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Journal articles on the topic 'Militant media'
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1
Shah, Aqil. "Do U.S. Drone Strikes Cause Blowback? Evidence from Pakistan and Beyond." International Security 42, no. 04 (May 2018): 47–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00312.
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Many analysts argue that U.S. drone strikes generate blowback: by killing innocent civilians, such strikes radicalize Muslim populations at the local, national, and even transnational levels. This claim, however, is based primarily on anecdotal evidence, unreliable media reports, and advocacy-driven research by human rights groups. Interview and survey data from Pakistan, where, since 2004, the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency has launched more than 430 drone strikes, show little or no evidence that drone strikes have a significant impact on militant Islamist recruitment either locally or nationally. Rather, the data reveal the importance of factors such as political and economic grievances, the Pakistani state's selective counterterrorism policies, its indiscriminate repression of the local population, and forced recruitment of youth by militant groups. Similarly, trial testimony and accounts of terrorists convicted in the United States, as well as the social science scholarship on Muslim radicalization in the United States and Europe, provide scant evidence that drone strikes are the main cause of militant Islamism. Instead, factors that matter include a transnational Islamic identity's appeal to young immigrants with conflicted identities, state immigration and integration policies that marginalize Muslim communities, the influence of peers and social networks, and online exposure to violent jihadist ideologies within the overall context of U.S. military interventions in Muslim countries.
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Moulène, Frédéric. "Mike Davis, «chercheur militant» et la refondation du cadre théorique de l’écologie urbaine." Revue des sciences sociales 43, no. 1 (2010): 102–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/revss.2010.1288.
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Schoon, Eric W., and Colin J. Beck. "Repertoires of Terror: News Media Classification of Militant Groups, 1970 to 2013." Socius: Sociological Research for a Dynamic World 7 (January 2021): 237802312199016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2378023121990165.
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The authors examine how print news media classify militant groups as terrorist. Drawing on a relational view of news media and contentious politics, the authors develop a theory of repertoires of contention and classification. The authors argue that news media interpret the social standing of actors from the categories implied by the tactics they use and that variation in tactical repertoires explains the variation in classification among different groups and within individual groups over time. Using newly collected annual data on media coverage of 746 groups across 589,779 news articles from 1970 through 2013, statistical analyses support the authors’ argument. Moreover, consistent with scholarship on the evolution of political violence, the authors show that the effects of repertoires are sensitive to historical developments and vary in relation to key events, further supporting a relational repertoire view of the classification of terrorism.
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O’Donnell, Jessica. "Militant meninism: the militaristic discourse of Gamergate and Men’s Rights Activism." Media, Culture & Society 42, no. 5 (November 25, 2019): 654–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443719876624.
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The connection between military metaphor and feminism – specifically radical and ‘militant feminism’ – has been well established by theorists. However, the same cannot be said for the analogous connection between militaristic discourse and Men’s Rights Activism (MRA). MRAs have often posited themselves in opposition to feminism and frequently portray the two as being on opposite sides of a ‘culture war’. This was particularly apparent during the Gamergate movement, which became intrinsically tied to MRA. The Gamergate movement was the subject of heavy media scrutiny, due to its highly publicised and vitriolic attacks on women. This article looks at chatlogs leaked from one of Gamergate’s main chatrooms, which exposed Gamergate’s rhetorical strategies. Having analysed the dialogue, the article argues that Gamergaters have adopted a militaristic discourse. This is evidenced by their consistent use of militaristic terminology, and the treatment of their actions as being military ‘operations’ within a larger war against feminism.
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Zvozdetska, Oksana, and Stepan Kuvik. "The Islamic State’s Media Content: Nature, Types, Formats." Mediaforum : Analytics, Forecasts, Information Management, no. 11 (December 14, 2022): 250–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mediaforum.2022.11.250-278.
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Recent theoretical developments have revealed that IS’ social media strate-gies and practices of filling the social network content rise deep awareness of social media to become a push-pull factor of the certain groups’ mindset radicalization and the terrorist discourse legitimation. Furthermore, the authors’ focus revolves around the problem that articulates the fact that social media fast spread and its accessibility facilitated IS and other terrorist, extre-mist and radical movements expand their reach to a wide range of audiences around the world. Together, the present findings confirm that the Islamic State militant group’s widespread activity on social media is being powerfully weaponized and, consequently, the IS’ impact throughout the world and its successful self-marketing as a global brand is being witnessed. A further novel finding is that the Islamic State militant group’s use of social media, while presenting radical Muslim voices and exposing the atrocities of the Islamic State, targets the spread of terrorist propaganda, self-promoting, financial funding, recruiting and training TO advocates from around the world. The body of the article goes on to discuss the problem of social media use in cutting-edge technologies and novel ways to advance its full-spectrum propaganda. It is worth emphasizing that tech-savvy IS media content covers a wide range of tools with a predominance of visual forms of communication: making live broadcasts, audio and video recordings of leaders’ speeches, running educational propaganda campaigns and various instructing films, designing virtual games, etc. Noteworthy, the Islamic State group has been using social media to promote their terrorist agenda and attract a wide audience, mainly young ardent followers. The research results cast a new light on the embracement of the IS skyrocketing technological advancement in both online and social media to develop their sophisticated media strategy has led to informational and technological outreach and evolution of IS itself. In short with concluding remarks, it has been reported that the unprecedented use of social media (innovative use of advanced and easily accessed technologies, their own production quality media content, wide use of online platforms, a number of social networks and messengers, etc.), until its recent demise (in 2015 and 2017), has made Islamic State militant group at the forefront of technological advancement among contemporary terrorist groups. The crux of the problem is its media content, its nature, types and formats remain one of the most effective and efficient weapons for IS. The Terrorist Organization has developed an innovative digital communication strategy (with its hierarchy elements), which enhanced its goals-achieving in terms of radicalization, violence and the Caliphate establishment.
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Rehman, Shams-ur, and Dr Saqib Riaz. "How Social Media is Shaping Conflicts: Evidences from Contemporary Research." Journal of Peace, Development & Communication V05, no. 04 (December 31, 2021): 76–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.36968/jpdc-v05-i04-06.
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The growing use of social media in contemporaneous conflicts and its penetration into modern warfare is a thing to be pondered. Social media has redefined social movements, collective actions, and empowered marginalized groups to have a say in international affairs. While there has been a large body of literature examining how the traditional media depicts conflicts and violent events, the role of social media in shaping conflicts has been overlooked. Consulting an extensive literature related to social media and contemporary conflicts, this study explored the pivotal role of social media in the escalation of recent civil uprisings and the consequences of digital activism on changing conflict dynamics. This study also analyzed the usage of social media by militant organizations and insurgent groups for their vested interests and validated the insurgent public sphere role of social media in shaping conflicts.
