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Journal articles on the topic 'Militant cinema'
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1
Fagioli, Julia. "Notas em torno do cinema militante de 1960 e 1970 / Notes on the Militant Cinema of the Sixties and Seventies." Cadernos Benjaminianos 15, no. 1 (October 8, 2019): 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.17851/2179-8478.15.1.79-102.
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Resumo: Neste trabalho buscamos realizar uma breve genealogia – sempre inacabada – acerca das formas como a política – especificamente sua dimensão militante e engajada – se manifesta no cinema, a partir de um recorte histórico que privilegia a produção militante e coletiva dos anos 1960 e 1970. Nesse período vários coletivos e iniciativas individuais surgiram em torno de um cinema engajado. Ao recuperar algumas dessas iniciativas, é possível retomar também as questões que elas abordavam, tais como o ato de delegar a câmera ao trabalhador, as relações entre as imagens filmadas num momento de urgência – o ponto de vista – e sua articulação na montagem, o modo de distribuição dos filmes militantes. Assim, percebemos o quanto esse momento de contestação política será também o de uma invenção formal no âmbito do cinema.Palavras-chave: cinema militante; cinema coletivo; contra-informação.Abstract: In this paper we seek to develop a genealogy – always unfinished – about the ways in which politics – specifically in its militant and engaged dimensions – manifests itself in cinema, throughout a historical frame that privileges the militant and collective production from the sixties and the seventies. During this period, several collectives and individual initiatives emerged regarding an engaged cinema. By recovering some of these initiatives it is possible to also recapture the issues that they addressed, such as the act of delegating the camera to the workers, the relations between the images made in moments of urgency – the point of view – and its assemblage in montage, the modes of distribution of the militant films. Therefore, we realize that the moment of political challenge will also be of formal invention in the scope of cinema.Keywords: militant cinema; collective cinema; counter-information.
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Leandro, Anita. "Sem imagens: memória histórica e estética de urgência no cinema sem autor ( Sans images: mémoire historique et esthétique d’urgence dans le cinéma sans auteur)." Estudos da Língua(gem) 12, no. 1 (June 30, 2014): 121. http://dx.doi.org/10.22481/el.v12i1.1243.
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Uma forma singular de filmar os acontecimentos sociais, de um ponto de vista interno, coloca em dúvida o papel do autor, do espectador e das próprias imagens no espaço contemporâneo. Numa perspectiva histórica, avaliamos, aqui, o alcance político e a contribuição estética de um certo tipo de cinema militante, tomando como exemplo o filme Sans images (França, 2006), obra anônima, realizada por estudantes grevistas.PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Ponto de vista interno. Cinema militante. Estética de urgência.RÉSUMÉUne forme singulière de filmer les événements sociaux, d’un point de vue interne, met en question le rôle de l’auteur, du spectateur et des images même dans l’espace contemporain. Dans une perspective historique, nous évaluons, ici, la portée politique et l’apport esthétique d’un certain type de cinéma militant, en prenant comme exemple le film Sans images (França, 2006), œuvre anonyme réalisée par des étudiants en grève.MOTS-CLÉS: Point de vue interne. Cinéma militant. Esthétique d’urgence.
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Berzosa, Alberto, and Jaime Vindel. "Militant cinema as an energetic alternative in the 1970s in Spain." Moving Image Review & Art Journal (MIRAJ), The 11, no. 2 (September 1, 2022): 166–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/miraj_00093_1.
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This article will examine the significance of the alternative film scene, as seen in the Spanish militant cinema of this period, through an analysis of the film Les energies (‘The energies’) (1979–80) by the Cooperativa de Cinema Alternatiu (CCA – Alternative Cinema Cooperative) that helped to trigger the debate on the energy question in Spain in the late 1970s and early 1980s. The militant Spanish cinema of that time was produced in some exceptionally precarious conditions as well as had limited access to financial resources and remained marginal to official film industry systems. The article will discuss how these production conditions led the CCA to adopt a specific material filmmaking mode with a low ecological impact. Emerging as a consequence of a production context marked by precariousness and (semi-)clandestinity, it was a mode of production developed in parallel to the rise of environmental awareness in Spain, which had – as the first part of this article explores – a decisive influence on the CCA. In turn, as the article goes on to discuss, the environmentalist discourse would itself end up determining the narrative content of one of the CCA’s most important films, Les energies.
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Oubiña, David. "Un cine fuera de sí: terrorismo estilístico en el udigrudi brasileño." Catedral Tomada. Revista de crítica literaria latinoamericana 7, no. 12 (July 26, 2019): 338–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ct/2019.382.
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The movement of underground cinema emerges in Latin America in the late sixties and, through radical formal experimentation, it tries to shape a political discourse. These films confront both with author cinema and with militant cinema. Apart from a shared countercultural attitude, the underground movement adopts different traits in each country. This article studies the modes implemented by Brazilian udigrudi to attack the cinema d’auteur in order to produce the figure of an author with mutant identity: cinematographic author is not anymore a subjectivity expressing itself artistically nor the political spokeperson of the opressed people but, instead, a sniper constantly in movement.
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Solanas, Getino, Buchsbaum, and Jarvinen. "“Militant Cinema: An Internal Category of Third Cinema” [1971]: “Cine militante: una categoría interna del Tercer Cine”." Framework: The Journal of Cinema and Media 62, no. 1 (2021): 22. http://dx.doi.org/10.13110/framework.62.1.0022.
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Örsler, M. Mert, and Matthew Croombs. "The Simple Image: On Militant Cinema in Turkey." Quarterly Review of Film and Video 37, no. 8 (April 1, 2020): 755–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10509208.2020.1746158.
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Mestman, Mariano. "Third Cinema/Militant Cinema: At the Origins of the Argentinian Experience (1968–1971)." Third Text 25, no. 1 (January 2011): 29–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09528822.2011.545609.
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Pisters, Patricia. "The Filmmaker as Metallurgist: Political Cinema and World Memory." Film-Philosophy 20, no. 1 (February 2016): 149–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/film.2016.0008.
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Compared to earlier waves of political cinema, such as the Russian revolution films of the 1920s and the militant Third Cinema movement in the 1960s, in today's globalized and digital media world filmmakers have adopted different strategies to express a commitment to politics. Rather than directly calling for a revolution, ‘post-cinema’ filmmakers with a political mission point to the radical contingencies of history; they return to the (audio-visual) archives and dig up never seen or forgotten materials. They reassemble stories, thoughts, and affects, bending our memories and historical consciousness. Following Deleuze and Guattari's geophilosophical ideas in A Thousand Plateaus filmmakers can be considered metallurgists. Discussing the work of Tariq Teguia, John Akomfrah and others, this article investigates several metallurgic strategies that have a performative effect in reshaping our collective memory and co-constructing the possibility of ‘a people to come.’
