Academic literature on the topic 'Migratory terrorism'

Resumen:La gestión coordinada de las fronteras y el funcionamiento eficaz de los sistemas de tratamiento de datos de circulación de personas pueden servir como mecanismo de alerta temprana frente al riesgo de ataques terroristas. Puede fortalecer la capacidad colectiva de los Estados para detectar, prevenir y combatir el terrorismo al facilitar el intercambio oportuno de información, permitiendo así adoptar de forma responsable decisiones cruciales.Este trabajo analiza los concretos instrumentos de gestión de datos en fronteras que pueden ser útiles en la lucha antiterrorista, porque el primer paso en inteligencia reside en la obtención de información, que luego será analizada y tratada para convertir esa información en conocimiento. Como tendremos oportunidad de comprobar, muchas de las bases de datos en fronteras se crearon para controlar la entrada de inmigrantes en las fronteras europeas, pero la información que ofrecen dichos sistemas puede servir también para luchar contra ese reto que nos amenaza, el del terrorismo yihadista. No obstante, este trabajo subraya que se trata de fenómenos distintos.Es cierto que la nueva oleada de ataques yihadistas ha coincidido, en el mismo espacio temporal, con la mayor crisis migratoria a la que se ha tenido que enfrentar Europa debido a crisis humanitarias y posteriormente a la guerra de Siria u otros conflictos. Pero, no son lo mismo. El terrorismo yihadista y la inmigración poco o nada tienen que ver, por mucho que se hayan querido vincular o se hayan pretendido justificar determinadas políticas contra la inmigración como algo necesario para luchar contra el terrorismo yihadista, con el fácil argumento de que frenando la inmigración se evita la entrada de potenciales terroristas en Europa.El trabajo advierte del riesgo de que la lucha contra el terrorismo sea utilizada para reforzar los controles de personas en las fronteras con el verdadero objetivo de frenar los flujos migratorios. Al tiempo, subraya la necesidad de que en dichos controles se sigan directrices y prácticas claras y se respeten plenamente las obligaciones que los Estados tienen de conformidad con el Derecho internacional, tal como ha recordado el Tribunal Europeo de Derechos Humanos y el Tribunal de Justicia de la Unión Europea. De hecho, no son pocos los casos en los que estos Tribunales han subrayado la relevancia indubitada de principios como la reserva de ley, la necesidad o la proporcionalidad como sustrato de la licitud de muchas medidas que incluyen el tratamiento de datos personales.Summary:1. Jihadist terrorism as a cross-border phenomenon. 2. The benefit of data exchange on crossing-borders in the Schengen area. 3. New guidelines on data processing and the safeguard of national security. 4. The register of passengers (The Personal Name Record or PNR). 5. When the data cross the external borders. The exchange of data with third countries. 5.1. The failed PNR Agreement with Canada and the EU Court of Justice’s standards regarding the transfer of passengers’ data. 5.2. The exchange of data with the United States. The EU-US Umbrella Agreement and the Privacy Shield. 6. The use of profiles and blacklists of alleged terrorists in cross-bording. 7. ConclusionsAbstract:EU Coordinated border management and effective functioning of data processing systems related to the movement of persons may serve as an early warning mechanism against the risk of terrorist attacks. It can strengthen the collective capacity of States to detect, prevent and combat terrorism by facilitating the timely exchange of information, thereby enabling crucial decisions to be adopted in a responsible manner.This paper analyzes the concrete border data management tools that can be useful in the fight against terrorism. The first step in intelligence lies in obtaining information, which will then be analyzed and treated to turn that information into useful knowledge. As we will have an opportunity to verify, numerous border databases were created to control the entry of immigrants into European borders, but the information offered by these systems can also serve to fight against this challenge that threatens us, that of jihadist terrorism.Nevertheless, we emphasize that terrorism and immigration are different phenomena. The truth is that the new wave of Jihadist attacks took place along the largest migratory crisis that Europe faced due to different humanitarian crises and to the war in Syria and other conflicts. But they represent different realities. Jihadist terrorism and immigration have little or nothing in common. In spite of this, many wish to link both with a view to justify certain anti-immigration policies as necessary actions for coping with Jihadist terrorism. This has been done based on a simple narrative: holding back immigration prevents the entry of potential terrorists in Europe.This paper shows that the risk that the fight against terrorism will be used as a basis to reinforce people controls at the borders, while the true objective of these measures is to curb migratory flows. At the same time, it underlines the need for clear guidelines and practices to be followed when implementing such controls. It also vindicates the need for States to observe their obligations laid down by international law, as recalled by the European Court of Human Rights and the EU Court of the Justice. In fact, in many cases, these jurisdictions highlighted the undoubted relevance of the statutory reserve principle, the principle of necessity or the principle of proportionality, as legal basis for the adoption of measures that include personal data processing.