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Hasso, Frances S. "Discursive and Political Deployments by/of the 2002 Palestinian Women Suicide Bombers/Martyrs." Feminist Review 81, no. 1 (November 2005): 23–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.fr.9400257.
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This paper focuses on representations by and deployments of the four Palestinian women who during the first four months of 2002 killed themselves in organized attacks against Israeli military personnel or civilians in the Occupied Palestinian Territories or Israel. The paper addresses the manner in which these militant women produced and situated themselves as gendered-political subjects, and argues that their self-representations and acts were deployed by individuals and groups in the region to reflect and articulate other gendered–political subjectivities that at times undermined or rearticulated patriarchal religio-nationalist understandings of gender and women in relation to corporeality, authenticity, and community. The data analysed include photographs, narrative representations in television and newspaper media, the messages the women left behind, and secondary sources.
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Loimeier, Roman. "Boko Haram: The Development of a Militant Religious Movement in Nigeria." Africa Spectrum 47, no. 2-3 (August 2012): 137–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971204702-308.
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Since 2009, the radical Muslim movement in northern Nigeria known as Boko Haram has become widely known in Western media for both its militant actions and its ultra-fundamentalist programme. This analysis examines Boko Haram from a historical perspective, viewing the movement as a result of social, political and generational dynamics within the larger field of northern Nigerian radical Islam. The contribution also considers some of the theological dimensions of the dispute between Boko Haram and its Muslim opponents and presents the different stages of militant activity through which this movement has gone so far. The article shows that movements such as Boko Haram are deeply rooted in northern Nigeria's specific economic, religious and political development and are thus likely to crop up again if basic frame conditions such as social injustice, corruption and economic mismanagement do not change.
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Langensteiner, Nils V. "The digital “militant democracy”: An analysis of platform regulation in Germany and at EU level." UFITA 86, no. 1 (2022): 149–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/2568-9185-2022-1-149.
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Germany introduced with the Network Enforcement Act in 2017 and the Interstate Media Treaty in 2021 a novel approach to platform regulation which goes further than in many other jurisdictions that have few or no or comparable measures in place. The new provisions could be seen as either ambitious or as going too far in meddling with the workings of private online actors. This paper examines the relevant measures in light of the notion of a “militant democracy”. Germany has been classified as a militant, democratic state given how its constitution and regulatory frameworks respond to anti-democratic threats. A link can be made between the objective of militant democracy and the German approach to hate speech. The foundation for both is the protection of human dignity, which constitutes an absolute value under the German constitutional law and may not be balanced with other fundamental rights. Examining the Network Enforcement Act and the Interstate Media Treaty, this paper finds that the classification of Germany as a militant democracy holds true in an online context. These measures are direct responses to novel threats to a fruitful public discourse, to the human dignity of individuals and ultimately to the democratic system at large. In its response to these threats, the German legislator adopts a divided approach towards online platforms, regarding the latter both as a potential ‘breeding ground’ for online hate, as well as potential allies when it comes to actions against infringements by individuals. This paper will discuss the nuances and challenges of the German approach and draw a comparison with the relevant provisions of current and future EU law, such as the E-Commerce Directive and the Digital Services Act. Despite sharing many of the same objectives, points of (potential) collision between the German and EU approaches are identified. Ultimately, both legislators have identified the need to act against online hate and online threats to a democracy, including a need to provide a stricter framework for platforms. The legislative measures discussed in this paper are some of the first instruments which pursue these goals in the field of platform regulation and oftentimes precision is still lacking in the formulation of relevant provisions.
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Gul, Saima, Shamaila Farooq, and Shahid Ahmed Afridi Afridi. "A Media Framing Analysis of Political-Military Narrative on Pakistan's Military Operation Zarb-E-Azb." Global Mass Communication Review V, no. I (March 30, 2020): 59–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gmcr.2020(v-i).05.
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The language, structure and undertone using which the media frame an issue influence, formulate public opinion. A manifestation of this is the largest - in scale, intensity and impactmilitary operation conducted by the Pakistan army since the country’s explicit involvement in the global war on terror. “Zarb-e-Azb (ZeB)”, Pakistan Military’s flagship operation against militant outfits operating predominantly from erstwhile Federally Administered Tribal Areas, (FATA) was launched in June, 2014. The initial successes of the operation could be attributed to the whole-of-the-nation approach deployed by the Pakistan army reflecting a national consensus to extricate terrorism. Media is a strong driver of public opinion and ZeB could prove to be ineffective without public consensus and support. Therefore, any understanding of the causal effects of ZeB’s outcomes must begin from an analysis of the media frames, developed through opinion making in print journalism, that have done to form, or in certain cases unformed, a certain public opinion.
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Barovic, Vladimir, and Ljubomir Zuber. "Jovan Pavlovic as a liberalism paradigm in the history of Serbian press." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 161 (2017): 13–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1761013b.
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This paper is focused on a celebrated Serbian journalist and liberal, Jovan Pavlovic, who founded and edited, in the second half of the 19th century, the following newspapers: Pancevac, Granicar and Novi Granicar. Pavlovic turned his newspapers into the most militant and the most liberal media printed in Serbian language in Austria-Hungary in the second half of the 19th century. This paper analyzes the beginnings of Serbian liberal thought and individuals who were significant for the development of liberal ideas in the 19th century. The work of Vladimir Jovanovic and other liberals in Serbia has been considered, including the influence of Svetozar Markovic and Serbian liberals in Austria-Hungary. The authors analyzed Pavlovic?s articles in Zastava, Pancevac, Granicar, and Novi Granicar. Pavlovic?s newspapers supported very liberal and militant attitudes unlike other printed media throughout the history of Serbian journalism. Pavlovic was very incisive when writing in anticlerical spirit, and in many of his articles he criticized church hierarchy. The Eastern question was also extensively dealt with in his articles. In the history of Serbian journalism, Jovan Pavlovic has been remembered as a great supporter of human rights, national liberation and emancipation, as well as a significant representative of liberal ideas.
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Ali, Saira, and Umi Khattab. "Reporting terrorism in Muslim Asia: the Peshawar massacre." Media International Australia 173, no. 1 (April 1, 2019): 108–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x19833789.
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Terrorism is not a threat to Western civilisation alone. Drawing on interdisciplinary perspectives and using Pakistan as a case, where the war-on-terror is being fought ceaselessly, analysis was carried out on Pakistan’s mainstream media coverage of, and citizen media reactions to, the December 2014 Peshawar school terror attack where 144 people, mostly children, were killed. Discourse analysis of media texts reflects that Pakistan’s mainstream media was spineless in openly fighting terrorism as it focused on the victims of the attack while camouflaging stories with shahadat-ism (martyrdom). On the other hand, citizen media condemned the Taliban perpetrators and hotly debated the perils of Taliban-ism and Islamo-fascism. Attempts to fight militant Islamism and mitigate terrorism were evident in an emerging citizen sphere where the issue took on new meanings, unlike the West. It is important for journalists to be culturally alert in reporting ‘terrorism’ in the light of the intersections of Islamism.