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Aguilar, Gonzalo. "Notes on some Argentinian corpses." Comparative Cinema 7, no. 13 (November 29, 2019): 39–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.31009/cc.2019.v7.i13.03.
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Cinema takes part in the tradition of rites for evoking the dead that are also rites of separation from their corpses. Once the image is formed, the corpse can be buried. Sometimes this image is a tombstone, others a death mask or a photo. Cinema provided a new possibility: filming or recording the corpse whileit was alive. In this way, photography and cinema were the two most powerful instruments of immortalization (embalming) of the 20th century. This articleinvestigates immanent and transcendent corpses in Argentinian history: Evita Perón, the desaparecidos (“missing people”) of the last military dictatorship, andPedro Eugenio Aramburu (the de facto ex-President who overthrew Perón in 1955 and was murdered by Montoneros’ guerrilla organization), among others. Based on the cinematographic representations which evoke these corpses (with varying degrees of accuracy), as well as the popular expressions that accompanied them (militant songs, colloquial expressions, etc.), this text explores the transformation of a corpse, as such, to its consecration as the image of the people.
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Barbosa, Vinicius Sales. "A esperança da revolução representada pela figura de Luiz Carlos Prestes no filme Olga." Revista Discente Ofícios de Clio 4, no. 6 (December 5, 2019): 209. http://dx.doi.org/10.15210/clio.v4i6.13864.
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O presente artigo consiste na análise do filme Olga (2004), que conta a história de Olga Benário em sua luta como militante comunista, prisioneira do regime nazista e, principalmente, sua relação com o Cavaleiro da Esperança, Luiz Carlos Prestes. Ainda que a obra aborde a biografia de Olga, o intuito desta pesquisa é destrinchar o filme em três pontos essenciais para o entendimento de sua estrutura e, posteriormente, apresentar as perspectivas historiográficas a respeito da Intentona Comunista, o papel da Aliança Nacional Libertadora (ANL) e do Partido Comunista Brasileiro (PCB) no movimento e, como objetivo central, trabalhar a esperança da revolução que o filme confere à figura de Luiz Carlos Prestes.Palavras-Chave: Olga, Cinema, História, Religião.AbstractThis article analyzes the movie Olga (2004), which tells the story of Olga Benário in her fight as a communist militant, a prisoner of the Nazi regime, and especially her relationship with the Knight of Hope, Luiz Carlos Prestes. Although the work approaches the biography of Olga, the intention of this research is to unravel the film in three essential points for the understanding of its structure and, later, to present the historiographical perspectives regarding the Communist Uprising of 1935, the role of the National Liberating Alliance (ANL) and the Brazilian Communist Party (PCB) in the movement and, as a central objective, to study the hope of the revolution that the film confers to the figure of Luiz Carlos Prestes..Keywords: Olga, Cinema, History, Religion.
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Power, Nina. "Why Do Some Images Begin to Tremble?? Cinema Revisits Militant Politics." Film Quarterly 63, no. 2 (2009): 23–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/fq.2009.63.2.23.
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This essay discusses three films which in different ways reflect on left-wing militancy in the late 1960s and 70s——Uli Edel's The Baader Meinhof Complex, Chris Marker's reissued A Grin Without a Cat, Barbet Schroeder's Terror's Advocate——and argues that Marker's is the most insightful.
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Croombs. "In the Wake of Militant Cinema: Challenges for Film Studies." Discourse 41, no. 1 (2019): 68. http://dx.doi.org/10.13110/discourse.41.1.0068.
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Fernàndez, Josep-Anton. "Hero, Martyr, or Saint? Rewriting Anti-Franco Resistance in Manuel Huerga's <i>Salvador</i>." Zeitschrift für Katalanistik 27 (July 1, 2014): 85–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.46586/zfk.2014.85-100.
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Summary: The execution of anarchist militant Salvador Puig Antich in 1974 was one of the most important events in the final years of Franco’s dictatorship. It gave rise to an enormous political mobilisation in Catalonia, and acquired a crucial symbolic status in Catalan democratic culture, with Puig Antich as a myth of anti-Franco resistance. Manuel Huerga’s biopic Salvador (2006) presents a deeply engaging narrative of these events. The film, a manifestation of the drive towards so-called “recuperació de la memòria històrica” in the last two decades, has been widely acclaimed by the critics but also attacked for its sentimental, depoliticised presentation of the figure of the anarchist militant. What is at stake in the fictional revision of Puig Antich? This article analyses the uses of the past in Huerga’s Salvador by examining the social antagonisms this film might be addressing and the kinds of consensus it tries to build. [Keywords: Historical memory; uses of the past; Catalan cinema; Huerga, Manuel; Puig Antich, Salvador; Salvador; Catalan culture; anti-Franco resistance]
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Turajlić, Mila. "Filmske Novosti: Filmed Diplomacy." Nationalities Papers 49, no. 3 (January 25, 2021): 483–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2020.89.
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AbstractThis article maps out a network of cinematic collaboration established between Yugoslavia and the non-aligned countries in Africa, primarily via the institution of the Yugoslav Newsreels (Filmske novosti). Yugoslav newsreel activities developed to accompany the performative diplomacy of President Tito’s “Voyages of Peace,” playing a role both in cementing his image internationally and his political status at home. By the late 1950s, cinema would become one of the central instruments of Yugoslav information activities abroad, capitalizing on an expanding diplomatic network. In this context, Filmske novosti became the bearers of Yugoslav technical aid in the domain of cinema. Building on a trope of shared revolutionary struggles, they boosted Yugoslavia’s international reputation through the filming of the Algerian Liberation Movement. The unique nature of the cinematic aid provided by Filmske novosti to liberation movements such as the ALN and FRELIMO was continued, with assistance in setting up of national film centers in countries such as Mali and Tanzania. Throughout, Yugoslavia maintained a praxis of non-conditional and non-credited transnational ciné-kinship, which is one of the reasons this remains an unknown chapter in the history of Third Cinema and militant ciné-geographies.
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Dickinson, Kay. "Be Wary of Anniversaries." Film Quarterly 75, no. 2 (2021): 40–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/fq.2021.75.2.40.