Within a changing global consciousness for international guardianship of the targets of terrorism, this article explores the broad narratives, strengths, and limitations of adopting community policing for the control of herdsmen terrorism in West Africa. It follows the search by social engineering and criminal justice practitioners for a relational and experiential agent for social change against destructive terrorist tendencies and its eroding influence on the sensibilities of human civilization. The article frames an approach for creating a social policing environment in rural and poor communities along pastoral transhumance routes in West and Central Africa. The mass murder of indigenous communities by the migratory and transborder terror groups in this region is a crime against humanity. The adoption of the concept of “connected communities” is suggested to create a multilayered and all-involving intelligence community policing shield in individual communities under siege of the pastoralists.

<p><em>The international migration has intensified during the last two decades. The number of the irregular migrants entered the European Union reached unprecedented level between 2014 and 2018. From 2015 to nowadays the European Union experienced a massive number of casualties caused by terrorist attacks.</em><em> </em><em>These facts are reinforced by the data of the European criminal statistics as well. Having regard to that the terrorist attacks constitute one of the most serious violations of the human rights and fundamental freedoms on which the EU is founded, it is very important to deal with the relationship between the mentioned two phenomena. Although, </em><em>there is no evidence to declare that all of migrants are terrorist, however—it can be underlined-, the terrorists make use of migratory flows to enter into EU. It shall be emphasized that the phenomenon of the irregular migration is favorable to the terrorist organizations. The paper deals with the question of whether</em><em> </em><em>is there a connection</em><em> </em><em>between the irregular migration and the terrorism in the European Union, using European statistics of the European Law Enforcement Agency (EUROPOL) and the FRONTEX. Dealing with legal documents and analyzing them is not aim of this paper. </em></p>

Abstract The principle of solidarity is embedded in the foundations of the European Union (eu) legal system and is integral to the very ethos that has made the Union possible. However, as Member States struggle with contemporary challenges such as high migration flows, terrorism and economic turmoil they have predominantly adopted individualist and protectionist strategies which undermine the character of the Union. Those strategies include, for instance, building walls and securitising internal borders. This contribution argues that solidarity is inextricably linked with responsibility. Solidarity gives rise to responsibility and is a desired consequence of responsibility. Thus, this work suggests that strengthening the binomial of solidarity/responsibility is the solution that will create effective practices in meeting the humanitarian needs of refugees and sharing burdens between Member States. The contribution analyses the eu’s commitment to solidarity/responsibility and calls for Member States to demonstrate their commitment. Three types of Member State solidarity/responsibility are identified: 1) towards refugees and migrants, 2) towards fellow countries and 3) towards the eu itself. The latter finds its legal foundation in the principle of ‘sincere cooperation’ as enshrined in Article 4 (3) teu and constitutes a means of protecting collective interest and precluding unilateral Member State actions that might jeopardize the entire eu project.

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to draw attention to the effect of the growing informal financial sector (IFS) on the effectiveness of anti-criminal finance laws. Specifically, the growth of the IFS has been brought on by the unprecedented rise in refugee and migrant movement around the world. This paper will focus on how refugee smuggling in the Eastern Mediterranean and Western Balkan region – and the consequent rise of the IFS – has affected the suitability of apply anti-money laundering and financial action task force frameworks in these countries. Design/methodology/approach It assesses the effectiveness of national and international legal documents on anti-criminal finance. It also uses data sets and analyses secondary and primary sources to estimate the size and importance of the IFS. Findings The exponential and rapid growth of the IFS has undermined efforts to prevent the financing of trafficking, terrorism, corruption and money-laundering. The present legal devices to address criminal finance has been wholly inadequate and counter-productive. Research limitations/implications There are limited reliable or accurate data available on the IFS, how much money goes through it or how important it is to criminal activities such as money laundering or terrorist finance. Without field-research, this study remains exploratory. Practical implications The growth of the IFS and migratory movement is a complex dilemma that must be accounted for when seeking to truly improve anti-criminal finance laws, especially in developing and transition countries. Originality/value This paper demonstrates the importance of considering the IFS and migratory and refugee movements in creating legal instruments to combat financial crime. It also suggests a direction for future research.