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Benezra, Karen. "Media Art in Argentina: Ideology and Critique “Después Del Pop”." ARTMargins 1, no. 2–3 (June 2012): 152–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/artm_a_00023.
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This article examines the rise and reception of conceptual art in Argentina. Against dominant readings of the 1960s' and 70s' visual avant-gardes in Latin America, I reconsider the stakes of art's so-called “dematerialization” and its unique claim on ideology critique in the work of the Grupo Arte de los Medios [Media Art Group], a collective of young artists led by the philosopher and literary critic Oscar Masotta. Arguing for a re-historicization of the 1960s avant-garde as one that emerges as a self-reflexive reaction to the novel articulation of late capitalism in Argentina, I trace a critical continuity between the Grupo Arte de los Medios and the avant-gardist claims on the fusion of art and militant politics among its immediate successors. I suggest that the Argentinean avant-garde defined its radical political stance through a reflection on the immanent relation of structural cause to symbolic form, probing and pointing to the limits of the operation of estrangement.
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Chao, Jenifer. "Portraits of the enemy: Visualizing the Taliban in a photography studio." Media, War & Conflict 12, no. 1 (June 23, 2017): 30–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750635217714015.
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This article examines studio photographs of Taliban fighters that deviate from popular media images which often confine them within the visual coordinates of terrorism, insurgency and violence. Gathered in a photographic book known simply as Taliban, these 49 photographs represent the militants in Afghanistan through a studio photography aesthetic, transplanting them from the battlefields of the global war on terror to intimate scenes of pretence and posing. Besides troubling the Taliban’s expected militant identity, these images invite an opaque and oppositional form of viewing and initiate enigmatic visual and imaginative encounters. This article argues that these alternative visualizations consist of a compassionate way of seeing informed by Judith Butler’s notions of precarity and grievability, as well as a viewing inspired by Jacques Rancière’s aesthetic dissensus that obfuscates legibility and disrupts meaning. Consequently, these photographs counter a delimited post-9/11 process of enemy identification and introduce forms of seeing that reflect terrorism’s complexity.
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Santana, Marco Aurélio, and Ricardo Medeiros Pimenta. "Public History and Militant Identities: Brazilian Unions and the Quest for Memory." International Labor and Working-Class History 76, no. 1 (2009): 65–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547909990093.
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AbstractThe aim of this paper is to analyze how Brazilian trade unions are using social memory as a tool to build up workers' collective identities, in an attempt to fight the fragmentation resulting from the impact of the industrial restructuring of the 1990s. We will draw upon two ongoing programs conducted by the ABC Metal Workers Union (SMABC) and the Oil Workers Union of Brazil's state oil company Petrobras (Sindipetro). The SMABC and Sindipetro have recently been addressing the issue of workers memory with social and public projects. These projects are building up memories, which in spite of being institution-based are also collective, framed by the unions through the use of new types of communication and electronic media.
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Brooker, Phillip. "My unexpectedly militant bots: A case for Programming-as-Social-Science." Sociological Review 67, no. 6 (March 25, 2019): 1228–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038026119840988.
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This article examines bots – software applications that automate web-based tasks, and which often mimic human interaction and communication – to consider sociological responses to software design and computer programming. Leveraging design methodologies for critical sociological purposes (a) allows us to envision programming as a means of opening up ‘black boxes’ by engaging more directly with the code through which software applications are executed, and (b) indicates the potential for sociology practitioners to design software ourselves – to build applications that fulfil the radical promise of sociology by intervening in social processes. To concretise these ideas, this article presents two stories about social media bots developed by the author: ‘Philbot’ (a Facebook random status generator) and ‘ @_Zen_Bot_ ’ (a Twitter service that provides mock lifestyle advice to users). On the basis of this demonstration, the article proposes a near-future vision of sociology where Programming-as-Social-Science features as a core research method/skill/tool.
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Ramos Palomo, María Dolores, and Víctor José Ortega Muñoz. "Mujeres Gladiadoras. Prensa republicana femenina y movilización política en los inicios de la cultura mediática en España (1896-1922)." RIHC. Revista Internacional de Historia de la Comunicación 2, no. 15 (2020): 16–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/rihc.2020.i15.02.
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: The enormous potential of the Spanish republican female press at the junction of the 19th-20th centuries acquires historical interest due to the renewal of the journalistic market aimed at women, which, transcending the framework of beauty, fashion, home and domestic economy magazines welcomes a political, doctrinaire, militant and radical journalism, directed and written by women, although it had male collaborations. This press - El Progreso, La Conciencia Libre, El Gladiador, El Gladiador del Librepensamiento and Redención, among other publications- conferred recognition and intellectual authority on its promoters, by giving them the possibility of spreading their ideals, create opinion, influencing the public sphere and articulating a political tradition and culture that has been largely neglected in the history of the press. Keywords: Republican press, women, media culture, Spain, 19th - 20th centuries.
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WALMSLEY, MARK JOSEPH. "Tell It Like It Isn't: SNCC and the Media, 1960–1965." Journal of American Studies 48, no. 1 (January 27, 2014): 291–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875813002545.
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In recent decades, revisionist challenges to the traditional “declension hypothesis” have generated a much more nuanced and positive approach to the Black Power movement. However, attempts to explain the narrative's initial popularity have too often focussed on the latter half of the decade and blamed a media-assisted white backlash or the inflammatory rhetoric of Black Power activists. Concentrating instead on the earlier half of the decade, this article examines the media strategies of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and demonstrates how its public approach to nonviolence and interracial organizing purposefully hid developments within the movement that were seen to be at odds with the dominant discourse. By highlighting the ways in which the early media strategies of a militant organization like SNCC strengthened and legitimized a misleading movement narrative, this article challenges scholars to be more critical of early movement rhetoric and re-examine how and why Black Power was portrayed as a fundamental break with the past.
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Qadaruddin, Muhammad, and Wahyuddin Bakri. "Postmillenial Netizens' Reception of Da'wah Messages on Social Media." KOMUNIKA: Jurnal Dakwah dan Komunikasi 16, no. 2 (October 1, 2022): 117–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.24090/komunika.v16i2.6428.
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Content of proselytizing at receptions differently. Da'wah content on social media is a negotiation process. Da'wah's content shows the potential position of postmillennial netizens as active meaning. They are free to choose proselytizing content. This research uses a qualitative method with an interpretive approach. The data were analyzed to find the postmillennial netizens' reception pattern. This research was conducted at State Islamic Religious universities in South Sulawesi Province. There are three groups in the reception of proselytizing content on social media. Firstly, netizen postmillennial oppositional position. In this group, postmillennial netizens are inconsistent in particular groups but watch a variety of messages and preachers. In this group, netizens examine religious concepts from multiple sources. The second negotiated position of this group is postmillenial netizens fanatical on certain mubaligh but still, put tabayyun on certain mubaligh. A third hegemonic position is a militant group without putting forward the principle of tabayyun. However, in this study, social media is a medium that offers various types of preaching and different proselytizing messages. So, some netizens experience the hybridization of proselytizing messages. But some netizens do not experience hybridization of religious understanding because they only watch certain mubaligh.
