and structurally organized, in order to better understand the endogenous methods of production and intelligibility of law.The first part seeks to present the praxiological approach while shedding light on several social and political phenomena in the contemporary Moroccan context. The second part is devoted to the description and the analysis of various situations in which people are involved and face administrative and judicial institutions. Through a series of episodes and in an empirically documented manner, it fleshes out the way in which the law practically and contextually operates. A third part focuses on methods of reasoning, of understanding and of interpreting, and in particular the working of categorizations and inferences, which are actively at play in the law regarding foreigners in Morocco.All the chapters provide an original treatment of processes and mechanisms of the grammar of law in action and bring out the relation between law and society, as well as the intrinsically political dimension of the law regarding foreigners

L’étude défend la thèse selon laquelle la Cour de justice de l’Union européenne, avec son action interprétative, joue un rôle majeur dans la définition du niveau de protection des droits fondamentaux des migrants en condition irrégulière dans l’UE. Les compétences limitées de l’UE en matière migratoire, partagées avec les États membres (article 4, § 2, lettre j TFUE), n’ont pas empêché la Cour de justice de contrecarrer l’action répressive mise en exergue par les États membres et parfois par l’UE elle-même. Néanmoins, l’interprétation faite par la CJUE du droit primaire et dérivé à la lumière de la Charte des droits fondamentaux de l’UE rencontre des limites majeures lorsqu’elle vise le contentieux pénal et administratif portant sur l’immigration irrégulière. La première partie de l’étude est consacrée aux limites de l’action interprétative de la CJUE. La dimension territoriale étant le fil conducteur de la recherche, l’analyse de la jurisprudence montre les obstacles qui s’opposent à une action efficace des juges de Luxembourg face à la répression « avant l’entrée » et « à la sortie » des migrants. En effet, tant les accords pris par l’UE ou par ses États membres avec des pays tiers pour empêcher les départs, que les accords de réadmission visant les retours des migrants en condition irrégulière vers leur pays d’origine ou vers des pays de transit se placent souvent à l’extérieur des compétences de la CJUE. La deuxième partie se concentre sur les pratiques de répression des migrations irrégulières sur le territoire de l’UE. L’importance du mécanisme du renvoi préjudiciel (article 267 TFUE) sera mise en exergue à partir du contentieux pénal sur la criminalisation des migrations et le contentieux administratif sur la répression du même phénomène. Si l’efficacité de l’action de la CJUE manifeste son ampleur dans la dimension interne de la répression des migrations, l’analyse de sa jurisprudence touchant la dimension externe de la répression permet de montrer le besoin d’harmonisation dont la politique migratoire de l’UE a besoin aujourd’hui<br>This research argues that the European Court of Justice, with its interpretative action, plays a major role in defining fundamental rights for irregular migrants in the EU. The limited competences of the EU in migration matters, shared with the Member States (Article 4(2)(j) TFEU), have not prevented the Court of Justice from affirming general principles of law that have marked the development of European legislative activity, to the point of thwarting the law enforcement action highlighted by the Member States and sometimes by the EU itself. Nevertheless, the interpretation made by the CJEU of primary and secondary law in the light of the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights encounters major limitations when it comes to criminal and administrative litigation on illegal immigration. The first part of the study is dedicated to the limits of the interpretative action of the CJEU. As the territorial dimension is the central thread of the research, the analysis of case law shows the obstacles to effective action by Luxembourg judges in the face of repression "before entry" and "on exit" of migrants. Indeed, both the agreements taken by the EU or by its Member States with third countries to prevent departures, and the readmission agreements aimed at the return of migrants in an irregular condition to their country of origin or to transit countries are often outside the competence of the CJEU. The second part focuses on the practices of repression of irregular migration on the territory of the EU. The importance of the preliminary ruling mechanism (Article 267 TFEU) will be highlighted from the criminal litigation on the criminalisation of migration and the administrative litigation on the repression of the same phenomenon. While the effectiveness of the action of the CJEU is obvious in the internal dimension of the repression of migration, the analysis of its case law on the external dimension of repression shows the need for harmonisation that EU migration policy needs today

