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Journal articles on the topic 'Militant socialist movement'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 28 January 2023

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1

Hirslund, Dan V. "Militant collectivity." Focaal 2015, no. 72 (2015): 37–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2015.720104.

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A stubborn, anticapitalist movement, Maoism has persisted in the global periphery for the many past decades despite its tainted image as a progressive alterpolitical platform. This article seeks to ponder why this is the case by looking at a recent and popular example of leftist radical politics in the MLM tradition. I argue that contemporary Nepali Maoism is offering a militant, collectivist, antiliberal model for confronting capitalist and state hegemony in an effort to forge new class solidarities. Responding to a changed political environment for continuing its program of socialist revolut
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Suodenjoki, Sami. "Mobilising for land, nation and class interests: agrarian agitation in Finland and Ireland, 1879–1918." Irish Historical Studies 41, no. 160 (2017): 200–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2017.32.

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AbstractThis article explores the comparative history of land agitation and how it evolved and intersected with nationalism and socialism in Finland and Ireland between the Irish Land War and the Finnish Civil War of 1918. Drawing on current scholarship as well as contemporary newspapers and official records, the article shows that an organised land movement developed later and was markedly less violent in Finland than in Ireland. Moreover, while in Ireland the association of landlordism with British rule helped to fuse the land movement with nationalist mobilisation during the Land War, in Fi
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Ault, Brian. "Joining the Nazi Party before 1930." Social Science History 26, no. 2 (2002): 273–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200012360.

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The development of theNazi Party from 1925 to 1933 serves as fertile ground for studying what social movement researchers have identified as generic issues of micromobilization, the array of processes employed by movements in attracting, enlisting, and activatingmembers. Formally known as the National Socialist German Workers’ Party (NSDAP), the Nazi Party was, of course, a political party in contention with other parties of theWeimar Republic until wresting state power in 1933. The lion’s share of empirical research on the NSDAP has been by way of electoral studies done by political sociologi
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Kelly, Catriona. "Socialist Churches: Heritage Preservation and “Cultic Buildings” in Leningrad, 1924-1940." Slavic Review 71, no. 4 (2012): 792–823. http://dx.doi.org/10.5612/slavicreview.71.4.0792.

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The demolition of churches is a notorious episode in Soviet political history, normally discussed in the context of the history of church-state relations. Yet which prerevolutionary buildings were meant to fit into a “model socialist city” such as Leningrad and how this was to happen was also a planning issue. Soviet planners (unlike members of the militant atheist movement) drew a distinction between buildings and their (current or possible) functions. The monument protection agencies were often successful in arguing that buildings of “historic and artistic importance” should be preserved, ev
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Hedge Olson, Benjamin. "Burzum shirts, paramilitarism and National Socialist Black Metal in the twenty-first century." Metal Music Studies 7, no. 1 (2021): 27–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/mms_00030_1.

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Over the last ten years, the radical right has proliferated at an alarming rate in the United States. National Socialist Black Metal (NSBM) has become an important feature of neo-Nazi, White supremacist and militant racist groups as the radical right as a whole has gained traction in American political life. Although rooted in underground music-based subculture, NSBM has become an important crypto-signifier for the radical right in the twenty-first century providing both symbolic value and ideological inspiration. The anti-racist and apolitical elements of the North American metal scene have r
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Şener, Mustafa. "Left Movements and the Army in Turkey (1961–71): The Case of the Yön-Devrim Movement." Turkish Historical Review 12, no. 2-3 (2021): 184–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18775462-bja10024.

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Abstract Turkey’s long sixties started with a military coup (May 27, 1960) and ended with another military coup (March 12, 1971). During this period, there was an explosion in the number of radical left and socialist movements in Turkey. One of the leading left movements of the period was the Yön-Devrim movement. The most distinctive feature of this movement was the special role it placed on the military in the transition to socialism. In this article, we will focus on the relationship between the military and left/socialist politics during this period. To this end, we will examine the Yön-Dev
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Levent, Yanlik. "A Test for Soviet Internationalism: Foreign Students in the USSR in the Early 1960s." Vestnik of Northern (Arctic) Federal University. Series Humanitarian and Social Sciences, no. 1 (February 16, 2021): 21–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.37482/2687-1505-v071.