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Rezmer-Płotka, Kamila. "Restricting the Press and the Neo-Militant Democracy: A Comparative Analysis of Ireland and Great Britain." Athenaeum Polskie Studia Politologiczne 75, no. 3 (2022): 195–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/athena.2022.75.11.
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The freedom of the press is one of the basic guarantees of a democratic state and, at the same time, a guarantee of political rights. After 2008, when the great financial crisis occurred, the Member States of the European Union began to significantly limit the rights and freedoms of citizens, including freedom of the press. The introduced restrictions are characteristic of a neo-militant democracy. However, they sometimes become a tool in the hands of antidemocrats. The aim of the article is to check how and why over the years, between successive crises, i.e., financial crisis, the so-called refugee crisis, the coronavirus pandemic, freedom of the press was restricted in Ireland and Great Britain. These are the countries in which initially the political and social effects of the economic crisis were not felt, but later rapid regression was observed. By using content analysis based on reports from the Reporters without Borders and Freedom House organizations, the study uncovers how and why the restrictions of freedom of the press changed. It locates the political structures of Ireland and Great Britain between the ideal types of neo- and quasi-militant democracy, depending on the goal of the restrictions. The research hypothesis is as follows: The restriction of freedom of the press in Ireland and the United Kingdom after 2008 shows that states are using the media system to pursue their particular interests by introducing solutions characteristic of quasi-militant democracies.
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Lubs’kyi, Volodymyr I., and I. V. Kulish. "Socio-historical and political sources of the emergence of Islamic fundamentalism." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 31-32 (November 9, 2004): 49–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2004.31-32.1526.
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Over the last 30 years, the growing role of political Islam has attracted attention from both the media and academia. Although it is given various names, such as "Islamic fundamentalism", "militant Islam", "political Islam", all this is due to the fact that a certain trend in Islamic movement is gaining more influence in politics and security in the global scale. The decisive moment in this was the overthrow in 1979 of the pro-Western Shah monarchy in Iran and the creation of the first theocratic world in the modern world there.
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Oktavia, Ariska. "PEMANFAATAN MEDIA SOSIAL UNTUK MENINGKATKAN LAYANAN REFERENSI DI PERPUSTAKAAN PERGURUAN TINGGI." Shaut Al-Maktabah : Jurnal Perpustakaan, Arsip dan Dokumentasi 11, no. 2 (January 21, 2020): 111–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.37108/shaut.v11i2.223.
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Introduction. This paper describes the use of social media to improve reference services at college libraries. Although the use of social media in college libraries has been extensively studied, there is still very little in the literature that focuses on the use of social media for reference services.
Data Collection Method. The approach used in this study is a qualitative approach to obtain an in-depth overview of how social media can be applied to reference services. The source of this research data is library data.
Analysis Data. The descriptive-analytical method in this study is intended as a research method whose sources are collected, analyzed and then interpreted critically then presented more systematically.
Results and Discussions. Initially, social media was not fully believed to be used to improve library services in universities, indicated by apathy, lack of awareness and militant phobia. However, more and more college libraries are adopting social media in order to reach visitors through virtual space. Various kinds of interesting information can be posted by librarians. Through social media, users can get answers to specific questions.
Conclusions. Social media can improve reference services to meet the unique and up-to-date information needs of visitors in the college library. But it needs to be socialized to the library users and training for librarians.
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Gade, Emily Kalah, Mohammed M. Hafez, and Michael Gabbay. "Fratricide in rebel movements: A network analysis of Syrian militant infighting." Journal of Peace Research 56, no. 3 (January 21, 2019): 321–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343318806940.
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Violent conflict among rebels is a common feature of civil wars and insurgencies. Yet, not all rebel groups are equally prone to such infighting. While previous research has focused on the systemic causes of violent conflict within rebel movements, this article explores the factors that affect the risk of conflict between pairs of rebel groups. We generate hypotheses concerning how differences in power, ideology, and state sponsors between rebel groups impact their propensity to clash and test them using data from the Syrian civil war. The data, drawn from hundreds of infighting claims made by rebel groups on social media, are used to construct a network of conflictual ties among 30 rebel groups. The relationship between the observed network structure and the independent variables is evaluated using network analysis metrics and methods including assortativity, community structure, simulation, and latent space modeling. We find strong evidence that ideologically distant groups have a higher propensity for infighting than ideologically proximate ones. We also find support for power asymmetry, meaning that pairs of groups of disparate size are at greater risk of infighting than pairs of equal strength. No support was found for the proposition that sharing state sponsors mitigates rebels’ propensity for infighting. Our results provide an important corrective to prevailing theory, which discounts the role of ideology in militant factional dynamics within fragmented conflicts.
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Knight, Alan. "Jihad and cross-cultural media: Osama bin Laden as reported in the Asian press." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 13, no. 2 (September 1, 2007): 155–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v13i2.912.
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In southeast and east Asia, terrorism is not new. A number of the region's nations have had to deal with full scale insurgencies of their own. The region contains a heady mix of core US allies, fledgling democracies and an emerging superpower. Many of these countries were themselves being challenged by militant Islamists. To what extent have regional journalists been influenced by American ideas and definitions in its 'war on terror'? This article considers how Osama bin Laden's media event was reported in the English language press of five Asian states: China (an authoritarian non-sectarian state with a flickering Muslim insurgency); Malaysia (a democractic multicultural society with an Islamic majority); the Philipines (a democractic former US protectorate with a Muslim insurgency); Singapore (a one-party city state, which has been targeted by al Qaeda offshoots); and Thailand (a never colonised democracy with a restive Muslim majority).
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Sultana, Irem, Ifra Iftikhar, and Rao Shahid Mahmood. "The Attitude of Media Study Students towards Suicide Attacks." Global Regional Review VI, no. I (March 30, 2021): 320–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2021(vi-i).35.