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The uprisings categorized as the “Arab Spring” were not spontaneous events. To make them seem so is to marginalize the lineage of activism that brought them into being. Within cinema, this decades-long struggle has been invigorated by militant manifesto writing, collective film production, and the development of viewing communities dedicated to Third World liberation, often infrastructurally supported by now vanquished nationalized post- and anticolonial institutions. Barra fi al-Shari‘/Out on the Street (Jamina Metwaly and Philip Rizk, 2015) catalyzes many of these revolutionary histories. Drawing on archival and shared footage dedicated to fighting for workers’ rights, the film’s communally conceived plot pivots around a factory takeover. The narrative is carried by contributors whom the filmmakers call “en-actors.” These en-actors both restage the violence exerted upon them by managers and the police and exemplify how cinema can become a form of training–for those on screen and in the audience–for future revolutionary action.
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Guha, Malini. "Assemblage, Performance, Precarity." Feminist Media Histories 7, no. 3 (2021): 82–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/fmh.2021.7.3.82.
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Though often named as such in publicity materials, Filipa César is credited not as the director of Spell Reel (2017), but as having undertaken “assemblage.” Part of the collaborative project Luta ca caba inda, films including Spell Reel and Conakry (2013) are built around archival fragments stored in the Instituto Nacional de Cinema e Audiovisual in Guinea-Bissau. They were exposed to adverse conditions before being retrieved and digitized. These images, which remain unrestored, are traces of a militant cinema praxis forged during the anti-colonial resistance to Portuguese rule. This essay situates Spell Reel and Conakry (2013) as mobile homes for these images, enabling an audience of Guineans and others to come into contact with them in a context that situates their precarity as not a matter of loss but a method of inquiry. César foregrounds the laborious processes of assembly in place of authorship, thus revealing the potential of the cinematic medium to function as an infrastructural formation.
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Missero, Dalila. "Cecilia Mangini." Feminist Media Histories 2, no. 3 (2016): 54–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/fmh.2016.2.3.54.
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This essay offers a feminist reading of the work of Italian film director Cecilia Mangini. Drawing on an archaeological approach, it focuses on Mangini's experience as a woman in Italian cinema and her contribution to the realization of three movies—To Arms! We're Fascists! (codirected with Lino Del Fra and Lino Micciché, 1961–62), Stalin (directed with Lino Del Fra and Franco Fortini, 1962–63), and Being Women (1963–65)—all clear examples of the counterhegemonic cinema that Mangini developed in the fissures of mainstream, male-dominated practices. In her view, nonfiction film is a tool for cultural and political struggle, and it must affect the present in order to provide democratic access to knowledge. Following the Gramscian notion of the organic intellectual, Mangini has built a specific aesthetic and a personal approach to film direction, which aims to reach the broadest audience possible and, at the same time, to develop a coherent feminist militant discourse.
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Tosaka, Yuji. "The Discourse of Anti-Americanism and Hollywood Movies: Film Import Controls in Japan, 1937–1941." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 12, no. 1-2 (2003): 59–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656103793645397.
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AbstractOCLC Online Computer Library Center In interwar Japan, urban middle-class audiences patronized Hollywood movies rather than domestic native films that should have appealed to them as native and culturally familiar. The rise of militant nationalism and cultural nativism fueled the growth of official movements that celebrated an indigenous Japanese essence and eschewed allegedly foreign, modern “contamination.” The alleged Americanizing influence of Hollywood cinema became an increasingly worrisome problem for Japanese officials beginning in the early 1930s. This article examines Japan's efforts to impose tighter restrictions on American films during the 1930s, culminating in a total ban on film imports following the onset of the Sino-Japanese War in 1937.
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Smith, Alison. "Jean Schmidt: grandeur and decline of French militant cinema in the 70s." Journal of European Studies 24, no. 95 (September 1994): 265–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004724419402409503.
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Sales, Michelle, and Bruno Muniz. "Liberating Minds: The Intellectual Legacy of Angela Davis and Its Images in Film." Vista, no. 13 (May 22, 2024): e024005. http://dx.doi.org/10.21814/vista.5505.
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We propose thinking of Angela Davis's intellectual legacy from a decolonial perspective. We point out that just as the fight for civil rights and the end of racial segregation in the United States helped to consolidate the Black movement in Brazil, the circulation of anti-colonial ideas during the struggles for the decolonization of African countries in the 1950s and 60s was crucial to the circulation of abolitionist ideas and anti-racist movements in the United States and abroad. We will analyze interchanges capable of pointing out "the recognition of multiple and heterogeneous colonial differences, as well as the multiple and heterogeneous reactions of populations and subjects subordinated to the coloniality of power" (Bernardino-Costa & Grosfoguel, 2016, p. 21). Our contribution seeks to analyze Davis as a public and militant intellectual through her images in film. Beyond considering Angela Davis's image in cinema as representation, we also analyze how her intellectual and political activities were involved with the flourishing of a new Black cinema in the United States. This paper analyzes films such as Child of Resistance (1973), Free Angela and All Political Prisoners (2015), and 13th (2016).
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Williams, James S. "The Time Is Now: Pressure, Guerrilla, and the (Re)invention of Black British Cinema and History." Film Quarterly 72, no. 1 (2018): 26–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/fq.2018.72.1.26.
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James Williams considers how and why John Ridley's acclaimed 2017 television series Guerrilla (Sky Atlantic/Showtime) 'reradicalizes' early black British radical cinema, specifically Horace Ové's 1975 film, Pressure, the first feature-length work by a black British director. For Guerrilla's fictional narrative about a Black Power terrorist cell in London in 1972 pursues an option that Pressure, about the gradual radicalization of a young black British teenager in West London, resolutely avoids, namely militant violence. A close comparative study of both works in terms of characterization, cinematic style, the depiction of urban space, and the representation of violence highlights the originality and overlooked significance of Ové's pioneering film. It also suggests that Ridley reinvents the story of Black Power in early 1970s Britain in order to intervene in more contemporary debates taking place in the US about diversity and the function of revolutionary violence to effect social change.
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Martín, Marcos P. Centeno. "Legacies of Hani Susumu’s Documentary School." Arts 8, no. 3 (July 3, 2019): 82. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/arts8030082.