Cette thèse analyse la politique de migration lors du recrutement d'immigrants qualifiés, menée par la province canadienne du Québec et la communauté brésilienne dans cette province francophone. Pour cela, le concept de diaspora a été utilisé comme modèle analytique de la formation de cette communauté d'immigrés dans une région d'installation non traditionnelle. Tout d'abord, ce travail présente l'histoire de cette province canadienne et le développement de la thématique migratoire et linguistique et le rôle des politiques de migration qui ont conduit à l'autonomie de la province dans le recrutement et la sélection de ses immigrants du volet économique en employant le système des points. Ensuite, les principales caractéristiques des communautés brésiliennes dans les principaux pays d'installation sont abordées afin de présenter la question de l'émigration brésilienne comme un phénomène contemporain. Il est démontré comment, depuis les années 1980 ce mouvement, auparavant résiduel, s'est répandu dans la culture brésilienne. Ensuite, est présenté le concept de diaspora afin de statuer sur l'émigration brésilienne comme une diaspora. Ultérieurement, ce travail présente, analyse et traite de la migration des Brésiliens sous ce prisme à travers des entretiens semi-directifs, dont les moyens institutionnels et formels, ainsi que les non institutionnels et informels d'être ici et là-bas sont largement employés. Il met en évidence le rôle des réseaux sociaux virtuels dans le processus,dans leur trajectoire migratoire et dans la formation de la communauté. Il est démontré que ces Brésiliens, au moment de quitter leur pays, étaient à la recherche d'une certaine qualité de vie et de garanties sociales dont ils croyaient être exclus au Brésil<br>This thesis analyzes the migration policy recruitment of skilled immigrants, led by the Canadian province of Quebec and the Brazilian community in this French-speaking province. For this, the concept of diaspora has been used as an analytical model of the formation of the immigrant community in a non-traditional installation area. Initially this work presents the history of this province and the development of thematic and linguistic migration and the role of migration policies that led to the autonomy of the province in the recruitment and selection of its economic immigrants using the points system. Then, the main characteristics of Brazilian communities in major country of installation are presented in order to place the issue of Brazilian emigration as a contemporary phenomenon. It is shown how, since the 1980s, this movement, previously residual, has become so prevalent in Brazilian culture. Then, the concept of diaspora is introduced to show the Brazilian emigration as a diaspora. Subsequently, this work presents, analyzes and discusses the migration of Brazilians under this prism through semi-structured interviews, with institutional and formal means, as well as non-institutional and informal to be here and there that are widely used. It highlights the role of virtual social networks in the process, in their migration history and the formation of community. It is shown that these Brazilians, when leaving their country, were looking for a certain quality of life and social guarantees that in Brazil they believed to be excluded<br>Esta tese analisa a política migratória de recrutamento de imigrantes qualificados conduzida pela província canadense do Québec e a comunidade brasileira nessa província francófona. Para isso, o conceito de diáspora foi empregado como um modelo de análise da formação dessa comunidade imigrante em uma área de instalação não-tradicional. Primeiramente, este trabalho apresenta a história desta província e do desenvolvimento da temática migratória e linguística e o papel das políticas de migração que levaram à autonomia da província no recrutamento e na seleção de seus imigrantes da categoria econômica através do sistema de pontos. Em seguida, as principais características das comunidades brasileiras nos principais países de instalação foram abordadas a fim de apresentar a questão da emigração brasileira como um fenômeno contemporâneo. É mostrado como, desde os anos 1980, este movimento, até então residual, se difundiu na cultura brasileira. Em seguida, é introduzido o conceito de diáspora afim de situarmos a emigração brasileira como uma diáspora. Posteriormente, este trabalho apresenta, analisa e discute a migração de brasileiros sob esse prisma por meio de entrevistas semi-estruturadas, cujos meios institucionais e formais, bem como não institucionais e informais para estar aqui e estar lá são amplamente utilizados. Ademais, destaca-se o papel das redes sociais virtuais no processo de imigração, na trajetória migratória e na formação dessa comunidade imigrante. É mostrado que esses brasileiros, quando deixaram o seu país, estavam à procura de certa qualidade de vida e de garantias sociais que eles acreditavam ser sido excluídos no Brasil