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This study attempts to investigate the attitudes towards suicide bombings among undergraduate university students in Pakistan. It is a descriptive and exploratory study based on surveys and in-depth interviews. The sample of the study was 52 respondents from a middle class, and upper-middle-class backgrounds enrolled inexpensive private institutes in Lahore. The study found that most undergraduate university students in Pakistan do not condone suicide bombings under any circumstances. The in-depth interviews revealed that young students understand and accept that it is impermissible (haram) in Islam. However, it is found that the use of appealing Islamic terminology of "martyrdom" and "jihad" by the militant organizations and the misrepresentation of "suicide attacks" as "martyrdom operations" has to some extent been effective in influencing even the young minds who are not by any means in their orbit. Moreover, this also demonstrates the inability of the Muslim world in countering the misuse of emotional Islamic appeals of jihad and martyrdom there by allowing such acts to be portrayed as legitimate and sanctioned by Islamic law and, in doing so, damaging the overall image and understanding of Islam in the eyes of Muslims and non-Muslims alike. It is, therefore, recommended that the Muslim world actively challenge the misrepresentation of suicide attacks as a permissible exercise of jihad and prevent the distortion and confusion of religious teachings
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Testart, Jacques. "Is a science critic a thug?" Journal of Science Communication 14, no. 02 (June 11, 2015): C06. http://dx.doi.org/10.22323/2.14020306.
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After being cosseted by the media for what they incorrectly considered to be a scientific feat, the author found himself widely boycotted by the more “responsible” media. The reason for this was his critical view of the evolution of science, which he felt had become a tool at the service of innovation, and, therefore, of industrial interests. The traditional image of science, which serves to help us to understand the world, still persists despite being perverted by commercial interests, because it is defended by naive people as well as by lobbies, themselves responsible for this debasement. Thus, the “militant” scientist is suspected of dishonourable behaviour and finds himself expelled from the “scientific community”, forced to express himself from the margins. As a result, a parallel world of information and debate is created, which presents truths different from those of the mainstream institutions.
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Fuhrmann, Larissa-Diana, and Simone Pfeifer. "Challenges in Digital Ethnography." Journal of Muslims in Europe 9, no. 2 (April 30, 2020): 175–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22117954-bja10002.
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Abstract The article explores ethical challenges in digital media ethnography in the field of militant political Islam, pointing to the dilemma that arises in doing research on Islam as part of the securitised research funding system. Expanding on discussions in anthropology about the principles of “do no harm” and “be open and honest about your work”, the authors reflectively contextualise the interrelated notions of “Jihadism” and “Salafism” and examine how these categories serve as “floating signifiers”. Examining one particular incident from the digital fieldwork leads to discussions of transparency, anonymity and shifting forms of “publicness” in the digital sphere.
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Watson, Ryan. "In the Wakes of Rodney King: Militant Evidence and Media Activism in the Age of Viral Black Death." Velvet Light Trap 84 (September 2019): 34–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.7560/vlt8404.
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Redding, Robert. "Black Voices, White Power." Journal of Black Studies 48, no. 2 (December 15, 2016): 143–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934716681152.
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When a former Black editor says he was told that Blacks do not care about news by his White boss and a Black deejay is told that his commentary is too hard hitting and not to go to an event featuring a Black militant leader by his White boss, these personal accounts could be extrapolated to mean that there may still be a world filled with White privilege and an ensuing hegemonic bifurcation in a communication studies context. This study utilizes Afrocentricity and the agency that is denied to these two individuals to provide insight into a world where these Black media/newsroom personnel describe how they lost ground to their White media owners. Those interviewed said this world does not promote the agency that comes with Afrocentricity, which is utilized as a critical cultural studies lens to interpret these 18-question qualitative interviews. The environment that those interviewed described is a world not often viewed in the context of White media ownership and the Black-focused content that is produced within them, but is a phenomenon that may be better understood by utilizing an Afrocentric lens in a Communication Studies context.
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Gebauer, Fabian, Marius H. Raab, and Claus-Christian Carbon. "Imagine All the Forces." Journal of Media Psychology 29, no. 2 (April 2017): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1027/1864-1105/a000180.
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Abstract. A world divided into East versus West: The so-called Ukraine crisis has once more summoned outdated patterns of political thinking. Simultaneously, media discourses have flared up debating diplomatic and military solutions as possible policy responses. A majority of Germans, however, have remained hesitant to advocate any escalation of military conflict. We were interested in how far reputable journalism concerning the Ukraine crisis might activate a disposition toward military engagement. To evaluate the supposed impact of actual news coverage, we used explicit existential threats (mortality salience; MS) as a comparative measure. Typical effects of MS were derived from terror management theory (TMT), which predicts that the awareness of existential threats amplifies the efforts to defend one’s own culture, even by military means. We used a 2 × 2 factorial design (N = 112) with the factors article (original bellicose vs. neutral, nonmilitant depiction) and salience condition (MS vs. control). Results revealed a strong impact of the original, bellicose article, with increased willingness to deploy German forces at the Russian border, independently of the salience condition. Additional existential threats did not add further effects, as values for willingness were already very high. Classic effects regarding TMT were observed when people had read the Non-Militant article. Here, the willingness to deploy forces only increased after a confrontation with existential threats. We conclude that threatening news coverage on the Ukraine crisis has the ability to alter willingness for first-step military action at the Russian border by inducing effects that are – at least in their outcome – comparable to explicit existential threats.
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Verdoni, Dominique. "Cultural Production in the Corsican Language: An Identity Field in the Making." Culture and Dialogue 3, no. 2 (June 14, 2015): 29–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24683949-00302005.
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Fields of language practice such as education, the media, the civil service, or, indeed, literature are all places where official, and therefore institutionalised languages, prevail. At the same time, they open up spaces of social values and recognition, thus offering the opportunity for declining minority languages to enter and permeate those spaces. This is why a strategy of active promotion of minority cultures is needed to ensure that they are not controlled by the dominant practices. The Corsican language is a case in point. This essay introduces three forms of identity-expression in Corsican literature – namely oraliture, militant writing, and Literature – and subsequently relocates the above issues within the cultural context of Corsica.
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Tsavkko Garcia, Raphael. "Diasporas and the role of social media on militant/political activities: The Basque diaspora in Argentina in the spotlight." Crossings: Journal of Migration & Culture 9, no. 1 (April 1, 2018): 77–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/cjmc.9.1.77_1.
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Young, Julia G. "Fascists, Nazis, or Something Else?: Mexico's Unión Nacional Sinarquista in the US Media, 1937–1945." Americas 79, no. 2 (March 17, 2022): 229–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2021.142.
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AbstractThis paper examines the public relations battles in the US media over Mexico's Unión Nacional Sinarquista (UNS), an explicitly Catholic social movement founded in 1937 that aimed to restore the Church to its traditional role in Mexican society and to reject the reforms of the revolutionary government. The sinarquistas shared many of the features of fascism and Nazism, the major global antidemocratic movements of the time, including a strident nationalism, authoritarian leanings, an emphasis on martial discipline and strict organizational structure, and a militant aesthetic. Both its ideological leanings and rapid growth (as many as 500,000 members by the early 1940s) led many US writers to suggest that the UNS represented a dangerous fifth-column threat to both Mexico and the United States. Others, particularly in the Catholic press, saw the UNS as an anticommunist organization that could actually help foster democracy in Mexico. For their part, UNS leaders defended themselves vociferously and sought to build relationships with influential US Catholics who could advocate for them in the press. By analyzing this debate, this paper both underscores the transnational characteristics of the UNS and highlights the crucial role of US public opinion in Mexican politics during the 1940s.