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This article seeks to cast light on some of Hani Susumu’s theoretical and practical contributions to post-war Japanese documentaries. The article will also show how he created a documentary school at Iwanami Eiga based on authors’ closeness to the filmed object. This is crucial in order to understand the tendencies that developed in non-fiction films from the late 1950s. Hani’s influence can be seen in the leaders of militant cinema, Tsuchimoto Noriaki and Ogawa Shinsuke, who were trained at Iwanami Eiga. However, some of his theoretical writings, together with his documentary films Hōryūji (1958) and Gunka Ken 2 (1962), reveal how his singular subjective realism is applied to unusual shooting objects, landscapes. This article assesses this lesser-known aspect of Hani’s work and its links to certain developments in Japanese documentary films led by other filmmakers, such as Teshigahara Hiroshi and Adachi Masao, which have not yet been addressed.
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Fehimović, Dunja, and Ruth Goldberg. "Santa y Andrés: A dossier." Studies in Spanish & Latin American Cinemas 17, no. 3 (September 1, 2020): 377–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/slac_00027_2.
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Carlos Lechuga’s film Santa y Andrés (2016) has enjoyed worldwide acclaim as an intimate, dramatic portrayal of the unlikely friendship that develops in rural Cuba between Andrés, a gay dissident writer, and Santa, the militant citizen who has been sent to surveil him. Declared to be extreme and/or inaccurate in its historical depictions, the film was censored in Cuba and was the subject of intense controversy and public polemics surrounding its release in 2016. Debates about the film’s subject matter and its censorship extend ongoing disagreement over the role of art within the Cuban Revolution, and the changing nature of the Cuban film industry itself. This dossier brings together new scholarship on Santa y Andrés and is linked to an online archive of some of the original essays that have been written about the film by Cuban critics and filmmakers since 2016. The aim of this project is to create a starting point for researchers who wish to investigate Santa y Andrés, evaluating the film both for its contentious initial reception, and in terms of its enduring contribution to the history of Cuban cinema.
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Voelcker, Becca. "Field work: Ogawa Productions as farmer‐filmmakers." Moving Image Review & Art Journal (MIRAJ) 10, no. 1 (September 1, 2021): 50–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/miraj_00063_1.
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This article considers the value of the leftist filmmaking collective Ogawa Productions’ interdisciplinary practice, which combined filmmaking and farming as an activist project of advocacy for social and environmental justice in 1980s Japan. It argues that Ogawa Pro, as the collective was known, integrated agriculture and film culture to construct a radically inclusive ecosystemic understanding of humans, plants, animals and the climate. Viewed today, their approach exemplifies an early model of ecological thinking that speaks to the recent multispecies turn in the arts, humanities and social sciences. But Ogawa Pro’s turn to the land is also riddled with ambivalence: the films harbour agrarian romanticism bordering on a politics of nostalgia and ethnic environmentalism. Torn between what we might today call progressive and reactionary traditionalist politics, Ogawa Pro’s enmeshed filming and farming practices constitute an important example of what I call Land Cinema ‐ that is, film entangled in territorial, ecological and aesthetic aspects of land. Though the collective’s earlier and more militant films have received critical acclaim in recent years, its later land-based work merits further attention for the way it exposes political tensions over how to cultivate, represent and share space responsibly.
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Winkler, Daniel. "A Mediterranean gap in the national canon? Paul Carpita’s anti-colonial cinema between militant amateurism and New Wave." Studies in French Cinema 17, no. 1 (January 2, 2017): 21–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14715880.2016.1266849.
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Stark, Trevor. "“Cinema in the Hands of the People”: Chris Marker, the Medvedkin Group, and the Potential of Militant Film." October 139 (January 2012): 117–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/octo_a_00083.
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Evrard, Audrey. "Shifting French Documentary Militancy: From Workers' Rights to an Ethics of Unemployment." Nottingham French Studies 55, no. 1 (March 2016): 96–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/nfs.2016.0141.
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If the critique of neoliberal capitalism has become a staple of leftist documentary filmmaking in France since the late 1990s, few films have gone as far in their rejection of work as those made by Pierre Carles, Stéphane Goxe and Christophe Coello. Attention, Danger, Travail (2003) and Volem rien foutre al païs (2007) unapologetically and uncompromisingly reject the normative legitimacy of waged employment as a warrant of individual and social productivity. Nonetheless, it would be highly reductive to see in these two films and in the filmmakers' project a celebration of idleness. Rather, as they strive to restore the productive value of individuals unable and unwilling to enter the labor market, they reject what the filmmakers see as leftist politics' complacency about capitalism's promotion of work as an ethics of self-realization. Drawing from Jacques Rancière's emphasis on the proletariat's self-identification and incidental political inscription in late nineteenth-century society, this analysis argues that the two films discussed here operate therefore a political and aesthetic shift away from twentieth-century militant cinema by replacing the figure of political consciousness commonly associated with industrial capitalist society, namely the worker, with the unemployed post-industrial subjects of the late-twentieth and early twenty-first centuries.
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Karush, Matthew B. "National Identity in the Sports Pages: Football and the Mass Media in 1920s Buenos Aires." Americas 60, no. 1 (July 2003): 11–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2003.0073.
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The 1920s saw the emergence of a distinctive, new urban culture in the city of Buenos Aires. Although this culture did not extend to the borders of the nation, it was a national culture in the sense that it continually manufactured and reproduced images of Argentine national identity. Research conducted over the last two decades has greatly improved our understanding of this new culture. We know that it was, to a great extent, forged in the city's new, outlying barrios where manual workers lived side by side with skilled workers and members of the middle class. The relatively strong performance of the Argentine economy during these years made social mobility a more for realistic aspiration for more people than it had ever been before. Partly as a result of this economic reality, the new barrio culture revealed a less militant attitude on the part of porteño workers, a trend visible as well in the significant decline in membership and effectiveness experienced by labor unions. But the new cultural milieu reflected more than just economic prosperity; it was intimately tied to the birth of a mass culture disseminated by radio, cinema, and tabloid. In particular, the 1920s witnessed the commodification and massification of tango and football, two popular cultural practices that were now transformed into quintessential representations of Argentinidad.
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Lee, Sangjoon. "Destination Hong Kong: The Geopolitics of South Korean Espionage Films in the 1960s." Journal of Korean Studies 22, no. 2 (September 1, 2017): 343–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/21581665-4226478.