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For leftist movements internationalism, as a principle of Marxism-Leninism, has always been of great importance. The paper discusses Soviet internationalism in relation to foreign students in the USSR in the early 1960s. The author emphasizes some characteristics of the first stages of ideological struggle between Soviet and Chinese communists in connection with the international youth movement and dwells on three demonstrations of foreign students in the Soviet Union. The first one took place on August 5, 1962 in Red Square and was arranged by a militant leftist Japanese student organization
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Schneer, Jonathan. "Politics and Feminism in “Outcast London”: George Lansbury and Jane Cobden's Campaign for the First London County Council." Journal of British Studies 30, no. 1 (1991): 63–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385973.

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This article examines Jane Cobden's campaign for the London County Council (L.C.C.) in 1888–89 and its controversial aftermath. Cobden's effort, a pioneering political venture of British feminism, illuminates late-Victorian concepts of gender. It provides at once an anticipation of, and a distinct contrast to, the militant suffragism of the Edwardian era. In addition, it suggests new ways of thinking about the connection between women's-suffragist and labor politics. Perhaps because the campaign was a comparatively obscure incident when measured against the broad sweep of British political his
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Zwahr, Hartmut, Donah Geyer, and Marcel van der Linden. "Class Formation and the Labor Movement as the Subject of Dialectic Social History." International Review of Social History 38, S1 (1993): 85–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000112313.

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As an introduction to this essay, three points need to be made. First, the European labor movements of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, on which we focus here, were part of bourgeois society. Secondly, they were a factor that challenged bourgeois society and thus contributed in several different ways to its change. Thirdly, as a result of this interaction, the labor movements themselves underwent changes. All of those were lasting changes. The systemic changes, imposed by revolutionary or military force, that accompanied the experiment in socialism, were not. In countries where th
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Park, In Joo, and Jun Hee Hong. "A Historical Exploration of Sungjae, Lee Donghwi's Social Education of Saving Country as the Root of Korean Social Education." Korean Society for the Study of Lifelong Education 28, no. 3 (2022): 167–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.52758/kjle.2022.28.3.167.

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The purpose of this critical review is to find the origin and implications for the direction of lifelong education in the future through social education studies during the Japanese colonial period. Through historical literature approach, the researcher studied the thought formation process of Sungjae Lee Dong-hwi's social education and his social education practice.
 As a result of the critical review, Sungjae Lee Dong-hwi's social education ideology would be influenced by Lee Seung-gyo's teaching, raising modern consciousness during military training and activities in the Independence C
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Ayusheeva, Marina V. "Anti-Religious Printed Propaganda in the Buryat-Mongol Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic: A Case Study of the Erdem ba Shazhan Magazine." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no. 458 (2020): 130–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/458/16.

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The article analyzes anti-religious propaganda in the early 1920s in the Buryat-Mongol Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic on the example of the magazine Erdem ba Shazhan [Science and Religion]. An important component of the state policy in the antireligious struggle in the republic was the Regional Union of Atheists, created in Verkhneudinsk on December 2, 1926. The publication of Erdem ba Shazhan in the Mongolian script was aimed at covering the gap of specialized literature on anti-religious propaganda. While analyzing issues of the magazine stored in the Center of Oriental Manuscripts and
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Tsalikis, George. "Evaluation of the Socialist Health Policy in Greece." International Journal of Health Services 18, no. 4 (1988): 543–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/m3te-l30h-tyhw-hkqh.

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Following seven years of military rule and seven years of “democratic restoration” under the Right, Greece is now sailing under the flag of the Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK). The Movement was inspired by the ideals of participatory democracy and socialization of the economy and of social services. A central part of socialist planning brought about the National Health System Act (1983) and related legislation intended to universalize health care, remove disparities, and restrict the private sector. It is argued here that the implementation of PASOK's statutory reforms in this field, as
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Davidson, Carl. "Economic Democracy and 21st Century Socialist Strategy." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 15, no. 1-2 (2016): 22–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691497-12341372.