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Galloway, Lauren F. E. "“A Conspiracy of the Nation”: Case Study of Stokely Carmichael’s and H. Rap Brown’s Arguments in Support of Black Power." Journal of Black Studies 51, no. 1 (December 12, 2019): 83–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934719892296.
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This article features a rhetorical analysis of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee’s (SNCC) transition from nonviolent resistance to a more militant ideology, evidenced through prominent works by the organization’s last two chairmen, Stokely Carmichael and H. Rap Brown. I argue the chairmen’s conspiracy rhetoric contended with widespread interpretations of the times that framed SNCC’s decision as purely irrational, as opposed to a choice arising out of a long history of racial oppression. Furthermore, contentious media portrayals of SNCC demonstrators as ungrateful, heretical, sectarians aligned closely with readily accepted racial stereotypes to justify nonsupport of the pursuit of equality for Black Americans, civil or otherwise. This contribution to the literature conjures up challenges and tactics of movements past to inform the rhetorical strategies of present-day activists.
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Yashlavskii, A. "The Jihadists from Europe in the Middle East: Phantom and Real Menace." World Economy and International Relations, no. 10 (2015): 18–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-10-18-29.
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The issue of foreign fighters from Europe who travel to fight on the side of radical jihadist groups in the Middle East (primarily in Syria and Iraq) is growing in importance in view of the threat those militants who return home present for their countries. On the other hand, although almost every armed conflict in the countries with predominantly Muslim population attracts foreign volunteers. In particular, the Syrian civil war became the main point of attraction of jihadists from all over the world. Syria is considered by some experts as an “incubator” for Islamist militants. According to some estimates, dozens of thousands of foreigners from about 100 countries participate in Syrian war, including several thousands of citizens of Western nations (Europe and Northern America). Most of foreigners join to the most infamous extremist groups like Islamic State (aka ISIL, or ISIS) and Front al-Nusra (Jabhat al-Nusra). The phenomenon of European Jihadists is connected to a broad range of objective and subjective problems. At this time, the information technologies – particularly, social Internet-media – play a huge role for recruiting young European Muslims by extremists. Together with the battles on Syrian or Iraqi grounds the struggle for minds and souls of people goes in the Internet. At the moment, the extremists generally win this battle. It is necessary for the governments and the civil society of the European countries work out a strategy and effective measures for struggling against a potential menace from the militants returning home from Jihad. No less important is to take preventive actions against the recruiting of young Europeans into the militant groupings.
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Askanius, Tina. "On Frogs, Monkeys, and Execution Memes: Exploring the Humor-Hate Nexus at the Intersection of Neo-Nazi and Alt-Right Movements in Sweden." Television & New Media 22, no. 2 (January 22, 2021): 147–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1527476420982234.
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This article is based on a case study of the online media practices of the militant neo-Nazi organization the Nordic Resistance Movement, currently the biggest and most active extreme-right actor in Scandinavia. I trace a recent turn to humor, irony, and ambiguity in their online communication and the increasing adaptation of stylistic strategies and visual aesthetics of the Alt-Right inspired by online communities such as 4chan, 8chan, Reddit, and Imgur. Drawing on a visual content analysis of memes ( N = 634) created and circulated by the organization, the analysis explores the place of humor, irony, and ambiguity across these cultural expressions of neo-Nazism and how ideas, symbols, and layers of meaning travel back and forth between neo-Nazi and Alt-right groups within Sweden today.
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Helbardt, Sascha. "The emergence of a local public sphere under violent conditions: The case of community radio in Thailand's South." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 46, no. 1 (January 12, 2015): 32–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463414000605.
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Community radio has strongly changed Thailand's centralised media landscape. This article analyses community radio's role in establishing a public sphere in the context of Southern Thailand's ongoing Malay Muslim insurgency. This article argues that although the new community radio stations potentially provide ethnic communities, particularly Malay Muslims, with a chance to broadcast in their own language, these stations are dominated by middle-class broadcasters and commercial interests. More politically-oriented community radio stations in Southern Thailand feel threatened by both the Thai military's attempts to intimidate them or influence their programming as well as by militant threats to broadcasters who show favour to the Thai armed forces, which results in the self-censorship of sensitive topics. In addition, the community radio sector is fragmented between Malay Muslim and Buddhist broadcasters.
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Rogers, Benedict. "Rejecting Religious Intolerance in South-East Asia." Journal of Southeast Asian Human Rights 2, no. 1 (June 30, 2018): 208. http://dx.doi.org/10.19184/jseahr.v2i1.7587.
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This article is going to discuss religious intolerance in Myanmar and Indonesia. Religious intolerance in these two countriesis driven by extreme ideologies which reject tolerance and diversity. These ideologies influence society and generate a culture of discrimination. In Myanmar, Muslims and Christians face a campaign of hatred led by a militant ultra-nationalist Buddhist movement which has resulted in several outbreaks of violence in the past five years. The predominantly Muslim Rohingya people have been the most severely victimized, enduring grave human rights violations which some international experts describe as ‘ethnic cleansing’, ‘crimes against humanity’ and potentially genocide.In Indonesia, a country with a tradition of religious tolerance, radical Islamism has become an increasing threat to non-Sunni Muslim minorities, particularly the Ahmadiyya and Shi’a communities, as well as Christians and other religions and to Sunni moderates who work to preserve Indonesia’s pluralism. To challenge the pervasive influence of intolerance, a variety of imaginative strategies are necessary.Recommendations will call state actors, media and civil society to work together to combat hate speech narratives through all available channels: education, the judiciary, campaigning platforms, the media, legislation and international diplomacy.
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Muharam, Moch Mubarok, Kacung Marijan, and Airlangga Pribadi Kusman. "Power relation of the 212 Islamic Group and the government in the 2019 presidential election." Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik 34, no. 3 (July 10, 2021): 305. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/mkp.v34i32021.305-316.
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The 212 Islamic Group was in opposition with the government of Joko Widodo (Jokowi) in the 2019 presidential election. This group made militant resistance against Jokowi in the presidential election. This resistance influenced the presidential election contestation became more dynamic and fierce. The fierce contestation had divided the community into two camps, namely the pros and cons of Jokowi. This study explored and analyzed the resistance of the 212 Islamic Group against the government in the 2019 presidential election. This study was a qualitative study, interviewing 12 informants, consisting of the 212 Islamic Groups, Moderate Islamic Groups, Indonesian Ulema Council, online media, and academics. This study showed that The 212 Islamic Group can offset the government’s political influence so that the presidential election becomes more dynamic and balanced. However, the resistance of this group can be substantial (prominent) because of the narration about the rise of Islam and their ability to ideologize mosques and social media. This paper concluded that there was a resistance of the 212 Islamic Group to the country because Jokowi was considered secular and detrimental to Islam in politics and law, such as disbanding Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI).