Abstract The rise of fundamentalism and terrorism, and the violent acts committed against women, during the Algerian conflict of the 1990s (the ‘Black Decade’, also referred to as the Algerian ‘Dark Decade’) undoubtedly had a catalytic effect on the mass feminization of Algerian migration. However, they arguably served to amplify an existing migratory movement of women. This article argues that, during times of war or internal conflict, violence and a climate of fear may be the main reason why women flee, but it is not the only one. Women’s forced migration is complex and is often related to specific, gender-based oppression, which is exacerbated by conflict. This research, conducted amongst highly skilled women who left Algeria during and after the Black Decade, reveals that their decisions to leave were also greatly influenced by their position as women: the violence specifically targeted at educated or high-profile women, women’s legal situation and the oppression they experienced in family and society. Yet, despite the UNHCR’s gender guidelines, the complex experiences of women fleeing gender-based violence often remain unacknowledged by national asylum regimes.

The European Union is facing unprecedented challenges, both global and internal: regional conflicts, terrorism, growing migratory pressures, protectionism, social and economic inequalities. A safe and secure EU where all citizens feel sure and can move freely, external borders are secured, where international norms are respected, Europe determined to fight terrorism. The European international system is not rigid; it is characterized by constant changeability of the configuration of forces, spheres of influence. The states of the European Union system may be divided into static, transformative and turbulent. For example, Brexit, together with the cooperation and peaceful co-existence, proceed from the current state of the international system, as far as structural limitations imposed on the actions of states by the hierarchy of a system are more stable than the level of their influence. The disparity between the status of a state in the system and its potential abilities are the most credible explanations of conflict behaviour thereof. Conflict and cooperation are the most important manifestations of the subject of international relations and logically proceed from structural peculiarities of a current international system. Generally speaking, the existence of the system of international relations is defined by conditions of coexistence of contemporary Poles of international power, the superpower status of which is fixed with respect to peripheral social subject by relevant factorial, spectral, departmental, geo-civilizational, and institutional elements. The expansion in the range of issues, which did not require the unanimous approval of the EU member-states, but solely by voting on the principle of the qualified majority, was to promote the enforced cooperation between the EU member-states. These vectors were chosen due to the changes in the international arena which occurred during the period researched, reflected rather in these areas than in the economic policy since the state received the freedom of action in the search of a new balance of power. What is more, the EU institutions that govern the common foreign and security policy and the European defence remained weak even after the Maastricht treaty has been reviewed and the Amsterdam treaty has been signed. The monetary union is an identity instrument of the EU. The multi-ethnics identity is the feature of the migration processes in European Union.

English abstract: This article examines how migration control in Malaysia has been transformed in response to non-traditional security threats. Since the 2010s, the state has expanded the territorial reach of its immigration enforcement through trilateral border patrol initiatives and multilateral defense establishments. Malaysia’s extraterritorial policy is mostly implemented through the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) frameworks. Common geopolitical security concerns, particularly the transnational crime and terrorism confronted by Malaysia and its bordering countries, have led to extraterritorial control measures to secure its external borders. Key elements include the growing involvement of the army, the institutionalization of border externalization, and the strengthening of the ASEAN’s regional immigration cooperation. By analyzing the ASEAN’s intergovernmental collaboration, this article demonstrates that Malaysia’s extraterritorial migration practices are militarized, externalized, and regionalized.Spanish abstract: Este artículo examina la transformación del control migratorio en Malasia en respuesta a las amenazas de seguridad no tradicionales. Desde 2010, el estado aumentó el alcance territorial de su control migratorio a través de patrullas fronterizas trilaterales y establecimiento de defensa multilateral. La política extraterritorial de Malasia tiene como marco principal la Asociación de Naciones del Sureste Asiático (ASEAN en inglés). Las preocupaciones de seguridad geopolítica comunes, particularmente los delitos y el terrorismo transnacional, provocaron medidas de control extraterritorial para asegurar sus fronteras externas. Los elementos clave son la creciente implicación del ejército, la institucionalización de la externalización de fronteras y el fortalecimiento de la cooperación regional en inmigración de ASEAN. Este artículo demuestra que las prácticas migratorias extraterritoriales de Malasia están militarizadas, externalizadas y regionalizadas.French abstract: L’article analyse les changements apportés aux services de con trôle de la migration en Malaisie. Depuis 2010, l’État a étendu son champ d’action et mis en place des initiatives de patrouilles frontalières trilatérales, de défense multilatérale et une police extraterritoriale déployée sous l’impulsion de l’Association des nations de l’Asie du Sud-Est (ANASE). Les problèmes de sécurité géopolitique, comme la criminalité transnationale et le terrorisme qui sévissent en Malaisie et dans les pays voisins, ont donné lieu à des mesures extraterritoriales pour sécuriser les frontières extérieures. Parmi elles, figurent l’implication de l’armée, l’externalisation institutionnalisée du contrôle aux frontières et le renforcement de la coopération de l’ANASE en matière d’immigration. Par l’analyse de cette coopération intergouvernementale, cet article démontre que la politique migratoire malaisienne est régie par la militarisation, l’externalisation et la régionalisation.

Edna O’Brien’s last published novels, "The Little Red Chairs" (2015) and "Girl" (2019), have been unanimously praised by criticism. "The Little Red Chairs" has been acclaimed as her masterpiece by Philip Roth in the book jacket cover, and as her most ambitious novel by Éilís Ní Dhuibhne at the moment of its publication (2015), which is a lot to say about an author who has been a referent in Irish literature since the 1960s. Girl has been also praised by influential figures such as Christina Patterson (2019) and Anne Enright (2019), among many other reviewers."The Little Red Chairs" has been inspired by the historical episode of the Balkans War and the siege of Sarajevo. Divided in three parts, the novel takes its readers from the west of Ireland to the Balkans through London and The Hague Tribunal in a series of movements that serve the author to deploy the wide canvas of migratory exchanges in our current society which involve political exiles, refugees, expatriates and economic emigrants. "Girl", has been described by O’Brien herself as “the hardest and the most painful” novel that she has ever written. On this occasion, the narrative is based on the kidnapping of more than two hundred schoolgirls by the Boko Haram Jihadist sect, after the author’s journey to Nigeria, where she interviewed many of the people involved in the tragic episode. My study of these two novels focuses on Edna O’Brien’s ethical compromise, giving voice to the most traumatic episodes and traumatizedvictims of our contemporary society, as well as on her brilliant use of the genre of the novel for recording the chaos, complexity, dislocation and fragmentation caused by radicalisms, political violence and terrorism.

La radicalización ideológico-política y el terrorismo generan una serie de consecuencias desastrosas para el correcto funcionamiento de una sociedad. Actualmente, situaciones de convulsión social consecuencia de la crisis económica y migratoria, así como el terrorismo de corte ideológico-religioso, están ocasionando un aumento de la polarización y la radicalización ideológico-política. El planteamiento de intervenciones preventivas eficaces para atajar estos procesos requiere de un estudio sistemático y multidisciplinar en el que la psicología social debe ostentar un papel central. El objetivo del presente trabajo es hacer una propuesta comprensiva de corte conceptual que permita ordenar los procesos psicosociales que subyacen a la radicalización violenta de grupos con ideologías políticas extremistas. Concretamente, se pretende poner de manifiesto la idoneidad de analizar un conjunto de variables psicosociales que desempeñan un papel esencial en el equilibrio personal del individuo, en relación con el reclutamiento de terroristas, así como con el mantenimiento funcional de grupos radicalizados. Asimismo, y en respuesta a la necesidad de considerar nuevas perspectivas de investigación en el estudio del fenómeno terrorista, se examina el papel de la victimización y victimización competitiva, encontrándose suficientes argumentos teóricos como para recomendar la incorporación de dichos constructos en futuras investigaciones.

L’évolution des technologies de l’information et du transport a favorisé l’action transnationale du terrorisme, exigeant une réponse étatique qui prenne en considération le mouvement transfrontalier des terroristes. Cette réponse s’est traduite dans le cas les États‐Unis et de l’Espagne par l’introduction de dispositifs de lutte antiterroriste dans le droit migratoire et d’asile. Les dispositifs de lutte antiterroriste insérés aux États‐Unis sont cohérents avec la tradition migratoire interne tandis que ceux introduits par l’Espagne sont cohérents avec le droit international, par le biais de l’introduction des règles de l’UE. La doctrine internationale a aussi justifié l’adoption de ces dispositifs, invoquant les théories du contrat social et de l’exceptionnalisme souverain. Pourtant, l’introduction de ces dispositifs de lutte antiterroriste par les pays étudiés répond à un processus de confusion des buts et des moyens de lutte contre la criminalité et la migration illégale ou crimmigration. Ces dispositifs ne sont pas très efficaces pour lutter contre le terrorisme, malgré leur présence continue pendant le contrôle migratoire et le traitement des demandeurs d’asile, mais ils sont utiles pour lutter contre l’immigration illégale et préserver la «stabilité culturelle». De fait, ces dispositifs font partie d’un système sélectif de surveillance qui a impliqué la création d’un droit migratoire et d’asile «de l’ennemi», qui conçoit l’étranger comme une source de danger justifiant l’octroi d’un traitement qui le dépersonnalise, permettant à l’État d’atteindre symboliquement ses buts et, éventuellement, d’obtenir de la légitimité vis‐à‐vis de la population autochtone<br>Advances in information and transportation technology support transnational terrorist action and require a state response which takes into account the transnational terrorist movement. This response resulted in, for the United States and Spain, immigration and asylum measures that are part of counter‐terrorism strategies. American migratory and asylum measures to combat terrorism are consistent with American migratory tradition and foreign policy, while Spanish measures are consistent with international law, though in conformity with European law. The international doctrine has also justified the adoption of these measures on the basis of social contract and sovereign exceptionalism theories. However, the adoption of migratory and asylum measures to combat terrorism is part of a process of criminalization of migratory law also known as crimmigration. The migratory and asylum measures undertaken to combat terrorism have not been effective in eradicating terrorism, despite their continuous presence during migration control and treatment of asylum‐seekers, though they are valuable instruments for action against illegal migration and preserving cultural "stability". In fact, they are part of a surveillance system of alien people. The construction of this system implies the creation of an "Enemy" migratory and asylum law that considers the alien as a risk to security and consequently gives the alien an exceptional treatment which results in the loss of its legal personality. This "Enemy" migratory and asylum law enables the State to symbolically achieve its goals and obtain a new source of legitimacy

This work focuses on analysis of radical Islamist (jihadist) terrorism in Europe with specific focus on refugees. The basic aim of this work is to determine, whether refugees are more prone to radicalization, criminal activity or terrorism. Special attention will be given to refugees that came to Europe since 2015 and the special aim is to determine, whether they can be considered as trojan horse of terrorism, criminals or they pose no threat in topic of either terrorism or criminality. This work is divided into three main chapters and numerous subchapters. In the first part of the work, the phenomenon of terrorism is closely analysed. This chapter concentrates on difficulties of achieving a common definition of terrorism, provides various definitions and their critique, looks on definitional elements and roots of terrorism, discusses theories of terrorism and presents various types of terrorism. Second chapter lists out the occurrence of jihadist terrorism in Europe since 2015 and reviews it. A special view is offered by listing out successful jihadist attacks committed by refugees since 2015. Third chapter focuses on the analysis of three things - radicalization among refugees, criminal activity among refugees and the possibility of the occurrence of migratory terrorism. The main research...

The discourse on brain drain, asymmetry, trans-territorial inequality, and of recent, issue relating to terrorists' threat, has dominated migration mediatic writings. Basically, the repulsive admittance of migrants into developed countries has been found to correlate to the xenophobic attitudes that are linked to myths and misinformation partly injected by the media and acted upon by political gladiators. However, contrary to the negative attitudinal disposition to migrants' admissibility that are rife in the developed economies, this research work establishes that the Third World nations have consistently sought for succour through push factors facilitating migration in the past and will continue to do so at higher magnitude for many decades to come if the current economic situation and the corrupt disposition of indigenous political elites remained unaltered. The chapter, thus, advocates the address of the causative factors promoting migration rather than curative expenditures often embarked upon by the United Nations Organization (UNO) and other advanced economies in arresting migratory emergencies.