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This article places the question of economy democracy in the wider context of socialist strategy. It starts by assessing the matter concretely, with a brief overview of Spain’s Mondragon Cooperatives, then showing how it fits into a wider and more multifaceted solidarity economy. From there, it discusses even wider alliances, including with green energy projects, to develop a political instrument that could bring these insurgent movements, each a militant minority, and their organizations to political power as a new progressive majority that could serve as a bridge to a new socialism.
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Connolly, Clara, Lynne Segal, Michèle Barrett, et al. "Feminism and Class Politics: A Round-Table Discussion." Feminist Review 23, no. 1 (1986): 13–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/fr.1986.18.

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In December 1984 Angela Weir and Elizabeth Wilson, two founding members of Feminist Review, published an article assessing contemporary British feminism and its relationship to the left and to class struggle. They suggested that the women's movement in general, and socialist-feminism in particular, had lost its former political sharpness. The academic focus of socialist-feminism has proved more interested in theorizing the ideological basis of sexual difference than the economic contradictions of capitalism. Meanwhile the conditions of working-class and black women have been deteriorating. In
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Michaluk, Dorota. "The Political Rivalry for Belarus Between Belarusian Socialists and Bolsheviks in 1917 – 1919. The Establishment of the Socialist Soviet Republic of Belarus." Mìžnarodnì zv’âzki Ukraïni: naukovì pošuki ì znahìdki, no. 31 (December 12, 2022): 255–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mzu2022.31.255.

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The aim of the article is to study the peculiarities of the rivalry between Bolsheviks and Belarusian socialists for the future of the Belarusian lands in 1918-1920. The research methodology is based on the principles of scholarship, historicism, systematism and historical analysis. The scientific novelty of the results of this study lies in the reconstruction of the events related to the creation of the Socialist Soviet Republic of Belarus. Conclusions: At the end of World War I, after the February Revolution, the process of formation of an independent Belarusian state by Belarusian socialist
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Buçukcu, Oner. "Ideologies of Insurgency: A Comparison between Post-Colonial and Turkish Socialist Movements." Protest 1, no. 1 (2021): 54–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667372x-01010003.

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Abstract The independence movements that emerged during the decolonization process generally defined themselves as socialism. These movements, which built world-making approaches around emphasis on independence, anti-Westernism, and anti-imperialism, basically faced three problems: rapid development, the construction of the state apparatus, and the creation of a nation. These three problems facilitated the contact of these movements with nationalism. Another result of the process is that the military bureaucracy usually leads the “revolution” processes. These countries, which entered a rapid d
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Sodhar, Muhammad Qasim. "A HISTORICAL STUDY OF ROLE OF THE LEFT IN THE MOVEMENT FOR RESTORATION OF DEMOCRACY." Pakistan Journal of Social Research 03, no. 02 (2021): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.52567/pjsr.v3i02.195.

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The movement for the Restoration of Democracy (MRD) was launched against the then military dictatorship in Pakistan in the 1980s. This paper is an attempt to present a historical sketch of the movement and also to discuss the role of the Left in that movement. The study considers those political parties as ‘Left’ which were following Socialist/Communist ideology, based in Sindh, province of Pakistan, specifically Awami Tehrik, a Marxist-Leninist-Moist party, and the Communist Party of Pakistan. This research is based on relevant literature, especially jail diaries and conducting interviews wit
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18

Friedman, Gerald. "Worker Militancy and Its Consequences: Political Responses to Labor Unrest in the United States, 1877–1914." International Labor and Working-Class History 40 (1991): 5–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900001101.

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Werner Sombart asks two questions in Why is there no Socialism in the United States?: Why the United States, home of the world's premier capitalist economy, lacks a strong socialist movement, and why American democracy has not led to significant reforms in the interests of the working class. To Sombart, these are the same question because he assumes that without popular sanction democratically elected officials would never act as openly as America's have in support of capitalist expansion and against labor. Assuming this democracy, he can then draw conclusions about popular attitudes from poli
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Quirico, Monica, and Gianfranco Ragona. "Beyond Utopia: Building Socialism Within and After Capitalism." Culture Unbound 10, no. 2 (2018): 263–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.3384/cu.2000.1525.2018102263.

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The article focuses on several figures who are particularly interesting in terms of identifying a radical critique of capitalism that does not shrink from the possibility of designing and imaging a different future. Following Michael Löwy, in our study we have identified relationships of ‘elective affinity’ between figures who might appear different and dissimilar, at least at first glance: the Bolshevik Alexandra Kollontai, the German communist Paul Mattick, the Italian Socialist Raniero Panzieri and the French social scientist Alain Bihr. After providing some biographical information, we ana
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Scholtyseck, Joachim. "Fascism—National Socialism—Arab “Fascism”: Terminologies, Definitions and Distinctions." DIE WELT DES ISLAMS 52, no. 3-4 (2012): 242–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700607-201200a2.