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Karush, Matthew B. "National Identity in the Sports Pages: Football and the Mass Media in 1920s Buenos Aires." Americas 60, no. 1 (July 2003): 11–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2003.0073.
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The 1920s saw the emergence of a distinctive, new urban culture in the city of Buenos Aires. Although this culture did not extend to the borders of the nation, it was a national culture in the sense that it continually manufactured and reproduced images of Argentine national identity. Research conducted over the last two decades has greatly improved our understanding of this new culture. We know that it was, to a great extent, forged in the city's new, outlying barrios where manual workers lived side by side with skilled workers and members of the middle class. The relatively strong performance of the Argentine economy during these years made social mobility a more for realistic aspiration for more people than it had ever been before. Partly as a result of this economic reality, the new barrio culture revealed a less militant attitude on the part of porteño workers, a trend visible as well in the significant decline in membership and effectiveness experienced by labor unions. But the new cultural milieu reflected more than just economic prosperity; it was intimately tied to the birth of a mass culture disseminated by radio, cinema, and tabloid. In particular, the 1920s witnessed the commodification and massification of tango and football, two popular cultural practices that were now transformed into quintessential representations of Argentinidad.
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Pisters, Patricia. "The Filmmaker as Metallurgist: Political Cinema and World Memory." Film-Philosophy 20, no. 1 (February 2016): 149–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/film.2016.0008.
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Compared to earlier waves of political cinema, such as the Russian revolution films of the 1920s and the militant Third Cinema movement in the 1960s, in today's globalized and digital media world filmmakers have adopted different strategies to express a commitment to politics. Rather than directly calling for a revolution, ‘post-cinema’ filmmakers with a political mission point to the radical contingencies of history; they return to the (audio-visual) archives and dig up never seen or forgotten materials. They reassemble stories, thoughts, and affects, bending our memories and historical consciousness. Following Deleuze and Guattari's geophilosophical ideas in A Thousand Plateaus filmmakers can be considered metallurgists. Discussing the work of Tariq Teguia, John Akomfrah and others, this article investigates several metallurgic strategies that have a performative effect in reshaping our collective memory and co-constructing the possibility of ‘a people to come.’
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Steinbock, Eliza. "The Early 1990s and Its Afterlives: Transgender Nation Sociality in Digital Activism." Social Media + Society 5, no. 4 (October 2019): 205630511988169. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2056305119881693.
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This article considers the continuities afforded by digital platforms for reactivating the 1990s Transgender Nation politics, by providing a means to bond like-minded people into imagined nations cohered into an affective public. The media archeology approach facilitates the investigation into stylistic and conceptual continuities between the 1992 and 1994 Transgender Nation’s “direct action” and militant politics into cases of digital activism from 1995 until 2016. The article further tracks early queer and trans connection and discord into later digital incarnations. The author considers digital culture as a significant site for personal and group transformation, but finds in the touchstone activities of Transgender Day of Remembrance an imagined community styled by necropolitical attunements. Direct actions online are still fueled by contesting hostility to trans life, but the critique of transgender marginalization must also account for sexual and racial dynamics.
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Karcher, Katharina. "Violence for a Good Cause? The Role of Violent Tactics in West German Solidarity Campaigns for Better Working and Living Conditions in the Global South in the 1980s." Contemporary European History 28, no. 4 (October 31, 2019): 566–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777319000237.
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AbstractTaking up Frank Trentmann's suggestion of ‘widening the historical frame’ in which we analyse the fair trade movement, this article explores the entangled history of violent and peaceful tactics in two transnational solidarity campaigns in West Germany the 1980s: the German anti-Apartheid movement and a campaign for women workers in a South Korean garment factory. Both campaigns had the aim to improve the living and working conditions of producers in the Global South and were characterised by a complex interplay of peaceful and militant tactics ranging from boycott calls to arson attacks and bombings. Although more research into the impact of violent protest is needed, the two case studies suggest that the use of violent protest tactics can contribute towards the success of protest movements if it attracts considerable media attention, the targeted companies face significant social and political pressure and the cumulative disruption costs clearly exceed the concession costs.
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Hassan, Isyaku, Mohd Nazri Latiff Azmi, and Usman Ibrahim Abubakar. "The Use of Terminology in Reporting Islam: A Comparative Analysis." International Journal of English Linguistics 7, no. 6 (October 11, 2017): 236. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijel.v7n6p236.
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The use of terminology in reporting Islam has been one of the major concerns of many scholars and religious experts in recent years. Specifically, the media’s selection of words to describe Islam attracts attention of many righteous people. Words such as extremist, terrorist, militant, insurgent are mostly used to describe Muslims. This indicates the need to explore how the media particularly newspapers use terminology in reporting Islam, since people rely on the media for news and information. The present study focuses on content analysis of terminology used to describe Islam in selected Nigerian and Malaysian English newspapers. Two different divisions of sampling procedure were employed; sampling for the newspapers and sampling for related articles in the newspapers. The study used purposive sampling to gather data. Punch and Vanguard were chosen from Nigeria while The Star and New Straits Times were chosen from Malaysia based on their popularity and readership. Meanwhile, an internet-based search for news articles on Islam was performed. The aim was to locate the news articles relating to Islam in the selected newspapers. Articles between November 2015 and September 2016 were selected. Any article that focuses upon reporting Islam or Muslims fulfills the inclusion criteria. The content of each article was examined and read for relevance. The newspapers produced 599 different Islam-related articles within this period. The study found that 260 different Islam-related terms appeared in the selected newspapers. But Malaysian newspapers used more (200) of these terms than Nigerian newspapers, which used only 60. However, the most frequently used Islam-related term in the selected newspapers is “Islamist militants” which appeared 60 times, followed by “radical Islam” and “Islamist attacks”, which came second and third respectively. It was found that these words were used in negative context. It is therefore recommended that journalists should make an effort to understand clear connotation of the terminology they use, and use them properly. Newspapers should mind the use of terms in or order to avoid creating negative perception toward Islam.
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Atran, Scott. "Psychology of Transnational Terrorism and Extreme Political Conflict." Annual Review of Psychology 72, no. 1 (January 4, 2021): 471–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-psych-010419-050800.
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Fear of transnational terrorism, along with a revitalization of sectarian nationalism, is sundering social and political consensus across the world. Can psychology help? The focus of this review is on the psychological and related social factors that instigate and sustain violent extremism and polarizing group conflict. I first describe the changing global landscape of transnational terrorism, encompassing mainly violent Islamist revivalism and resurgent racial and ethnic supremacism. Next, I explore the psychosocial nature of the devoted actor and rational actor frameworks, focusing on how sacred values, identity fusion, and social network dynamics motivate and maintain extreme violence. The psychology of the will to fight and die is illustrated in behavioral and brain studies with frontline combatants in Iraq, militant supporters in Morocco, and radicalizing populations in Spain. This is followed by a consideration of how to deal with value-driven conflicts and a discussion of how the Internet and social media encourage the propagation of polarized conflict.
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Sulaiman, Akhmad. "Gerakan Indonesia Tanpa Pacaran (GITP): Propaganda and Mobilization of Youths’ Social Praxis." FIKRAH 8, no. 2 (November 16, 2020): 225. http://dx.doi.org/10.21043/fikrah.v8i2.6711.
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Gerakan Indonesia Tanpa Pacaran (GITP), as a <em>da’wa</em> movement, rises because of moral panics encouragement. It is concerned that promiscuity among youths is increasingly out of control. The Movement presenting its mission through social media is opposed by many circles. Nonetheless, it develops rapidly and obtains many followers. This research is meant to answer questions: 1) why does GITP develop rapidly although it is opposed by many circles? 2) What propaganda techniques are used by GITP so that it receives many followers? 3) How does GITP mobilize youths’ social praxis? To answer these questions, I use Fairclough’s critical discourse analysis. The research concludes that the triumph of GITP is not separated from the totality of propaganda. It uses seven propaganda techniques. Mobilization of social praxis is done through three discourse functions namely ideational, identity, and relational function of discourse till it produces personal piety and militant community.
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Long, Jerry Mark, and Alex S. Wilner. "Delegitimizing al-Qaida: Defeating an “Army Whose Men Love Death”." International Security 39, no. 1 (July 2014): 126–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00167.
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Deterring terrorism is no longer a provocative idea, but missing from the contemporary theoretical investigation is a discussion of how delegitimization might be used to manipulate and shape militant behavior. Delegitimization suggests that states and substate actors can use the religious or ideological rationale that informs terrorist behavior to influence it. In the case of al-Qaida, the organization has carefully elaborated a robust metanarrative that has proved to be remarkably successful as a recruitment tool, in identity formation for adherents, as public apologia and hermeneutic, and as a weapon of war—the so-called media jihad. In the wake of the upheaval of the Arab Spring, al-Qaida and its adherents have redeployed the narrative, promising a new social order to replace the region's anciens régimes. Delegitimization would have the United States and its friends and allies use al-Qaida's own narrative against it by targeting and degrading the ideological motivation that guides support for and participation in terrorism.
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Lilti, Antoine. "In the Shadow of the Public: Enlightenment and the Pitfalls of Modernity." International Journal for History, Culture and Modernity 8, no. 3-4 (November 23, 2020): 256–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22130624-20200004.
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Abstract The Enlightenment has often been presented as the ideological programme of modernity, the set of ideas and values from which modern, democratic and secularized Western societies have emerged. This reading, however, fails to account for the diversity and polyphony of the Enlightenment. Another reading, that of Michel Foucault, insisted on the ethos of modernity that the Enlightenment would have brought: a critical relationship with the present and current events. Conversely, this interpretation neglects the militant and collective dimension of the Enlightenment that favoured emancipation through knowledge. This article suggests, rather, seeing in the Enlightenment a way of problematizing modernity, of thinking about its contradictions. It develops this argument from a case study: the philosophes’ reflections on the public and its ambivalences. The optimism of the Enlightenment’s fight against prejudice was counterbalanced by a more pessimistic analysis of the new public space and of the media obstacles to the dissemination of knowledge and critical thinking.
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Campbell, Lara. "Modernity and Progress: The Transnational Politics of Suffrage in British Columbia (1910-1916)." Atlantis 41, no. 1 (December 16, 2020): 90–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1074021ar.
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Canadian historians have underplayed the extent to which theproject of suffrage and first wave feminism was transnational in scope. The suffrage movement in British Columbia provides a good example of the global interconnections of the movement. While BC suffragists were relatively uninterested in pan-Canadian campaigns they explicitly situated provincial suffrage within three transnational relationships: the ‘frontier’ myth of the Western United States, radical direct action by suffragettes in the United Kingdom, and the rise of modern China. By the second decade of the 20thcentury, increasingly confident women’s suffrage societies hosted international visits and contributed to global print culture, both of which consolidated a sense of being part of a modern, international and unstoppable movement.
BC suffragists were attuned to American suffrage campaigns in California, Oregon and Washington, which granted female suffrage after referenda and situated political rights for settler women in the context of Western progress narratives. The emphasis on progress and modernity intersected with growing connections to non-Western countries, complicating racialized arguments for settler women’s rights to vote. BC suffragists were particularly impressed by the role of feminism in Chinese political reform and came to understand Chinese women as symbolizing modernity, progress, and equality. Finally, the militant direct action in the British suffrage movement played a critical role in how BC suffragists imagined the role of tactical political violence. They were in close contact with the militant WSPU, hosted debates on the meaning of direct action, and argued that suffragettes were heroes fighting for a just cause. They pragmatically used media fascination with suffragette violence for political purposes by reserving the possibility that unmet demands for political equality might lead to Canadian conflict in the future.
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Trotta, Felipe Da Costa, and Kywza J. F. P. Dos Santos. "Respeitem meus cabelos, brancos: música, política e identidade negra." Revista FAMECOS 19, no. 1 (May 25, 2012): 225. http://dx.doi.org/10.15448/1980-3729.2012.1.11350.
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A música popular é um artefato midiático através do qual são negociados socialmente pensamentos, valores, ações e estratégias de identidade individual e coletiva. Neste artigo, analisaremos as nuances discursivas que integram a canção Respeitem meus cabelos, brancos, de Chico César. Parte-se da hipótese de que por trás de um discurso militante e acusatório revelam-se diversas ambiguidades discursivas que integram a posição do autor sobre identidade negra. Os debates atuais sobre racismo acionam um posicionamento dicotômico (brancos x negros), presente na letra, mas relativizado pela ironia do uso não ortodoxo do reggae, pela ambiguidade da capa do CD, pela indefinição tonal e pelo criativo uso da vírgula, que condensa toda uma gama de deslocamentos interpretativos, contribuindo densa e criticamente para o pensamento atual sobre negritude no Brasil. **************************************************** ABSTRACT Popular music is a media artifact through which thoughts, values, actions and collective and individual strategies of identity can be socially negotiated. In this article, we’ll analyze the discursive nuances in the song Respeitem meus cabelos, brancos (Have some respect for my hair, whites), by Chico César. We start of from the assumption that behind a militant and accusatory discourse, ambiguities are showed in the author’s stand on black identity. Current debates on racism trigger a dichotomous position (blacks vs. whites), in the lyrics, second guessed by the irony in the unorthodox usage of reggae, by the ambiguity of the record cover image, by the undefined tone and the creative use of the comma, that condenses a range of interpretational misplaces, contributing largely and critically for the current thought on blackness in Brazil.