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Abstract As the apparent progeny of Cold War politics in the West, espionage films witnessed unprecedented popularity around the globe in the 1960s. With the success of Dr. No (1962) and Goldfinger (1964)—along with French, Italian, and German copycats—in Asia, film industries in Japan, Hong Kong, Taiwan, and South Korea recognized the market potential and embarked on churning out their own James Bond-mimetic espionage films in the late 1960s. Since the regional political sphere has always been multifaceted, however, each country approached genre conventions with its own interpretation. In the US-driven Cold War political, ideological, and economic sphere, developmental states in the region, particularly South Korea and Taiwan, vigorously adopted anti-communist doctrine to guard and uphold their militant dictatorships. Under this political atmosphere in the regional sphere, cultural sectors in each nation-state, including cinema, voluntarily or compulsorily served as an apparatus to strengthen the state’s ideological principles. While the Cold War politics that drive the narrative in the American and European films is conspicuously absent in Hong Kong espionage films, South Korea and Taiwan, on the other hand, explicitly promulgated the ideological principles of their apparent enemies, North Korea and the People’s Republic of China (PRC), in their representative espionage films. This article casts a critical eye over South Korea–initiated inter-Asian coproduction of espionage films produced during the time, with particular reference to South Korea–Hong Kong coproduction of SOS Hong Kong (SOS Hongk’ong) and Special Agent X-7 (Sun’gan ŭn yŏngwŏnhi), both produced and released in 1966.
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Costa, Thaís Vieira. "NEGRUM3." Grau Zero – Revista de Crítica Cultural 11, no. 2 (May 4, 2024): 203–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.30620/gz.v11n2.p203.
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O presente artigo buscar analisar como a estética se relaciona e se constrói a partir dos discursos políticos do documentário militante NEGRUM3 (2018), dirigido por Diego Paulino. A análise fílmica se baseia em momentos selecionados dos filmes, em que os discursos políticos, especificamente de raça, gênero e sexualidade são apresentados na narrativa. Observa-se que as estéticas afrodiásporicas, afrofuturistas e possíveis concepções de afro-fabulações permeiam as discussões trazidas pela produção cinematográfica, que também está inserida no contexto brasileiro de cinemas negros e cinemas queer. Contribuindo com novas perspectivas para se pensar os cinemas militantes e como essas identidades citadas são representadas, discutidas e formuladas. [Recebido em: 16 out. 2023 – Aceito em: 18 nov. 2023]
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Machado, Patrícia Furtado Mendes. "Trânsito de memórias: tomada e retomada de imagens do exílio durante a ditadura militar brasileira." Significação: Revista de Cultura Audiovisual 44, no. 48 (December 19, 2017): 202. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2316-7114.sig.2017.134294.
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Neste artigo propomos analisar a origem de arquivos audiovisuais usados no documentário Retratos de identificação, de 2014, de Anita Leandro, que reconstitui a história de quatro militantes políticos durante a ditadura militar brasileira. O interesse pelo gesto da tomada, pelo olhar de quem segurou a câmera para produzir os testemunhos no exílio, nos levou ao cineasta Luiz Alberto Sanz, também militante político, preso, torturado e exilado. Fomos aos arquivos da polícia política buscar vestígios da história do cineasta para melhor compreender o que guardam essas imagens do olhar de quem as enquadra. Por fim, que novos sentidos ganham essas imagens e sons produzidos no exílio quando remontados no cinema documentário contemporâneo?
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Štrajn, Darko. "Celluloid is Not a Signifier Any More." AM Journal of Art and Media Studies, no. 20 (October 15, 2019): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.25038/am.v0i20.322.
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Nowadays art does not necessarily need to be militant or socially involved to be political since the categories of truth and reality are destroyed through the mediatic dissipation of notions of subjectivity and objectivity. Since the first obvious indications of the inception of the times of the “end of representation” – as Deleuze pointed out half a century ago – we have to deal with a widespread awareness about the persevering change of art and of reflections about art in the social framework of institutional and technological contexts. The analysis of interactions, starting with the invention of film/cinema, artistic practice and theory, including aesthetics, highlights the importance of the notions, categories and agencies of movement. The emergence of the so-called post-media epoch signals a new decisive change following the one, which was revealed as the overwhelming onset of mass culture. As the theoretical indecision about the features of an ongoing new change seems to be still dominant, the practice of art of any conceivable variety reflects basically the same indecision. The fact that ‘film’ is still the notion, which by and large means moving images, while digitalization made the material (celluloid) film obsolete, is an elementary metaphor of the process of the vanishing of signifiers, related to the notion of art. However, in a more complex term, the questions about the correlation between form and content are re-emerging in novel configurations as well as the epistemological and ontological problems of aesthetics, concerning the designations of objects of analysis. Article received: May 17, 2019; Article accepted: July 6, 2019; Published online: October 15, 2019; Original scholarly paperHow to cite this articel: Štrajn, Darko. "Celluloid is Not a Signifier Any More." AM Journal of Art and Media Studies 20 (2019): 43-50. doi: 10.25038/am.v0i20.322.
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Douglas, Lee. "The Probable Revolution." Romanic Review 114, no. 2 (September 1, 2023): 360–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00358118-10604246.
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Abstract On April 25, 1974, everyday Portuguese citizens transformed a military coup into collective popular resistance, thus initiating a revolutionary process that marked an end to the Estado Novo. Image-makers, aware of the historical event unraveling in plain view, occupied public plazas and roamed city avenues to document a popular uprising that marked a clear end to Portugal’s Fascist project. In this impetus to record radical change, film and its associated technologies promised not only to document, capture, and freeze history in the making but also to make it material, to transform the push and pull of the revolutionary project into something that could be preserved and kept. The article questions the notion that digitization produces a straightforward dematerialization of the analogue print by proposing the concept of digital (im)materiality. This (im)materiality, it argues, not only allows the transformation of revolutionary images into heritage but also makes possible their (re)activation in ways that both speak to the past and reinvent the future. Attending to the (im)materiality of Portuguese militant cinema makes it possible to approach these images not as texts to be interpreted but as social artifacts through which meaning, knowledge, and memories are made. Following Morgan Adamson’s call to consider how “images of resistance endure” and how “enduring images resist,” the article traces the (im)materiality of Portugal’s revolutionary filmic images with the aim of thinking across temporalities. So while, on one hand. the text unpacks how images of the Portuguese Revolution were produced and, subsequently, transformed into heritage, it also reflects on the author’s own engagement with the Revolution’s visual archives and her co-direction of the film essay A revolução (é) provável (The Revolution [Is] Probable, 2022), where splicing, cutting, and juxtaposing digitized images makes it possible to interrogate the material texture of history while also producing other forms or knowledge and knowing.
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Mundim, Luiz Felipe Cezar. "As marchas de Gustave Cauvin – a primeira forma sistematizada e regular do cinema militante." Mundos do Trabalho 9, no. 18 (November 23, 2018): 83–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.5007/1984-9222.2017v9n18p83.
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O papel de Gustave Cauvin (1886-1951) na demarcação da primeira fase do cinema militante foi, individualmente, o mais marcante. O presente artigo tem como objetivo apresentar ao público brasileiro, por meio de relatórios de polícia e jornais militantes e pelo trabalho de Perron e Almberg no artigo La propagande par leilm: leslongues marches de Gustave Cauvin, publicado em 2012, as marchas de Cauvin nas Ardenas (França) com seu cinematógrafo em 1913. Destaca-se que sua dedicação à causa da propaganda pela imagem se situou em uma longa história de certo messianismo utópico, um voluntarismo político que buscava levar às massas as imagens que, associadas ao discurso, se pretendiam a voz da emancipação. Sua trajetória parece denunciar, também, o ápice dos limites de uma prática e uma ideologia do movimento operário francês às vésperas da Grande Guerra, ao mesmo tempo em que eram expressão do movimento contra a natalidade e do moralismo abstêmio originário na própria cultura burguesa.
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Algarra Navarro, Ana. "“Primus inter pares: Fazendo os filmes ou distribuindo-os, éramos todos iguais”: Práticas e discursos da Cooperativa de Cinema Alternatiu (Catalunha, 1975-1981)." Aniki: Revista Portuguesa da Imagem em Movimento 11, no. 1 (January 29, 2024): 132–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.14591/aniki.v11n1.1016.
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O objetivo principal deste texto é dar um primeiro passo na análise das práticas e dos discursos do grupo catalão de produção de cinema militante, Cooperativa de Cinema Alternatiu (CCA), sempre dentro do seu contexto histórico e cinematográfico – a transição para a democracia no Estado espanhol dos anos 70 e 80, e o cinema militante –, colocando especial ênfase na conceção da produção cinematográfica como arma de intervenção política. A análise baseia-se em diversas fontes para reconstruir a história da cooperativa e os seus discursos, começando com as experiências coletivas anteriores que condicionaram o aparecimento da CCA, passando pela sua reestruturação produtiva, e finalizando com a sua gradual desintegração e desaparecimento após a chegada da democracia.
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POPESCU, Alba Iulia Catrinel. "OBSERVAȚII DESPRE RĂZBOIUL DE A CINCEA GENERAȚIE ŞI CEL DE-AL DOILEA RĂZBOI DIN NAGORNO-KARABAKH." Buletinul Universității Naționale de Apărare „Carol I” 10, no. 4 (December 27, 2021): 39–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.53477/2065-8281-21-40.
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Cel de-al doilea război din Nagorno-Karabakh, din toamna anului 2020, este considerat a fi un punct de inflexiune în privinţa modului de purtare a războiului. Dacă, până atunci, războiul de a cincea generaţie reprezenta doar un subiect teoretic, iar doctrina tradiţională care susţinea că superioritatea aeriană este o condiție prealabilă pentru câștigarea unui război terestru devenise obiect de studiu al istoricilor militari, cea mai recentă exacerbare a conflictului armeano-azer din Transcaucazia a schimbat radical situaţia. Războiul de a cincea generaţie, dominat de acțiuni noncinetice, în defavoarea celor cinetice, de înalte tehnologii, în defavoarea mijloacelor clasice, convenționale, este cât se poate de real, iar teoria puterii aeriene revine în forţă. Articolul de faţă îşi propune să răspundă la următoarele întrebări: Care sunt caracteristicile războiului de a cincea generaţie? Cum s-au manifestat ele în cel de-al doilea război din Nagorno-Karabakh? Care a fost impactul confruntării militare din Transcaucazia asupra modului de ducere a războiului modern?
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Ribeiro de Sousa, Luciene, and Catarina Tereza Farias de Oliveira. "Diálogos no Cinema." Tríade: Comunicação, Cultura e Mídia 9, no. 21 (August 24, 2021): 71–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.22484/2318-5694.2021v9n21p71-93.
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O artigo apresenta uma investigação que problematiza formas de ver e pensar a exibição de filmes para estudantes do 9º ano da rede pública municipal de Fortaleza. A pesquisa se desenvolveu junto ao projeto integração no Cuca (Centro Urbano de Cultura, Arte, Ciência e Esporte) na Barra do Ceará. Ao identificarmos que esse projeto colocava o cinema como parte das suas atividades educativas, nos propomos a observar como esse uso acontecia. A pesquisa envolve dois momentos: um primeiro que observa o uso de audiovisual e, um segundo, no qual propomos oficinas com os (as) adolescentes. A metodologia de pesquisa escolhida foi a etnografia militante, utilizando oficinas como estratégia de intervenção. Os resultados da pesquisa nos fizeram compreender que a exibição de cinema para adolescentes é fundamental em práticas educativas, mas precisa ocorrer de forma planejada e criativa com dinâmicas que facilitem a participação e a expressão dos (as) educandos (as).
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Aguiar, Carolina Amaral de. "Documentário argentino em Revolución y democracia, de Javier Campo." Significação: Revista de Cultura Audiovisual 47, no. 53 (May 4, 2020): 330–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2316-7114.sig.2020.158891.
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Revolución y democracia: el cine documental argentino del exilio (1976-1984), de Javier Campo, é uma importante contribuição para entender os exílios políticos latino-americanos. Se o cinema de exílio chileno é tema bastante conhecido, o exílio cinematográfico argentino (um fenômeno de menor alcance) ainda é pouco pesquisado. Nesse sentido, o livro de Campo, lançado em 2017 em Buenos Aires, analisa os documentários políticos realizados fora do país no período em que a Argentina permaneceu sob uma ditadura, comparando os filmes feitos entre 1976 e 1984 tanto com o cinema político militante dos anos anteriores como com o cinema de transição que se consolida com a volta da democracia.
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Mestman, Mariano. "A hora dos fornos e o cinema político italiano por volta de 1968." Significação: Revista de Cultura Audiovisual 45, no. 50 (July 4, 2018): 297. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2316-7114.sig.2018.145159.
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A IV Mostra del Nuovo Cinema di Pesaro (Itália) foi um evento-chave no qual confluiu o cinema político latino-americano. Em junho de 1968, entre os festivais de Cannes (maio) e Veneza (agosto-setembro) – sacudidos pelas revoltas do 1968 –, Pesaro também viveu dias agitados, convulsionados. Foi aí que A hora dos fornos (1966-1968), de Solanas e Getino, teve sua estreia internacional. Este artigo reconstrói os eventos de Pesaro a partir de documentos internos da Mostra, além de escritos e testemunhos de seus principais protagonistas italianos: Lino Micciché, Goffredo Fofi, Valentino Orsini, entre outros. Ao mesmo tempo, o texto revisita os vínculos prévios de Solanas e Getino com o cinema político italiano, bem como a inserção de A hora dos fornos no circuito do cinema militante daquele país.
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Piçarra, Maria Do Carmo. "“Os Cantos de Maldoror”: Cinema de Libertação da “Realizadora-Romancista”." Revista Mulemba 9, no. 17 (December 21, 2017): 14–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.35520/mulemba.2017.v9n17a14579.
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No contexto da produção internacional de um cinema político, engagé, Sarah Maldoror criou e manteve -- desde Monangambé a Sambizanga, sobre a luta anticolonial em Angola, passando por Des fusils pour Banta, filmado entre os guerrilheiros da Guiné-Bissau -- uma prática singular. Compôs um cinema político, servido por um olhar esteticamente cuidado, e em que, através de elementos ficcionais -- e não através das opções documentais e do recurso ao cinema direto então característicos do cinema militante --, a ação não é tão central quanto a composição psicológica das personagens. Não obstante a qualidade estética dos seus filmes e a densidade psicológica das suas personagens, críticas e tentativas de controlar as opções criativas marcaram fortemente o início da obra cinematográfica daquela que é considerada a primeira realizadora africana, mas que continua sem ter reconhecimento idêntico ao dos seus pares masculinos.
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Gabrielli, Nino, and Emmanuel Delille. "Hubert Aquin aux mille détours." Esprit Décembre, no. 12 (December 5, 2023): 120–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/espri.2312.0120.
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L’écrivain, cinéaste et homme des médias Hubert Aquin (1929-1977) est une figure majeure de la vie culturelle québécoise. Trois volumes restituent ses contributions à la presse, à la radio et au cinéma, dans lesquels on peut reconnaître l’écrivain en devenir et le militant pour l’indépendance du Québec.
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Bessa, Karla. "Os festivais GLBT de cinema e as mudanças estético-políticas na constituição da subjetividade." Cadernos Pagu, no. 28 (June 2007): 257–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0104-83332007000100012.
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Neste artigo traço um breve panorama do crescimento e diversificação dos festivais GLBT de cinema e da visibilidade gay. A análise está centrada nas transformações que configuraram uma nova cinematografia denominada, no início dos anos 1990, de queer movie (Rich, 1991). Desde a pioneira edição de um festival de cinema gay e lésbico, em São Francisco no final dos anos 1970, houve uma significativa mudança nos filmes feitos pelo, ou voltados para o, público gay. Isso se faz notar da produção à exibição, incluindo aspectos narrativos e técnicas cinematográficas, o que provoca um repensar tanto da formatação-programação dos festivais, quanto do próprio cinema GLBT. Novas sensibilidades e subjetividades contrastam-se com as pioneiras cenas fílmicas de cunho militante-identitário, colocando questões sobre corpo, sexualidade e gênero.
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Araújo, Mauro Luciano Souza de. "Cinema ativista de Jorge Bodanzky – o imaginário profundo de Terceiro Milênio." Manuscrítica: Revista de Crítica Genética, no. 19 (December 16, 2010): 138–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2596-2477.i19p138-156.
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Durante a década de 1970, algumas expressões do cinema independente tomaram feições radicais. Um desses casos foi o modelo de produção e criação fílmica de Jorge Bodanzky e a produção de Wolf Gauer, que, aliando-se a codireções e agenciando pequenas equipes, deu como resultado alguns dos mais incisivos filmes da época. Bodanzky trabalhou com Hermano Penna, Orlando Senna, Helena Salém, Antunes Filho, José Agrippino e alguns outros nomes, produzindo filmes que, na seara militante do cinema de gênero político, difundiam temas ainda difíceis em debate na cena brasileira. O exemplo de Terceiro Milênio, feito na Amazônia, demonstra a facilidade de captação em filmagem rápida e improvisada, que adapta a realidade gravada a uma ficcionalização própria da percepção narrativa, alongando o personagem a esferas imaginárias ainda não domesticáveis pelo cinema da época, e muito pouco compreendidas ainda no universo contemporâneo.
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Ayusheeva, Marina V. "Anti-Religious Printed Propaganda in the Buryat-Mongol Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic: A Case Study of the Erdem ba Shazhan Magazine." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no. 458 (2020): 130–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/458/16.
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The article analyzes anti-religious propaganda in the early 1920s in the Buryat-Mongol Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic on the example of the magazine Erdem ba Shazhan [Science and Religion]. An important component of the state policy in the antireligious struggle in the republic was the Regional Union of Atheists, created in Verkhneudinsk on December 2, 1926. The publication of Erdem ba Shazhan in the Mongolian script was aimed at covering the gap of specialized literature on anti-religious propaganda. While analyzing issues of the magazine stored in the Center of Oriental Manuscripts and Xylographs of the Institute for Mongolian, Buddhist and Tibetan Studies of the Siberian Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences, research methods of historical science were used. The source study method has revealed the significance of the magazine as a source for studying atheistic propaganda and introducing a new socialist ideology in Buryat society. Erdem ba Shazhan was a methodological guide for a wide network of circles of the League of Militant Atheists. The magazine described the anti-religious events held in the republic, discredited false religious postulates, and propagandized the new Soviet style of life. For instance, the magazine published scientific disputes with lamas about the essence of religion. The analysis of the contents of Erdem ba Shazhan shows that educational issues were aimed at the broad promotion of the new life and eradication of religious remnants occupied more than a half of its volume. The magazine had no thematic sections, but it is possible to identify several main headings: propaganda and educational materials, popular scientific articles, short news, literary life. The “short news” part presented items on the activities of not only the Union of Atheists, but also of the first scientific organization—Buruchkom. The history of overcoming religiousness and inculcating the new ideology found reflection in the works of fiction the magazine published. Young writers, scientists, and educators (Kh. Namsaraev, Ts. Don, D. Madason) collaborated with Erdem ba Shazhan. The magazine also contained visual materials: photos, drawings, caricatures. It is worth noting the original design of the magazine cover made by Ts. Sampilov. Along with other publications in the Mongolian script, Erdem ba Shazhan promoted the development of atheistic education. The magazine illustrated the most diverse aspects of the life of the Buryat population with an emphasis on the scientific nature of events. Thus, the publication of the magazine Erdem ba Shazhan had a significant impact on the development of the atheistic movement in the republic, along with more accessible forms of printed propaganda in the form of posters and other visual means, such as cinema and theater. In general, this magazine compensated for the lack of specialized literature in the Buryat language, being the only methodological guide for a network of atheist cells in rural areas.
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Vinogradov, V. V. "Military Utopias in Soviet Cinema." Art & Culture Studies, no. 1 (March 2024): 428–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.51678/2226-0072-2024-1-428-451.
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The article is devoted to the history of the military utopia genre in the Soviet cinema of the 1920s-1930s. The work analyses its origins, provides an overview and analysis of the main films belonging to this genre, and examines the reasons for its decline. According to the author of the article, this film genre had its origins in the military-utopian genre in literature, which declared itself in the second half of the 19th century. The genre appeared to be directly dependent on the political situation in the country and the nature of the military threat. Thus, the understanding that World War I would be followed by a new war was reflected in many works of Soviet writers and filmmakers who developed this genre. Its peak was in the second half of the 1930s. The genre was based on the postulate that the enemy was not asleep, there would definitely be a war, and therefore it was necessary to prepare for it. In addition to this general concept, the audience was shown the likely course of a future war: after the harsh suppression of enemy aggression on the USSR territory, the fighting would move to the enemy’s territory. The enemy who first attacked the USSR would be thrown back in the shortest possible time, and then with the help of the oppressed people of a foreign country, the government would be brought down and the socialist system would be established. 1939 appeared to be the last year for the release of military utopias, for which there were several reasons. The first was the signing of the Molotov — Ribbentrop Pact. The second reason was the beginning of actual hostilities at Khalkhin Gol and Lake Khasan, which showed a far from rosy picture regarding the combat state of the Soviet troops and the weakness of the enemy. The Winter War with Finland in 1939 put an end to optimistic military fantasies.
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Sharpe, Kenan Behzat. "Poetry, Rock ’n’ Roll, and Cinema in Turkey’s 1960s." Turkish Historical Review 12, no. 2-3 (December 27, 2021): 353–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18775462-bja10028.
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Abstract Using developments in poetry, music, and cinema as case studies, this article examines the relationship between left-wing politics and cultural production during the long 1960s in Turkey. Intellectual and artistic pursuits flourished alongside trade unionism, student activism, peasant organizing, guerrilla movements. This article explores the convergences between militants and artists, arguing for the centrality of culture in the social movements of the period. It focuses on three revealing debates: between the modernist İkinci Yeni poets and young socialist poets, between left-wing protest rockers and supporters of folk music, and between proponents of radical art film and those of cinematic “social realism”.
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Roudé, Catherine. "“Fazer filmes políticos politicamente” na França do pós-1968." Revista Nava 2, no. 2 (September 13, 2019): 341–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.34019/2525-7757.2017.v2.28088.
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O artigo apresenta uma análise sobre o início das atividades do coletivo de produção cinematográfica Slon/Iskra, criado em fins dos anos 1960 no auge dos movimentos de contestação política na França. Tendo como base material de sua pesquisa de doutorado, defendido junto a Universidade Paris I, a autora traça um breve panorama das relações de produção do movimento de caráter eminentemente militante que contou com a participação de técnicos de cinema, operários e cineastas franceses.
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Farooq, Gowhar. "Lost spectacle: Media consumption by Kashmiri youth in the absence of cinema halls." Studies in South Asian Film & Media 11, no. 1 (November 1, 2020): 147–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/safm_00025_1.
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Hardline militants forced the cinema halls in Kashmir into closure in 1989. As heavy militarization ensued, several spaces, including cinema halls, were transformed into structures where people, especially young men, were detained and tortured by soldiers and militia. The generations born after the 1980s, therefore, grew up in a cinema-less, militarized world. In the absence of functional cinema halls, they, for years, relied on the state broadcaster for movies and media. Later – although under tremendous threat from extremists – a network of local cable TV operators, who functioned without licences, provided some succour. They were followed by pirate video-cassette and compact-disk parlours that provided people with a means to stay connected to movie culture. And, while the scene changed with the arrival of satellite TV, computers and later the internet, which connected the youth of the region to the larger global media culture, the absence of cinema persists. This article aims to explore how youth, born after the 1980s, associate with cinema halls of Kashmir and what the loss of the cinema viewing culture means to them. To this end, I intend to look into cinema culture before the 1990s and the politics around the closure of cinema halls. The article will also put into perspective the arrival of satellite TV and the circulation of pirated video cassettes, compact disks and videos of the funerals of rebels that were filmed and circulated by rental shops. These practices and processes, which shaped the childhood and youth of several generations in Kashmir, offer insights into the media consumption and the role the state and its apparatuses have in shaping the youth in a conflict-ridden and militarized region of the Global South.
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Adoue, Silvia Beatriz. "O CAMINHO DO VIEJO REALES." REVISTA DE CIÊNCIAS SOCIAIS - POLÍTICA & TRABALHO, no. 52 (October 8, 2020): 106–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.22478/ufpb.1517-5901.2020v1n52.53466.
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Este artigo trata da representação cinematográfica da vida e lutas dos trabalhadores da cana-de-açúcar em Tucumán, Argentina, durante as décadas de 1960 e 1970. O objeto deste trabalho é o filme El camino hacia la muerte del Viejo Reales (1974), do cineasta tucumano Gerardo Vallejo, membro do grupo Cine Liberación. O encontro entre as lutas e o cinema como instância de reflexão e intervenção dos militantes sindicais e políticos dos canaviais naquele período histórico nos remete às possibilidades do cinema, mas também dos trabalhadores pensando a própria ação. O filme em questão é, na sua primeira parte, um trabalho de testemunho da família Reales sobre sua vida, com participação da família na encenação de situações que a simples entrevista não permitiria. A família aceita, inclusive, incluir elementos de ficção, cuja condição não é escamoteada do receptor. Isso facilita a passagem da história singular à história dos trabalhadores canavieiros tucumanos. Na segunda parte, traça um panorama histórico de Tucumán e a indústria açucareira, assim como da construção da Federación Obrera Tucumana de la Industria del Azúcar (FOTIA) através das suas lutas, pela voz dos seus próprios militantes. Ao organizar desta maneira o material fílmico, a montagem constrói um sentido e o coloca a serviço da organização dos trabalhadores, seja para a autorreflexão, seja como material da formação dos seus.
Palavras-chave: Trabalhadores canavieiros. Tucumán-Argentina. Cinema político. Documentário.
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Taylor, Giles. "A Military Use for Widescreen Cinema." Velvet Light Trap 72 (September 2013): 17–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.7560/vlt7203.
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