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Because certain movements in the Arab world of the 1930s and 1940s showed similarities to Mussolini’s and Hitler’s regimes, historians have drawn comparisons with the fascist and National Socialist dictatorships. But not even those arguing for the concept of a “generic fascism” are able to wholeheartedly subsume these movements under their fascist rubric. Fascism and National Socialism evolved in Europe, were shaped by the mood at the fin de siècle, became effective after the First World War in a unique political, social, economic and cultural atmosphere, and only lost their appeal in 1945 at
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Sofronov, Konstantin. "The Interaction Between German Military Circles and the National Socialist Movement During the Weimar Republic in Russian Historiography." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 6 (2022): 126. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640020074-9.

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The author aims to outline the evolution of the views of Russian scholars on the participation of representatives of the German Army (including demobilised personnel who identified themselves as servicemen), especially the officer corps, in the development of the National Socialist movement in the period between 1918 and 1933. The works of Soviet historians of 1920–1940s are the first attempt to analyse German “fascism” and its main activists. They are full of generalisations and factual inaccuracies, but allow one to conclude that the political upheavals of 1920–1923 largely involved former m
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Vasi, Ion Bogdan. "The Fist of the Working Class: The Social Movements of Jiu Valley Miners in Post-Socialist Romania." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 18, no. 1 (2004): 132–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325403258290.

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This article analyzes one of the most virulent protests witnessed by post-socialist societies: the social movements of the Jiu Valley miners in Romania. I argue that the key to comprehending the Jiu Valley miners’ extraordinary mobilization can be found in the density of their social networks, which, under a particular political opportunity structure, became a crucial resource for social movement organizations. Dense social networks and a favorable political opportunity created organizational resources that were utilized by movement entrepreneurs to build a unique participant identity. Having
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Hai-Nyzhnyk, Pavlo. "Diplomacy of Deception and Tactics of Terror: Hybrid Politics in the Strategy and Practice of the Secret War of Soviet Russia against the Hetmanate (April – December 1918)." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XXI (2020): 7–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2020-1.

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The article highlights the behind-the-scenes policies of hybrid war of the Russian Socialist Federative Soviet Republic (RSFSR) against the Ukrainian State headed by Hetman Pavlo Skoropadskyi (April – December 1918). The author examines anti-Ukrainian activities of the Council of People’s Commissars of the RSFSR, the ruling Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks), and the allied Russian parties of left and right socialist-revolution-aries and anarchists. These include Soviet Russia’s efforts to undermine social and political stability in Ukraine; organisational, armed, and financial assistance to
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Schneirov, Richard. "Urban Regimes and the Policing of Strikes in Two Gilded Age Cities: New York and Chicago." Studies in American Political Development 33, no. 02 (2019): 258–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x19000117.

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Since the 1980s, scholars have argued that during the Gilded Age urban party machines incorporated working people through the use of patronage, informal provision of personal welfare, and limited concessions, thereby eliminating sustained labor and Socialist Party alternatives and keeping workers’ militancy and assertiveness confined to the workplace. That view is challenged by a historical comparison of the policing of labor disputes in New York and Chicago. In New York, organized workers were eliminated from the governing coalition of the Swallowtail-Kelly regime that succeeded the Tweed Rin
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Bruckmann, "Mónica, and Theotonio Dos Santos. "Soziale Bewegungen in Lateinamerika." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 36, no. 142 (2006): 7–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v36i142.566.

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At the beginning of the 20th century, social movements in Latin America were heavily influenced by anarchist immigrants from Europe and then by the ideological struggles around the Russian revolution. Beginning in the 1930s, many social movements started to incorporate into leftwing and populist parties and governments, such as the Cardenismo in Mexico. Facing the shift of many governments towards the left and the 'threat' of socialist Cuba, ultrarightwing groups and the military, supported by the US, responded in many countries with brutal repression and opened the neoliberal era. Today, afte
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Grayson, John. "Developing the Politics of the Trade Union Movement: Popular Workers’ Education in South Yorkshire, UK, 1955 to 1985." International Labor and Working-Class History 90 (2016): 111–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547916000090.

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AbstractDrawing on evidence from research interviews, workers’ memoirs, oral histories, and a range of secondary sources, the development of popular workers’ education is traced over a thirty year period, 1955 to 1985, and is rooted in the proletarian culture of South Yorkshire, UK. The period is seen as an historical conjuncture of Left social movements (trade unions, the Communist and Labour parties, tenants’ movements, movements of working-class women, and emerging autonomous black movements) in a context of trade union militancy and New Left politics. The Sheffield University extramural de
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Goldfrank, Walter L. "Beyond Cycles of Hegemony: Economic, Social, and Military Factors." Journal of World-Systems Research 1, no. 1 (2015): 388. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.1995.36.

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As we survey the changing world on the eve of the 21st century, scholars confront empirical puzzles and interpretive uncertainties. Those of us who identify with worldwide social and political movements seeking more democracy, more equality, more justice, and more rationality find ourselves at once free and daunted. We are free, finally, from the albatross of repressive party-states calling themselves "socialist," from the illusion that social-democratic welfare states are trending toward perfection, from the myth that national development in the Third World is closing the gap. And we are daun
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Schwartz, David. "Genealogy of Political Theatre in Post-Socialism. From the Anti-“System” Nihilism to the Anti-Capitalist Left." Studia Universitatis Babes-Bolyai Sociologia 64, no. 2 (2019): 13–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/subbs-2019-0008.

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Abstract What have been the conditions of production for a political theatre to appear in post-1990s Romania? How and why contemporary theatre in Romania ended up ignoring or dismissing the leftwing, engaged or militant theatrical movements active before 1945? Why local theatre history and theory entirely obliterated, also, the politically-engaged theatre forms active during communism itself? What kind of tradition forms the contemporary political theatre, what is the politics that informs their working practices and collaborations, how do the artists engage with the groups they choose to give
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FREEDMAN, JESSE. "Political Participation and Engagement in East Germany Through Chilean Nueva Canción." Yearbook for Traditional Music 54, no. 1 (2022): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ytm.2022.4.

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AbstractChilean musical and political themes were an important element of East German life during the socialist presidency of Salvador Allende (1970–1973) and the violent military dictatorship (1973–1990) that overthrew him. The musical movement nueva canción (new song) was critical in mobilising solidarity with Chile around the world. In East Germany, the state-sponsored Singebewegung (singing movement) and the Liedermacher*innen1 (song makers) who were sometimes more openly critical both performed Chilean themes and covers. In addition to promoting solidarity, both groups drew on the musical
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Sofronov, Konstantin. "The Military Factor in the Context of the Issue of the Social Support of Nazism in the Weimar Republic." ISTORIYA 12, no. 12-2 (110) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840018255-9.

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The purpose of the article is to define the role of the military element in the formation of the social prerequisites for the supporting the National Socialist movement during the Weimar Republic in historyography. The novelty of this study lies in indentifying the nature and degree of participation of World War I veterans, servicemen, as well as members of paramilitarist organizations in the development of the NSDAP and its military wing. As a result of the study, the orientation of Nazi propaganda was identified to attract former servicemen as electoral support, to involve both broad strata
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Sharpe, Kenan Behzat. "Poetry, Rock ’n’ Roll, and Cinema in Turkey’s 1960s." Turkish Historical Review 12, no. 2-3 (2021): 353–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18775462-bja10028.

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Abstract Using developments in poetry, music, and cinema as case studies, this article examines the relationship between left-wing politics and cultural production during the long 1960s in Turkey. Intellectual and artistic pursuits flourished alongside trade unionism, student activism, peasant organizing, guerrilla movements. This article explores the convergences between militants and artists, arguing for the centrality of culture in the social movements of the period. It focuses on three revealing debates: between the modernist İkinci Yeni poets and young socialist poets, between left-wing p
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Price, Curtis. "Michael Seidman,Republic of Egos: A Social History of the Spanish Civil War. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2002. xi + 304 pp. $55.00 cloth; $24.95 paper." International Labor and Working-Class History 66 (October 2004): 200–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547904230241.

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Many historians usually interpret the Spanish Civil War as a confrontation of great collective movements. Looking back into the trenches of the Iberian Peninsula, they see the organized forces of nationalism, communism, anarcho-syndicalism, and socialism clashing along battle lines as much ideological as military. In these standard accounts, such movements, whatever their sharp political differences, commanded popular support based on an ethos of heroism, sacrifice and devotion to a larger cause.
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Crim, Brian E. "“Our Most Serious Enemy”: The Specter of Judeo-Bolshevism in the German Military Community, 1914–1923." Central European History 44, no. 4 (2011): 624–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938911000665.

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That the Wehrmacht participated fully in a racial war of extermination on behalf of the National Socialist regime is indisputable. Officers and enlisted men alike accepted the logic that the elimination of the Soviet Union was necessary for Germany's survival. The Wehrmacht's atrocities on the Eastern Front are a testament to the success of National Socialist propaganda and ideological training, but the construct of “Judeo-bolshevism” originated during World War I and its immediate aftermath. Between 1918 and 1923, central Europe witnessed a surge in right-wing paramilitary violence and anti-S
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Kallis, Aristotle. "Neither Fascist nor Authoritarian: The 4th of August Regime in Greece (1936-1941) and the Dynamics of Fascistisation in 1930s Europe." East Central Europe 37, no. 2-3 (2010): 303–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633010x534504.

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The 4th of August regime in Greece under Ioannis Metaxas has long been treated by theories of ‘generic fascism’ as a minor example of authoritarianism or at most a case of failed fascism. This derives from the ideas that the Metaxas dictatorship did not originate from any original mass ‘fascist’ movement, lacked a genuinely fascist revolutionary ideological core and its figurehead came from a deeply conservative-military background. In addition, the regime balanced the introduction ‘from above’ of certain ‘fascist’ elements (inspired by the regimes in Germany, Italy and Portugal) with a pro-Br
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Storkmann, Klaus. "East German Military Aid to the Sandinista Government of Nicaragua, 1979–1990." Journal of Cold War Studies 16, no. 2 (2014): 56–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00451.

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The East German regime provided extensive military assistance to developing countries and armed guerrilla movements in Africa, the Middle East, Southeast Asia, and Latin America. In the 1980s, the pro-Soviet Marxist government in Nicaragua was one of the major recipients of East German military assistance. This article focuses on contacts at the level of the ministries of defense, on Nicaraguan requests to the East German military command, and on political and military decision-making processes in East Germany. The article examines the provision of weaponry and training as well as other forms
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Kislitsyn, Sergey A., and Inna G. Kislitsyna. "F. D. Kryukov - Teacher, Public Figure, Writer. Evolution of Political Views." IZVESTIYA VUZOV SEVERO-KAVKAZSKII REGION SOCIAL SCIENCE, no. 1 (209) (March 30, 2021): 65–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/2687-0770-2021-1-65-71.

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The article analyzes the socio-political activities of the writer F. Kryukov and the evolution of his views. While working as a history and geography teacher, he sharply criticized and publicly evaluated the capabilities of the state education system. During the 1905 revolution, he was a Deputy of the 1st State Duma, the founder of the party of People's Socialism, and opposed the participation of the Cossacks in suppressing the revolution. During the Stolypin reaction, he published his stories about the Cossacks in the neonational magazine “Russian Wealthˮ and was criticized by V. I.
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Zvyagelskaya, I. D. "Soviet Researchers on the Middle East: Ahead of Their Time." MGIMO Review of International Relations 12, no. 4 (2019): 24–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2019-4-67-24-37.

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In the mid-1950s-1960s the Soviet Orientalists were facing serious challenges. The collapse of the colonial system, the growth of national liberation movements, the entry of new forces that did not fit into the rigid framework of the Communist ideas about the revolutionary process, demanded realistic explanations of what was happening. The article attempts to consider some breakthrough ideas and assessments of historical events in the Middle East put forward by the Soviet experts. The review is primarily based on the publications of Soviet specialists published in the 1970’s. Among those who s
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Park, Jeong-Mi. "Liberation or purification? Prostitution, women’s movement and nation building in South Korea under US military occupation, 1945–1948." Sexualities 22, no. 7-8 (2018): 1053–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1363460718782968.

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This article investigates postcolonial South Korea’s prostitution policy as a focal point of sexual politics in the undertaking of nation building under US military occupation (1945–1948). It clarifies that the discourse on prostitution served as a forum for competing visions of a new nation: socialism versus nationalism, and women’s liberation versus national purification. It analyzes the paradoxical process by which the women’s campaign to abolish one colonial legacy of prostitution (‘Authorization-Regulation’) eventually resulted in retaining another legacy (‘Toleration-Regulation’) in a ne
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Lee, Haiyan. "The Charisma of Power and the Military Sublime in Tiananmen Square." Journal of Asian Studies 70, no. 2 (2011): 397–424. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911811000040.

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While a growing scholarship has shed light on the spatial transformations of Tiananmen Square and its environs, not enough attention has been paid to the sacralization of power through symbols, rituals, and mythologies that lend enduring legitimacy to the Chinese Communist Party and the socialist revolution it led. This article examines how the official iconography of Tiananmen Square constructs the charisma of power through what I call the “military sublime.” Using the 1985 filmThe Big Paradeas a primary example, I argue that the martyrology and pageantry of the People's Liberation Army (PLA)
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Palacios Cerezales, Diego. "Civil Resistance and Democracy in the Portuguese Revolution." Journal of Contemporary History 52, no. 3 (2016): 688–709. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009416641496.

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During the summer of 1975, a year after the Carnation Revolution, thousands of Portuguese men and women took to the streets in order to prevent what they feared could be a communist takeover. A military-led government had trumpeted the transition to socialism and the Armed Forces Movement was discussing the dissolution of the recently elected constitutional convention. This article offers a new account of the significance and political impact of the anti-communist rallies, demonstrations and riots during 1975 and provides an interpretation of the mechanisms by which anticommunist mobilization
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Protic, Milan. "The Serbian Radical movement 1881-1903: A historical aspect." Balcanica, no. 36 (2005): 129–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0536129p.

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Focusing on the initial stage (until 1903) of the Serbian Radical movement the paper attempts to delineate and explicate the main phases of its political maturation. In its initial stage Serbian Radicalism passed through several significant phases. The earliest phase (1869-80) may be named the period of rudimentary Radicalism. The movement was unorganized and oscillated between the ideas of socialism, anarchism and peasant democracy. The year 1881 saw the founding of the Radical Party as the first organized political party in Serbia with its own internal structure and programme. It opened the
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Finn, Daniel. "Republicanism and the Irish Left." Historical Materialism 24, no. 1 (2016): 181–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341457.

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The Irish national revolution of 1916–23 left behind a partitioned island, with a northern segment that remained part of the United Kingdom and a southern ‘Free State’ – later to become a Republic – that was dominated by conservative forces. Most of those who had been involved in the struggle for national independence peeled off to form new parties in the 1920s, leaving behind a rump of militant Irish republicans. Sinn Féin and its military wing, the Irish Republican Army, would pose the greatest threat to political stability in the two Irish states. Although the Irish left has historically be
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CONNOR, EMMET O. "COMMUNISTS, RUSSIA, AND THE IRA, 1920–1923." Historical Journal 46, no. 1 (2003): 115–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x02002868.

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After the foundation of the Communist International in 1919, leftists within the Socialist Party of Ireland won Comintern backing for an Irish communist party. Encouraged by Moscow, the communists hoped to offset their marginality through the republican movement. The Communist Party of Ireland denounced the Anglo-Irish treaty, welcomed the Irish Civil War, and pledged total support to the IRA. As the war turned against them, some republicans favoured an alliance with the communists. In August 1922 Comintern agents and two IRA leaders signed a draft agreement providing for secret military aid t
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Bowen, Alyssa. "“Taking in the Broad Spectrum”: Human Rights and Anti-Politics in the Chile Solidarity Campaign (UK) of the 1970s." Journal of Social History 54, no. 2 (2019): 623–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jsh/shz067.

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Abstract Chile’s 1973 military coup has often been cited as a watershed moment in the history of contemporary human rights. To be sure, the overthrow of democratically elected socialist President Salvador Allende and the brutality of Pinochet’s new military junta inspired wide international outrage, much of which came to be articulated in the language of human rights. Yet international opposition to Pinochet did not begin predominantly as a human rights movement. In examining the Chile Solidarity Campaign (CSC) in the United Kingdom, this article suggests that the Chile solidarity movement’s e
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PÉREZ DOMÍNGUEZ, Josué Federico. "José Revueltas: conocimiento estético y militancia comunista." Diánoia. Revista de Filosofía 61, no. 76 (2016): 113. http://dx.doi.org/10.21898/dia.v61i76.6.

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<div class="page" title="Page 1"><div class="layoutArea"><div class="column"><p><span>En este ensayo se desarrollan los problemas principales de la teoría estética de José Revueltas. Siguiendo la trayectoria de su militancia comu- nista, se intenta mostrar cómo las teorizaciones sobre estética de Revueltas respondían tanto a los momentos de la lucha política nacional e internacio- nal del movimiento comunista como al papel que, según Revueltas, debía desempeñar el escritor, y el artista en general, en esa lucha. Se desarrollan conceptos como “contenido e
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Christiaens, Kim. "European Reconfigurations of Transnational Activism: Solidarity and Human Rights Campaigns on Behalf of Chile during the 1970s and 1980s." International Review of Social History 63, no. 3 (2018): 413–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859018000330.

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AbstractThe overthrow of the democratically elected socialist president Salvador Allende in Chile and the human rights violations under the military junta of Augusto Pinochet spawned one of the most iconic and sustained human rights campaigns of the Cold War. Human rights scholars have argued that this movement on behalf of Chile signalled the “breakthrough” of human rights as the lingua franca of transnational activism. They have emphasized the global dimensions of these campaigns, which inspired movements mobilizing on behalf of other issues in the Third World. However, such narratives have
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McMahon, Terry, Hisham Ali, Regina Bundoc-Baronia, and Thomas McGovern. "Revisiting psychiatric support for the National Socialist Agenda in Germany: Implications for medical and residency training." Southwest Respiratory and Critical Care Chronicles 11, no. 46 (2023): 19–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.12746/swrccc.v11i46.1111.

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The transition of power from a failing Weimer Republic to the National Socialist (Nazi) government was characterized by many economic and politically-motivated changes. Economic crises and the overcrowding of psychiatric hospitals in Germany were the setting for these events. The eugenics movement, although not unique to Germany in the 1920s, would eventually culminate in the compulsory sterilization, euthanasia, and extermination in concentration camps. Historical accounts tend to focus on political and military leaders with the role of medical professionals often overlooked or forgotten. Add
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Melancon, Michael. "From the Head of Zeus: The Petrograd Soviet’s Rise and First Days, 27 February—2 March 1917." Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies, no. 2004 (January 1, 2009): 78. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/cbp.2009.149.

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This essay explores the birth and earliest steps of the Petrograd Soviet during late February and early March 1917. It deploys a large array of evidence, new and old, to detail the events in a consecutive narrative, plus analysis that deepens our understanding of what occurred. The analysis focuses special attention on the persons and groups directly responsible for organizing the soviet, as well as on its earliest measures, such as the establishment of military security for the city, the issuing of Order No. 1, and the sharing of power with the State Duma. It clearly shows that an array of so
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Pervillé, Guy. "La révolution algérienne et la « guerre froide » (1954-1962)." Études internationales 16, no. 1 (2005): 55–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/701794ar.

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To the French military, still recovering from their defeat in Indochina, the Algerian war was but the final outcome of the "subversive war" carried out by international communism against the colonial empires of the "imperialistic" powers since 1920. The historical analysis does not corroborate this far too unlateral interpretation of the complex and ambiguous relations which existed between the communist and the nationalist movements of Algeria: the algerian FLN in the beginning was no less anticommunist than antinationalist. However, the strategic and diplomatic needs of its struggle against
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Damier, Vadim. "Anarchists of the Netherlands and the Anti-Colonial Movement in Indonesia." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 4 (2021): 97. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640016179-4.

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The desire to weaken the colonial state prompted anti-colonial movements to seek an alliance with opposition forces in the metropolitan countries, including with left-wing social and political movements. The anarchists of the Netherlands since 1904 have opposed colonial rule in the Netherlands India (modern Indonesia). Without creating their own organizations in the colony, they strove to establish close contacts with representatives of the Indonesian national movement, first of all, with Indonesian students who studied in the metropolis. In 1927, the anarchists managed to establish cooperatio
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