L’évolution des technologies de l’information et du transport a favorisé l’action transnationale du terrorisme, exigeant une réponse étatique qui prenne en considération le mouvement transfrontalier des terroristes. Cette réponse s’est traduite dans le cas les États‐Unis et de l’Espagne par l’introduction de dispositifs de lutte antiterroriste dans le droit migratoire et d’asile. Les dispositifs de lutte antiterroriste insérés aux États‐Unis sont cohérents avec la tradition migratoire interne tandis que ceux introduits par l’Espagne sont cohérents avec le droit international, par le biais de l’introduction des règles de l’UE. La doctrine internationale a aussi justifié l’adoption de ces dispositifs, invoquant les théories du contrat social et de l’exceptionnalisme souverain. Pourtant, l’introduction de ces dispositifs de lutte antiterroriste par les pays étudiés répond à un processus de confusion des buts et des moyens de lutte contre la criminalité et la migration illégale ou crimmigration. Ces dispositifs ne sont pas très efficaces pour lutter contre le terrorisme, malgré leur présence continue pendant le contrôle migratoire et le traitement des demandeurs d’asile, mais ils sont utiles pour lutter contre l’immigration illégale et préserver la «stabilité culturelle». De fait, ces dispositifs font partie d’un système sélectif de surveillance qui a impliqué la création d’un droit migratoire et d’asile «de l’ennemi», qui conçoit l’étranger comme une source de danger justifiant l’octroi d’un traitement qui le dépersonnalise, permettant à l’État d’atteindre symboliquement ses buts et, éventuellement, d’obtenir de la légitimité vis‐à‐vis de la population autochtone<br>Advances in information and transportation technology support transnational terrorist action and require a state response which takes into account the transnational terrorist movement. This response resulted in, for the United States and Spain, immigration and asylum measures that are part of counter‐terrorism strategies. American migratory and asylum measures to combat terrorism are consistent with American migratory tradition and foreign policy, while Spanish measures are consistent with international law, though in conformity with European law. The international doctrine has also justified the adoption of these measures on the basis of social contract and sovereign exceptionalism theories. However, the adoption of migratory and asylum measures to combat terrorism is part of a process of criminalization of migratory law also known as crimmigration. The migratory and asylum measures undertaken to combat terrorism have not been effective in eradicating terrorism, despite their continuous presence during migration control and treatment of asylum‐seekers, though they are valuable instruments for action against illegal migration and preserving cultural "stability". In fact, they are part of a surveillance system of alien people. The construction of this system implies the creation of an "Enemy" migratory and asylum law that considers the alien as a risk to security and consequently gives the alien an exceptional treatment which results in the loss of its legal personality. This "Enemy" migratory and asylum law enables the State to symbolically achieve its goals and obtain a new source of legitimacy

La thèse a pour objet l'émancipation des femmes issues de l'immigration. Elle propose d'évaluer les effets de la migration et de l'accès au marché du travail sur l'émancipation des filles de migrantes d'origine marocaine en Belgique francophone.<p>L'étude tente d'abord de mettre en lumière le rôle des femmes immigrées dans l'histoire de la Belgique en le ré-articulant à l'histoire sociale, l'histoire des femmes et l'histoire de l'immigration. Ensuite, elle montre que l'approche dominante des travaux sur les migrations ne prend pas en compte la dimension du genre, ce qui a pour conséquence de masquer la différenciation des expériences migratoires selon le sexe. Enfin, elle replace l'analyse du statut des femmes immigrées et de leurs descendantes dans la complexité des rapports sociaux de sexe, de race et de classe afin de mieux rendre compte des réalités concrètes et de sortir du simplisme des approches culturalistes.<p>La thèse développe une analyse des politiques d'intégration (politiques éducative, de l'emploi et de lutte contre les discriminations) visant l'émancipation des immigrées et en évalue l'impact sur les filles de migrant-es d'origine marocaine. Elle présente enfin les trajectoires individuelles des filles de migrant.es marocain.es et examine les facteurs individuels et collectifs favorisant leur émancipation.<p><br>Doctorat en sciences sociales, Orientation sociologie<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished