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1
Nikolina, Inna, Inna Mazur, and Volodymyr Ocheretianyi. "Organizational and Legal Bases Military-Economic Cooperation of USSR, Britain and the United States at the Beginning of World War II." Scientific Papers of the Vinnytsia Mykhailo Kotsiubynskyi State Pedagogical University. Series: History, no. 40 (June 2022): 124–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.31652/2411-2143-2022-40-124-130.
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. The purpose of the article is an attempt to objectively cover the organizational and legal basis of military-economic cooperation between the Soviet Union and the United States and Great Britain at the beginning of World War II. Efforts have been made to prove that the Soviet Union was also interested in providing logistical assistance to prevent its defeat in the Soviet-Nazi war. The research methodology based on the principles of historicism, systematics, objectivity, generalization. Preference was given to such special historical methods as historical-systemic, problem-chronological, descriptive, comparative-historical. Scientific novelty of the research is that an attempt was made to comprehensively analyze historiographical narratives to develop organizational and legal foundations of military-economic cooperation of the Soviet Union with the United States and Britain at the beginning of World War II. Conclusions. At first, USA foreign policy doctrine was based on deterring Nazi Germany with British help, but after the Soviet-German conflict, the USA and Britain changed their views on the USSR and saw it as an element in the war that would help weaken and destroy the Nazis on the continent. The defeat on the Soviet front in the early stages of the war was another catalyst that forced the United States and Britain to change their position, while the Soviet state also began to form an external doctrine on other approaches to unite with the anti-Hitler coalition. As a result of the Soviet-British-American agreements, the first protocol was ratified during the Moscow Conference, which allowed the United States to extend the influence of the Lend-Lease to the Soviet Union in the future. However, the inflow of foreign "defense materials" was accompanied by many contradictions, especially in 1941-1943. The main one was the slow development of the Allies' supply process in the USSR, which at the time was a small part of Soviet needs. Towards the end of the war, the contribution of the lease to the total military potential of the USSR increased significantly
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Spiridonova, Valeria I. "THE ORIGIN OF AN IMPERIAL CONSCIOUSNESS IN THE UNITED STATES." RUDN Journal of Political Science 21, no. 2 (December 15, 2019): 268–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2019-21-2-268-281.
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The article examines the origins of Imperial discourse formation in American political culture and geopolitics. At the end of XX - beginning of XXI century it took disguised forms - “nonterritorial Empire”, “informal Empire”, “positive Empire”, “cultural hegemony”. The latency of the US Imperial consciousness is due to a number of reasons. First, the historical fact of the struggle for liberation from the colonial rule of Britain left a deep trace in the “political imaginary” of the American people and gave rise to the belief that the United States itself has never been, is not and cannot be an Empire. The second factor was the semantic evolution that occurred in the American interpretation of power. In fact, America has not passed the historical path that developed the idea of a “monopoly on legitimate violence” in Europe. The idea of “dispersal” of power has rooted in the public consciousness the priority of the power factor, coupled with the admissibility of the use of force at own discretion. Inside, both motives were regarded by the public consciousness as democratic. The third component of imperialism became a powerful Messianic argument, the belief in the special destiny of the American nation to create an ideal society This Faith brought with them in the “terra nullis” (on “no man's land”) immigrants of the New World. This thesis has become fundamental to the public opinion and to all the leaders of America. The justification of the concept of “soft power” and “cultural hegemony” did not detract from the importance of the “power factor”, which gave rise to new forms of imperialism - the deployment of military bases and economic dictatorship. The range of American domination is characterized by great flexibility - from mutually beneficial cooperation in Europe (“Empire by invitation”) to direct military intervention into the “rogue States”.
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Ball, S. J. "Military nuclear relations between the United States and Great Britain under the terms of the McMahon Act, 1946–1958." Historical Journal 38, no. 2 (June 1995): 439–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x0001949x.
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ABSTRACTThis article takes a fresh look at Anglo-American nuclear relations between 1946 and 1958. It concentrates on the relationship between the military establishments of the two countries in general and the ties between the United States air force and the Royal Air Force in particular. The article argues that an understanding of military relations is essential for an understanding of the high politics of the nuclear relationship. It is shown that senior officers in the armed services were the main ‘functional elite’ dealing with nuclear delivery systems and the planning for their use. Relations between these groups were personally and institutionally close and on the whole cordial. In Britain the link sustained optimism about the possibility of close nuclear co-operation in the 1940s and early 1950s and suppressed fears about the loss of nuclear independence in the late 1950s. In the United States it was recognized that military relations were an important channel through which to influence British nuclear policy. The article offers accounts, based on new archival research, of the nuclear aspect of the October 1947 Pentagon talks on the Middle East, Churchill's visit to the United States in January 1952 and the first Anglo-American joint nuclear targeting agreement – the Wilson/Alexander agreement of 12 March 1954. It reveals for the first time details of Plans E and X which equipped the RAF with American atomic and thermonuclear weapons between 1955 and 1958. The article concludes that the British nuclear force was becoming subordinated to the United States even before negotiations about Thor, Skybolt and Polaris missiles became central to the relationship.
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Shacillo, Vyacheslav. "The First (1895) and the Second (1903) Venezuelan Crises: a Comparative Analysis of Geopolitical Consequences." ISTORIYA 12, no. 12-1 (110) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840018150-4.
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The article presents a comparative analysis of the geopolitical consequences of two international crises in Latin America in the end of 19th — the beginning of the 20th century. The first Venezuelan crisis caused by a territorial dispute between Venezuela and the British Empire, worsened also relations between Washington and London. The government of the USA considered that the territorial claims of Great Britain to one of the Latin American countries threatened the vital interests of the United States and were in contradiction with the principles of the Monroe doctrine. Based on such considerations, the White House demanded the convening of an international tribunal to resolve this territorial dispute. The British government originally refused to accept the American proposal, and then, under the pressure of international circumstances, agreed to arbitration and actually recognized the Monroe doctrine. Afterwards, the process of rapprochement between the two countries began. During the Second Venezuelan crisis, caused by the financial demands of a number of European countries to the Venezuelan government, the main opponent of the United States was the German Empire, which also did not recognize the Monroe doctrine and tried to strengthen its financial and military positions in Latin America. The German-American confrontation in Venezuela seriously worsened relations between Washington and Berlin and led to a closer Anglo-American cooperation. Thus, both crises changed the geopolitical situation not only in Latin America, but also worldwide.
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Goncharenko, A. V., and T. O. Safonova. "Great Britain and the tvolution of the colonial system (end 19th – beginning 20th centuries)." SUMY HISTORICAL AND ARCHIVAL JOURNAL, no. 35 (2020): 60–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/shaj.2020.i35.p.60.
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The article investigates the impact of Great Britain on the evolution of colonialism in the late ХІХ and early ХХ centuries. It is analyzed the sources and scientific literature on the policy of the United Kingdom in the colonial question in the late ХІХ – early ХХ century. The reasons, course and consequences of the intensification of British policy in the colonial problem are described. The process of formation and implementation of London’s initiatives in the colonial question during the period under study is studied. It is considered the position of Great Britain on the transformation of the colonial system in the late XIX – early XX centuries. The resettlement activity of the British and the peculiarities of their mentality, based on the idea of racial superiority and the new national messianism, led to the formation of developed resettlement colonies. The war for the independence of the North American colonies led to the formation of a new state on their territory, and the rest of the “white” colonies of Great Britain had at the turn of the XIX-XX centuries had to build a new policy of relations, taking into account the influence of the United States on them, and the general decline of economic and military-strategic influence of Britain in the world, and the militarization of other leading countries. As a result, a commonwealth is formed instead of an empire. With regard to other dependent territories, there is also a change in policy towards the liberalization of colonial rule and concessions to local elites. In the late ХІХ – early ХІХ centuries the newly industrialized powers (Germany, Italy, and Japan) sought to seize the colonies to reaffirm their new status in the world, the great colonial powers of the past (Spain, Portugal, and the Netherlands) sought to retain what remained to preserve their international prestige, and Russia sought to expand. The largest colonial empires, Great Britain and France, were interested in maintaining the status quo. In the colonial policy of the United Kingdom, it is possible to trace a certain line related to attempts to preserve the situation in their remote possessions and not to get involved in conflicts and costly measures where this can be avoided. In this sense, the British government showed some flexibility and foresight – the relative weakening of the military and economic power of the empire due to the emergence of new states, as well as the achievement of certain self-sufficiency, made it necessary to reconsider traditional foreign policy. Colonies are increasingly no longer seen as personal acquisitions of states, and policy toward these territories is increasingly seen as a common deal of the international community and even its moral duty. The key role here was to be played by Great Britain, which was one of the first to form the foundations of a “neocolonial” system that presupposes a solidarity policy of Western countries towards the rest of the world under the auspices of London. Colonial system in the late ХІХ – early ХІХ century underwent a major transformation, which was associated with a set of factors, the main of which were – the emergence of new industrial powers on the world stage, the internal evolution of the British Empire, changes in world trade, the emergence of new weapons, general growth of national and religious identity and related with this contradiction. The fact that the First World War did not solve many problems, such as Japanese expansionism or British marinism, and caused new ones, primarily such as the Bolshevik coup in Russia and the coming to power of the National Socialists in Germany, the implementation of the above trends stretched to later moments.
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Ponypalyak, Oleksandr. "Cooperation of the OUN with the USA and Great Britain IN 1945–1955 (based on Soviet materials)." Ethnic History of European Nations, no. 67 (2022): 92–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2518-1270.2022.67.11.
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In this article, the author explores the issue of cooperation between the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and Great Britain and the United States of America in the first postwar decade. The object of the author’s study is the Ukrainian liberation movement, the subject of study is the cooperation of Ukrainian nationalists with the special services of Western countries in the context of the confrontation with the Soviet Union in the early stages of the Cold War. The sources of the study are internal documents of the Soviet security services, reports, orders of the Ministry of State Security and the Committee of State Security of the USSR and protocols of interrogations of participants and leaders of the Ukrainian underground. In this context, the interrogation reports of V. Okhrymovych, the head of intelligence of the Ukrainian liberation movement abroad, who was trained in intelligence at the school of spies and in 1951 was landed in Soviet-controlled territory, were discovered and arrested by the KGB. The author analyzed the peculiarities of the geopolitical situation in Ukraine and the entire region of Central and Eastern Europe in the postwar period. Separately, the researcher studied the specifics and features of cooperation of Ukrainian nationalists with the intelligence agencies of the United States and Great Britain. The author analyzed the documents available in the archives of Ukraine for evidence of cooperation and coordination of efforts of the Ukrainian liberation movement abroad with representatives of special services of foreign states to gather intelligence in the USSR anti-Soviet sentiments, etc. The analysis of the facts in the documents showed the complexity of the situation of the Ukrainian liberation movement at the final stage of the armed struggle on the territory of Ukraine. In fact, Western special services were in dire need of intelligence from the Soviet Union, while centers of the Ukrainian movement abroad needed support in weapons, equipment, radio, new methods of sabotage and intelligence, and financial support. OUN members also had to study and learn about parachuting abroad, as illegal land routes were blocked by socialist countries. The transfer of Ukrainian underground was carried out illegally on American or British planes, from which landings were carried out over the territory of Ukraine together with walkie-talkies and equipment. The overthrown had to get in touch with the underground in Ukraine and renew the line of communication with the network of the Ukrainian liberation movement in the USSR. This article will be of interest to researchers of the history of Ukraine, the Soviet Union, the United States and the European continent of the ХХ century, specialists in military affairs, intelligence and the Ukrainian liberation movement, students and anyone persons interested in history.
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Ivanov, Oleksandr, and Danylo Matviienko. "PREREQUISITES AND REASONS FOR THE REMILITARIZATION OF GERMANY AND THE FORMATION OF THE BUNDESWER (1949–1957)." European Historical Studies, no. 20 (2021): 72–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2021.20.5.
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Based on the analysis of published sources, and the research of German, Soviet and Russian historians, the reasons and preconditions that led to the remilitarization of West Germany are clarified. Moreover, the authors also aim to highlight the processes of preparation and political decision-making, as well as the role of historical figures who influenced the construction of the West German army and directly participated in this process. Where as this problem has not been the subject of special analysis in Ukrainian historiography yet, this to some extent determines the scientific novelty of this article. The authors pay special attention to the factors that influenced on the creation of the West German army, namely the internal political circumstances: the split of Germany and the need to build a new sovereign West German state, increasing military power in East Germany. External factors included the development of the Cold War in the world, one of the objects of which was post-war Germany, as well as the beginning of the Korean War, which caused a violation of the balance of military power in Europe. As a result of theresearch, the authors came to the conclusion that the decisive factor in the creation of the West German armed forces were international factors. This is confirmed by the fact that at international meetings of representatives of the United States, Great Britain and France, as well as during bilateral dialogues between the West German and American leadership, the issue of remilitarization of Germany was constantly in the spotlight. After all, without information of the US militar administration, which was then in Germany, it would be impossible to begin conceptual and legislative support for the construction of the army, conscription, development of strategic and tactical plans for its use.
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Moskalenko, Olga A., Aleksandr A. Irkhin, and Natalya E. Kabanova. "The Black Sea Region as a Conflict Space in the Discourse of Foreign Think Tanks of 2018–2021." REGIONOLOGY 30, no. 2 (June 30, 2022): 258–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.15507/2413-1407.119.030.202202.258-277.
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Introduction. The strengthening of Russia’s subjectivity in the Black Sea region makes it the center of the Western media and expert-analytical agenda. The authors of the study aim to define the mechanisms of metaphorical construction of the Black Sea region as a space of conflict in the discourse of the Western think tanks. Materials and Methods. The reports of the leading Western think tanks developing the region concept are used as research materials. The methodological basis of the study is a systematic approach that combines the methods of political linguistics and geopolitical analysis and synthesis. The authors use the methods of discourse analysis to interpret the materials of foreign think tanks devoted to the study of the region, and based on the definition of dominant metaphorical models in the discourse of the Black Sea region, consider possible scenarios for the leading actors in the region. Results. The narratives of the leading American, European and British think tanks are considered and the main metaphorical models characterizing the geopolitical processes in the region are highlighted. The American discourse is dominated by the sports metaphor and its subspecies associated with gambling: the region is perceived as a space of competition, but not war, as evidenced by the lack of military metaphor, which, however, appears in the narratives of the European experts. The Black Sea region is a platform, a springboard for the projection of Russian power in the Mediterranean, which is realized through metaphors with the component “aggressive”. For the British, the Black Sea region is metaphorized as a space of information warfare. Discussion and Conclusion. There are two main types of perception of the Black Sea region as a geopolitical unit by the Western think tanks: the American think tanks see it as a space of global competition of the great powers; the Great Britain has made the Black Sea region a platform for a return to the global arena of Global Britain by drawing on the rhetoric of universal values. The materials of the article and the methodology may be useful for information and analytical support of the foreign policy of the Western countries and for design of response from part of Russia under the condition of intensification of contest of the main Black Sea region actors
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Hnydiuk, O. P. "ORGANIZATIONAL AND PEDAGOGICAL BASES OF PROFESSIONAL AND PHYSICAL TRAINING OF OFFICERS OF THE ARMED FORCES OF GREAT BRITAIN." Scientific Herald of Sivershchyna. Series: Education. Social and Behavioural Sciences 2022, no. 1 (June 22, 2022): 69–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.32755/sjeducation.2022.01.069.
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Given the transformation of Ukraine’s military education system, the experience of professional and physical training of officer personnel at military educational institutions in Great Britain is of particular interest. The aim of this article is to summarize the organizational and pedagogical foundations of the professional and physical training of British Armed Forces officers. The British Armed Forces are one of the largest armed forces in Europe; they are fully professional and voluntary. Although Britain’s national security concept includes an emphasis on countering the new threats of the information age, physical training of officers in military education institutions is a priority. It has been established that the United Kingdom has accumulated innovative experience that can be used to develop a system of continuous physical training of border guard officers. In particular, physical training of officers in British military education institutions remains a priority. Physical training programs for officers of the British Armed Forces include general gymnastics, athletics, swimming, soccer, boxing, and judo. In addition, in ground units designed for direct participation in combat operations, physical training programs are supplemented by overcoming obstacles and learning hand-to-hand combat techniques. A compulsory element is the so-called adventure course, covering a set of techniques and actions for moving on difficult terrain, overcoming natural and artificial obstacles in the conditions of tactical tasks. Physical training of future police officers in training centers is practice-oriented. This is a short and medium-distance running, the ability to use special techniques when detaining suspicious persons, etc. Key words: physical training system, officers, military schools and colleges, military education, British Armed Forces, sports.
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Lutsenko, Nazarii. "United States – United Kingdom military cooperation under Donald Trump’s administration (2017 – 2021)." American History & Politics: Scientific edition, no. 12 (2021): 43–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2021.12.4.
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This article refers to military cooperation between the United States and Great Britain. Their relationship constitutes an important component of the system of the international relations. Both countries have nuclear weapons and the latest military technology. Both states are sending troops to resolve military conflicts in the Middle East and North Africa. The United States and the United Kingdom provide a significant support to Ukraine in its confrontation with the Russian Federation. Methodology. The research is based on chronological, historical-political and comparative methods. The purpose of the article is to study the changes and the development of the US-British bilateral relations in the context of military cooperation. Looking at the results of this study, the US-British military relations under the Donald Trump administration have not changed. The article illustrates that the United States and the United Kingdom are the main partners in the production of weapons and equipment, strategic planning of operations. British ships in the Asian-Pacific and Middle East plying with the US Navy, repeatedly conducted joint exercises. These are the only countries that conduct the bilateral military exercises almost every year. Under the premiership of Theresa May and Boris Johnson, the United Kingdom pursued a foreign policy strategy which is called Global Britain. The main goal is to make the country more powerful in the international arena. At the same time Donald Trump`s main strategy was to «Made America great again». So, sometimes there were some political discussions among political leaders how to react and to solve the problems in the Middle East, especially in Iraq. However, this did not affect the proximity of the military partnership. Both countries work closely together in the military force and in intelligence.
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Haxha, Elsa. "American Misions in Albania during World War II." Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 8, no. 1 (January 26, 2017): 322–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.5901/mjss.2017.v8n1p322.
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Abstract As is known historically, part of the World Anti-Fascist Grand Coalition was also another great ally, United States. Even the allies had issued the Declaration of December 1942, for recognition of the anti-fascist resistance of the Albanian people, as well as Great Britain and the Soviet Union, making it part of the International Coalition and part of his war against the common enemies nazi and fascists. Nevertheless, beyond the lack of these interests, the Americans under the World Anti-Fascist Grand Coalition few months after the british began in the tiny Balkan military missions, although few toward British ally.
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Hrubinko, A. "The Role of Great Britain in the Military-technical Cooperation of the Countries of European Union." Problems of World History, no. 7 (March 14, 2019): 87–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2019-7-7.
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In the article the Great Britain’s contribution to the development of military-technical cooperation between the countries of the European Union is analyzed. It was found that the British leadership conducted ambiguous policies on military-technical cooperation (MTC) of the European integration. The desire to win the priority in the European MTC was combined with the provision of British companies the benefits of cooperation with American partners. British military-industrial complex became a rival of the military-industrial complex of the states of continental Europe. The position of Great Britain has become one of the obstacles to the formation of a single European arms market. The exit of the kingdom from the EU can stimulate the process of creating a single European militaryindustrial complex, in which France and Germany, supported by other influential industrial states (Italy, Spain, etc.) will dominate. The British military-industrial complex will continue to have a significant impact on the European MTC machinery, which relatively successfully operates outside the EU.
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Blagden, David. "Two Visions of Greatness: Roleplay and Realpolitik in UK Strategic Posture." Foreign Policy Analysis 15, no. 4 (November 28, 2018): 470–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fpa/ory011.
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AbstractHow do states’ desires to perform an international-societal role interact with the imperative to safeguard their security in an anarchic international system? Using the case of the contemporary United Kingdom, this article explores the tensions between roleplay and realpolitik—gaining social recognition as a particular kind of state while doing what it takes to survive—through one key role conception, “Great Power.” Recent scholarship has dubbed Britain a “residual Great Power”: lacking the wherewithal to impose regional order through preponderance, it is still cast into the role of militarized international order-upholder by the allies whose support is necessary for such role-sustainment, America and France. Yet this role-based approach sets a different threshold on capability than the requirement to undertake survival-essential military missions, independent of potentially unreliable allies’ charity—realists’ understanding of “great power.” Theoretically, therefore, the article demonstrates that roleplay and realpolitik remain separate incentive structures underlying states’ foreign policy choices. Empirically, meanwhile, the article shows—through opportunity-cost force-posture analysis—that contemporary Britain is torn between the logics. Striving for independent self-protection capabilities, above-and-beyond the “residual power” criterion, London nonetheless makes a residual power's implicit assumptions about alliance support in the deployment of those capabilities.
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Artamonov, V. A. "Proclamation of the All-Russian Empire – the Beginning of the Way to the Great Power Status." MGIMO Review of International Relations 15, no. 2 (May 10, 2022): 51–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2022-2-83-51-68.
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Many historians believe that Russia became a great power either as a result of the Poltava victory in 1709, or after the Nystadt Peace of 1721. It is difficult to agree with this. Peter the Great’s rule indeed produced a combat-ready regular army, a guard, an officer corps, a navy with shipyards, military bases, and coastal artillery. There was an upsurge in the metallurgical industry and mining. Schools with high-quality military and secular education, the Academy of Sciences, the Senate, and the Synod were established. St. Petersburg was founded. Talented and enterprising individuals were promoted to military, diplomatic and administrative posts. The main factor in the rise of the state was military modernization. The main geopolitical achievement of Peter I was the conquest of full access to the Baltic Sea. However, a limited resource base, military and diplomatic defeats and setbacks did not allow Russia to rise to the rank of a great power. The disasters of Narva in 1700 and on the Prut River in 1711 were painful. Russia lost access to the Sea of Azov, the city of Azov, city of Taganrog, the Azov squadron, shipyards and shipbuilding in the Voronezh Territory were lost. The damage from three treatises with the Ottomans in 1711-1713 was great. Russia has lost all of Zaporozhye. The demarcation of the borders of 1714 threw Russia back several hundred kilometers from the Black Sea region. In 1719, the Russian military force was squeezed out of Central Europe – from Mecklenburg. The sphere of influence of Russia after the victorious Peace of Nystad in 1721 was established only in Northern and Eastern Europe – in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, the Swedish and Danish-Norwegian kingdom, partly in Prussia. The tsar had no claims to hegemony in Europe and no claims to join the circle of the then great powers. Russia was not a great power like the Habsburg monarchy, France, Great Britain, and the Eurasian-African Ottoman Empire. Russia could not compare with the great powers of that time neither in terms of economic (industrial, financial) power, nor in terms of the intensity of expansionism. The entry of the Russian Empire into the system of international relations as one of the five great powers – France, Great Britain, Austria, Prussia, and Russia – occurred during the Seven Years War of 1756-1763. Another rise to great power took place during the reign of Catherine II. The apogee of greatness and the culmination of Russia's influence on European affairs was the Congress of Vienna in 1814-1815.
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Gorfin, Vladislav L., and Alexander M. Rybakov. "RUSSIA’S ROLE IN THE STRUGGLE FOR THE INDEPENDENCE OF THE NORTH AMERICAN COLONIES." Historical Search 2, no. 2 (June 25, 2021): 5–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.47026/2712-9454-2021-2-2-5-12.
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In the article the authors show the place of Russia in the struggle for the independence of the United States. They reveal the concept of «military neutrality», its essence and content. They define the basic principles of the world colonial system in the XVIII century, the foundations of interrelation between world powers and their colonies. They identify the priorities and interests for the development of foreign policy relations. They establish causal links between the war of the North American colonies of Great Britain for their independence and the policies of a number of European powers (Russia, Great Britain, France), as well as the consequences to which it led.
The article considers the history of the struggle for independence and the formation of a new state of the United States of America, the development of foreign policy relations. The authors focus on the history of Russian-American relations in the second half of the XVIII century in the political aspect, and emphasize the increasing penetration of Russia’s influence in the scientific and cultural spheres which directly influenced and enriched the two countries. The relations between Russia and the United States and their history are studied. The history of relations between Russia and Great Britain is shown. The authors analyze the history of attempts to involve the Russian Empire in the war on the side of Great Britain, the position of the Russian government and Catherine II, as well as their attitude to these attempts.
The authors give prominence to a number of world political figures and note their personal contribution to the process of struggle for independence and the further development of the United States of America. Unknown moments of their biographies are revealed.
Conclusions are drawn about the role and the place of the leading countries of the period under study in the struggle for freedom and independence of the future superpower.
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Belyaeva, Galina S., Valeriy P. Belyaev, Olga V. Grechkina, Vladimir I. Shepelev, and Sergey Yu Chapchikov. "Conceptual Bases of State Management in the Sphere of National Security: The Anglo-American Approach." Journal of Politics and Law 10, no. 4 (August 30, 2017): 207. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v10n4p207.
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This article has both a general theoretical, conceptual, and branch character. It is a complex interdisciplinary study aimed at conceptual approaches establishment to the understanding of national security and the mechanisms for its provision in foreign countries such as the United States and Great Britain. Within the framework of the prepared article, its authors carried out a comparative analysis of strategic legal regulation experience concerning the national security issues of these foreign countries, the use of which is necessary in view of the new global challenges within a national legal system. The specifics of the Anglo-American approach to public administration in the sphere of national security provision are established and systematized.
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Tkachuk, T. "The United States Position on the Military Assistance to Great Britain at the Beginning of the World War II (1939 – 1941)." Problems of World History, no. 17 (January 27, 2022): 110–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-17-5.
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The article examines the problem of relations between the two leading countries of the world – Great Britain and the United States, which had a significant impact on the international political situation in the world in 1939–1941, and still have nowadays. As a vector of research, the author used the factor of American military aid to the British governments of N. Chamberlain and W. Churchill to fight against Nazi Germany. According to this, the author aimed to conduct a comprehensive analysis and his own assessment of the United States’ position on providing Britain with the necessary weapons and ammunition at the beginning of World War II.
During the research the author used a comparative-historical method to analyze various factors influencing the US position on military assistance to London, a problem-chronological method to present the material in chronological order, and a statistical – to analyze the attitude of ordinary Americans on important decisions of the Roosevelt administration. That allowed the author to analyze and rethink the evolution of the United States’ position on Britain in the problem of providing military aid regarding the current geopolitical situation.
The author works out that under the necessity of supporting London with various types of weapons, armament and ammunition to fight against Hitler’s regime the United States significantly changed the principles of its foreign policy – from “isolationism” in 1939 to its cancellation in the late 1941. At the same time, according to the author, this process was caused by a number of factors, including both the “isolationist” opposition in Congress and the Roosevelt administration’s gradual understanding of the Nazi regime threat to the security of the United States.
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Abed Al-Zubaidi, Riyam Ahmed, and Prof Dr Waleed Abood Mohammed Al-Dulaimi. "JAPAN’S NAVAL FORCE UNDER THE RISE OF ITS MILITARISM (1931-1939)." INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RESEARCH IN SOCIAL SCIENCES & HUMANITIES 12, no. 03 (2022): 494–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.37648/ijrssh.v12i03.028.
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The expansion of the role of the military category, which rejects the issue of naval restrictions and looks forward to military expansion and the strengthening of naval Force, is in line with Japan’s foreign policy, which completed in the 1930s the path of its transformation into a military state with expansionist ambitions, following the Great Depression (1929-1933) and its alliance with regimes Fascism and Nazi totalitarianism in Europe, from which the Axis powers emerged on the twenty-fifth of October 1936, and Accordingly, Japan at that time constituted a serious threat to the liberal economic and political systems. The research was set chronologically in the years (1931-1939), as the first date represented the beginning of the escalation of Japanese militarism in a clear manner following the convening of the first London Naval Conference in 1930, while the second date represented the outbreak of the Second World War, which represented an important historical turning point in which Japan sought through its Force the Navy to confirm its active role on the scene of events. In light of this, the research traced the steps of the Japanese government in supporting its military institutions, especially the navy, by adopting a set of building, expansion and development programs until its participation in the Second London Naval Conference in 1935 and its role in it, then its militarism Rise for the years (1936-1939), which was appear in Its occupation by China in 1937, Based on its conviction that Britain and France were unable to confront it under their suffering from the consequences of the Great Depression on the one hand, and the commitment of the United States of America to the laws of neutrality that did not allow it to intervene militarily in international problems on the other hand until 1939
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Merzhanova, Karina A. "Work of the International Air Commission of the USSR, the USA, Great Britain in September 1941: Records of the Negotiations." Herald of an archivist, no. 4 (2018): 1175–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2018-4-1175-1187.
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The publication introduces into scientific use and analyses a unique document on the work of the international aviation commission (Moscow, September 1941) that worked at the conference of representatives of the USSR, the USA, and England on the issue of military deliveries to the Soviet Union. The published document has been found when preparing ‘History of creation and development of the defense industry complex of Russia and the USSR. 1900–1963. Documents and materials.’ Presently the fifth volume of the series covering the period of the Great Patriotic War is being prepared. The document published here precedes the publication of that volume. The question of military lend-lease deliveries of planes to the Soviet Union considered by the commission was of great importance to Soviet aviation industry. Evacuation of aircraft manufacturing facilities led to a decrease in production. For a time the aircraft industry continued to work on mobilization stocks and lend-lease deliveries. The aviation commission of the Soviet Union was to secure the necessary quantity of warplanes from the USA and England, which for that end had to curtail their own arms contracts. The published document shows the process of negotiations and its result – how fully the Soviet delegation managed to solve the tasks set before it. In the introduction, the situation in Soviet and American aviation industry at the start of negotiations is analyzed. The published document is stored in the fonds of the Russian State Archive of Economy. It is a typewritten original record of negotiations of even date. It expands source base on lend-lease, shows how the Soviet delegation tried to obtain newest American and English military aircraft equipment, and allows to understand the nuances of interactions of the allies, to analyze their positions and approaches to negotiations.
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Simonenko, E. S. "Naval Policy of Canada during First World War (1914—1918)." Nauchnyi dialog 11, no. 8 (October 30, 2022): 436–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2022-11-8-436-452.
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The activities of the Navy Ministry of Canada during the First World War are analyzed in the article. For the first time in Russian historiography, the main directions of Canada’s maritime policy are formulated within the framework of the government’s military course during the First World War. The sources for the study were the debates of the House of Commons of the Canadian Parliament, publications in the Canadian press, the military series of historical and statistical collections and journalism of those years. The state of Canadian naval bases and ports, as well as the features of the development of the shipbuilding industry of the dominion during the war years is characterized. It is proved that during the war years, Canada’s maritime policy was determined by the British Admiralty and developed in two directions: imperial and national. The development of the imperial direction of maritime policy was carried out in the interests of Great Britain. It provided for the recruitment of Canadian volunteers for service in the Royal Navy and the development of a shipbuilding industry for the needs of the British Navy. The national direction of maritime policy provided for the protection of Canadian coasts and territorial waters, for which the infrastructure of Canadian naval bases and ports was actively used. To perform patrol and escort functions, state and private vessels were involved not only for military, but also for civilian purposes.
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Lutsenko, N. "EVOLUTION OF SPECIAL RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN US AND UK DURING DONALD TRUMP`S ADMINISTRATION." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 149 (2021): 37–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2021.149.8.
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An article is an attempt to study «special relationships» between the United States and Great Britain. The author mentioned that the presidential elections in the USA and the fact that Donald Trump became a new president reflected on the relationships between the United States and Great Britain. The attention is given to the role of personality in states’ relationships. The article illustrates that Donald Trump`s populism in his speeches played a negative role for making stable relationships with the UK. More specifically, Donald Trump's criticism of London's mayor Sadiq Khan, Scotland Yard evocated a negative social reaction in Great Britain. As shown in the article, the citizens of the United Kingdom were shocked by Donald Trump`s islamophobia and his Facebook post of the far-right organization «Britain first». Indeed, it was the reason for massive protests during Donald Trump's official visit to the United Kingdom in 2018. The reference should be made to the fact that in 2016 the UK citizens decided to leave European Union. Despite the fact that Donald Trump approved this decision he criticized British prime-minister Theresa May for soft Brexit. As shown in the article contrary to the strong criticism of the British government Donald Trump visited Great Britain three times during his presidential term. These official trips were directed on normalization of Anglo-American relationships. Queen Elizabeth twice met Donald Trump and they both mentioned that special relationships are important for their countries. Research has shown that during Boris Johnson’s premiership US-UK relations became stronger. This factor is due to close Trump`s and Johnson's political views. The article illustrates that the United States and Great Britain still have special relationships. Countries have strong intelligence, military and nuclear cooperation. Both the US and the UK are still key economical partners and they are interested in safety relationships.
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Ikenberry, G. John. "Liberalism and empire: logics of order in the American unipolar age." Review of International Studies 30, no. 4 (September 29, 2004): 609–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210504006254.
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The United States dominates the world as no state has. It emerged from the Cold War the world's only superpower, and no geopolitical or ideological contenders are in sight. Europe is drawn inward and Japan is stagnant. A half-century after their occupation, the United States still provides security and garrisons troops in Japan and Germany – the world's second and third largest economies. US military bases and carrier battle groups ring the world. Russia is in a quasi-formal security partnership with the United States, and China has accommodated itself to US dominance, at least for the moment. For the first time in the modern era, the world's most powerful state can operate on the global stage without the counterbalancing constraints of other great powers. We have entered the American unipolar age.
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ZAMBERNARDI, LORENZO. "The impotence of power: Morgenthau's critique of American intervention in Vietnam." Review of International Studies 37, no. 3 (January 5, 2011): 1335–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210510001531.
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AbstractWhile a superb scholarship on Morgenthau as a political theorist has literally exploded over the past ten years, his analysis of foreign policy has been generally neglected, overlooking the intimate relationship between theory and policy in his practical philosophy. This article presents Morgenthau's public opposition to the Vietnam War by placing it in the broader framework of his theoretical work. In doing so, I illustrate and clarify the meaning of three theses that are at the very centre of his political reflection: the critique to any type of universalistic understanding of world politics; his claim about the intangible roots and social bases of political order; and, finally, the dangers of the ‘military displacement of politics’. Writing about Morgenthau's critique of American intervention in Vietnam today is neither a purely academic exercise, nor a mere historical reconstruction of a great scholar's position on one of the most important military conflicts of the twentieth century. In fact, this article aims to shed light on some intellectual categories which seem to be useful in order to understand current political phenomena, and to criticise philosophies and faulty modes of thought that still enjoy a predominant but unjustified political status.
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Kybich, Yana. "Peculiarities of the British Approach to the European Integration Process." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 40 (December 15, 2019): 58–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2019.40.58-66.
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The article examines the prerequisites for Britainʼs participation in European integration processes since the 1950ʼs. The evolution of the “special” policy of the British governments regarding the countryʼs participation in the system of political and military-political cooperation of the European Union, the nature of its influence on the processes of European integration in the sphere of foreign policy and security are considered. The peculiarities of the UKʼs participation in European political integration are analyzed in terms of balancing the two main strands of its foreign policy – the traditional Atlantic course, which underlies the Anglo-American “special relations” and the European course (deepening participation in European regional policy). The most common concepts of differentiated European integration are outlined, such as Europe à la carte (sectoral, selective integration) or the concepts of European Menu, Europe of Different Speeds and Variable Geometries, which have been successfully used by UK governments to counteract federalization and deepen integration of the United Kingdom, avoiding full integration, for example, in currency issues or applying restrictions on the free movement of labor (limited Schengen agreement). In general, the complex of conditions and peculiarities of historical, socio-political, economic and socio-psychological nature have been investigated, which have had their specific influence on the formation of the unique political attitude and behavior of Great Britain and became the basis of the “special” position of Great Britain in European integration processes, and as a consequence transformations of the present geopolitical position of Great Britain.
Keywords: Great Britain, European integration, EEC, European Union, concept, “special” position.
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Nir, Roman. "The Activities of the Polish Section “War Relief Services-National Catholic Welfare Conference” in Great Britain from 10.12.1943 to 31.07.1946." Studia Polonijne 39 (July 30, 2019): 213–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/sp.2018.10.
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WRS-NCWC Polish Projects activities in Great Britain started at the very moment of the arrival 30 November 1943 of the Rev. A. Wycislo, Delegate of WRS-NCEC, nominated by Executive Committee as Field Director, Polish Projects. Very Bishop J.F. Gawlina immediately created in London an NCWC Polish Projects in Great Britain Committee. Rev. Canon R. Gogolinski-Elston was nominated Secretary of this Central Committee. The common aims of NCWC activities all over the world were directing aims of NCWC Polish Projects in Great Britain Central Committees. The especial aim to have care about the Polish Soldier, his spiritual and moral welfare, and to ensure his cultural and educationall development in a truly Catholic and Polish atmosphere. Rev. Gogolinski-Elston was ordered to start work immediately and already on the 10th of December 1943 the Polish Hearth in Blackpool was taken over, as the first NCWC Centre for Poles in Gt. Britain. On the 12th of December 1943 NCWC Rest and Recreational Centre for Polish University Students was opened in Edinburgh, 15th December an NCWC Polish Air Force Canteen in Blackpool was opend, 24th of December 1943 an NCWC Rest and Recreational Centre for Polish Convalescent Airmen in Blackoop and NCWC Rest and Recreational Centre in Special Secret Duty Detachment in “X” (military secret) were created. Polish Projects in Gt. Britain will be an excellent testimonial to American Catholics with their Bishops, to War Relief Services-National Catholic Welfare Conference, organization with its so effective Executive and Field Director.
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Lehner, Rolf Dieter. "The Beneficial Shock." Eurasian Crossroads 3, no. 1 (February 25, 2022): 010150208. http://dx.doi.org/10.55269/eurcrossrd.3.010150208.
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Russia, under Vladimir Putin, is finally resuming the USSR's leitmotif of showing a global presence in order to strategically counter the US in an appropriate manner. The old narrative that Russia does not have an ice-free port for access to the world is no longer an issue thanks to Putin, his actions in Crimea and his presence in the Middle East. This means that Russia can finally adequately counter American maritime dominance again. Similar to what the German Empire tried to do when it began to set up naval bases around the world. The fact that this ultimately failed was not due to a lack of capabilities, but to its inferiority as a newly born great power in relation to Great Britain and the USA.
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Hrubinko, Andrii. "Great Britain in European External and Security Policy: Review of Western Historiography." European Historical Studies, no. 8 (2017): 8–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2017.08.8-38.
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The article analyzes the achievements of Western historical science in research of the problem of Britain’s participation in the European Union’s Common Foreign and Security Policy. The author classified scientific publications into three groups: 1) general works on the history of formation the EU’s CFSP; 2) publications on the history of participation the United Kingdom in European integration as a direction of European foreign policy of the state; 3) works, which devoted specifically to the topic of British participation in European foreign and security policy. The results of monitoring the leading foreign scientific publications, the most frequently published materials on European integration and European policy of the United Kingdom are presented. A list of leading scientific centers for the research of the identified issues is also presented. The historical experience of British involvement in the formation and implementation of the EU’s CFSP in Western historiography is mainly covered in general context of the British government’s position on European integration. It was stated that the United Kingdom’s participation in the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union was included in the list topics of research of European (including British) and American scientists, but remains poorly developed. Major scientific developments by European continental and British researchers are presented. Instead, in American historiography, these issues, especially Britain’s role in the CFSP, haven’t been adequately researched. In British historiography, there is a marked opposition between the “Euro-skeptic” and “Euro-optimistic” (pro-European) paradigms. In the published works the analysis of theoretical and conceptual principles, strategic approaches of British governments to the foreign policy component of European integration prevails at different stages of its development. In all three historiographic groups preference is given to research the history of military-political cooperation within the EU, development of ESDP / CSDP. The issues of British participation in the EU CFSP in the period of D. Cameron’s government (2010-2016), practical foreign policy activities of the Community remain insufficiently researched. The topics of the role of British governments in shaping and developing the Eastern European policy of the EU and the Neighborhood policy remain though basically unexplored.
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Jabbar, Dr Maitham Abdul Kuder. "British-Maltese Relations in Light of the Bilateral Military Agreement 1971." International Journal of Early Childhood Special Education 13, no. 2 (December 2, 2021): 688–700. http://dx.doi.org/10.9756/int-jecse/v13i2.211109.
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Since the beginning of the sixteenth century, the island of Malta has represented one of the most important countries and islands allied to Britain in the Mediterranean basin, after it extended its influence to it, and made it one of the strategic military bases in its expansionist policy and for many centuries, and after World War II and the emergence of the so-called socialist and capitalist camps or It is also expressed in the eastern camp represented by the Warsaw Pact led by the Soviet Union, and the western camp represented by the North Atlantic Treaty Organization led by the United States of America and its ally Britain, and with the increase in the importance of the Middle East region, and the flow of oil in it in commercial quantities, the importance of the island of Malta for Britain has increased, so it sought with all its diplomatic efforts To conclude a set of military agreements, alliances and treaties, and as a result of the importance of these agreements in directing the compass of Britain’s foreign policy, we had the desire to discuss the topic (British-Maltese relations in light of the bilateral military agreement 1971). The subject of the research was divided into an introduction and two sections. In the introduction, we discussed briefly the British control of the important sea lanes, which represented one of its strategic goals, and how it imposed its control over those lanes for many centuries. As for the first topic, it was due to the research necessity of several axes. The first axis was discussed The most important reasons that prompted the Maltese government to sign the bilateral military agreement with Britain, and one of the most prominent of those reasons was the political and social role of the Roman Catholic Church, and then economic factors and their impact on the signing of the agreement, and with regard to the second axis, it was about the signing of the bilateral military agreement in July 1971. The third axis discussed the terms of the agreement, which were in its entirety in the interest of the Maltese government, and the second topic talked about the position of the NATO countries on that agreement, especially the British government and the American administration.
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Schneider, Valentin. "Burying Friend and Foe: The Employment of German Prisoners of War in the Construction of Military Cemeteries in Normandy after 6 June 1944." International Journal of Military History and Historiography 38, no. 2 (October 20, 2018): 196–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24683302-03802004.
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The history of the German prisoners of war of World War II held by British and American authorities in Europe remains a field of study that is largely ignored by historiography. Although the Allies made an extended use of this prisoner manpower for labour purposes, employing hundreds of thousands of captive German soldiers for all kinds of tasks, all but a few material traces of the prisoners’ life and activities in liberated Europe have vanished. An exception to this are several British, American, and German military cemeteries, especially in Normandy, many of which had been built during or immediately after the battle using the workforce of thousands of German soldiers that had been captured in the region during the summer of 1944. This article examines the general organization of the Allied labour service for German prisoners in Normandy and focuses especially on their work on the military cemeteries, before addressing the question of the memory – or rather the absence of memory – of this process, not only in Normandy itself (and in the United States and Great Britain), but also in German society.
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Gibson, Sarah Katherine. "The Science of Territorial Domination in General Haldimand’s Defence of Quebec, 1778-1783." Scientia Canadensis 34, no. 2 (February 22, 2013): 51–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1014347ar.
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In General Haldimand’s little-studied administration of Quebec during the American Revolutionary War, military strategy depended upon gathering information about the natural environment. Haldimand preserved Quebec for the British not by force, but by applying continental modes of territorial domination. Rather than secure the St. Lawrence Valley in an intimidating show of military force, Haldimand sought to secure the vitality of the fur trade along the Great Lakes corridor. This endeavor required Haldimand to look for the natural laws that created unity out of the social and geographic territory he had to defend, and to protect the most vital links: the economic currents and the transportation system. Thus, the Royal Engineers took precedence over other military officers as they collected a large body of information about the natural environment of the Great Lakes region. They drew maps, sounded bodies of water, and made meteorological observations, turning pleasant bays into safe harbors. The knowledge gathered replaced Mississaugan perspectives of the land, revised French information and set the agenda for Loyalist settlement in the region. This paper however, focuses upon Haldimand’s role in applying continental attitudes towards the landscape that helped solidify the link between natural history and imperialism of late-18th century Britain.
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Middeke, Michael. "Anglo-American Nuclear Weapons Cooperation After the Nassau Conference: The British Policy of Interdependence." Journal of Cold War Studies 2, no. 2 (May 2000): 69–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/15203970051032318.
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The Anglo-American summit at Nassau in December 1962 did not strictly separate Britain's deterrent from the proposed Multilateral Force (MLF). As a result, Conservative governments in the 1960s tried to safeguard maximum British independence in nuclear relations with the United States. The British tried to thwart American initiatives on the mixed-manned MLF; some British officials even hoped to preserve an “independent British deterrent” through nuclear cooperation with France. For the United States, the British deterrent had political value in an intra-alliance or East-West context, but no military or political significance in itself. The MLF idea of bilateral nuclear cooperation with Britain and France was a means to contain French and German nuclear ambitions and to settle Cold War disputes with the Soviet Union. In London, however, leading officials believed that Britain's future as a great power was inextricably linked to the possession of an independent nuclear deterrent. When nuclear independence was lost, the appearance of independence became more important.
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Devereux, David R. "State Versus Private Ownership: The Conservative Governments and British Civil Aviation 1951–62." Albion 27, no. 1 (1995): 65–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0095139000018536.
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Studies of post-1945 Britain have often concentrated upon political and foreign policy history and are only just now beginning to address the question of the restructuring of the British economy and domestic policy. Civil aviation, a subject of considerable interest to historians of interwar Britain, has not been given a similar degree of attention in the post-1945 era. Civil aviation policy was, however, given a very high priority by both the 1945-51 Labour government and its Conservative successors. Civil aviation represented part of the effort to return Britain to a peacetime economy by transferring resources from the military into the civil aircraft industry, while at the same time holding for Britain a position of pre-eminence in the postwar expansion of civil flying. As such, aviation was a matter of great interest to reconstruction planners during World War Two, and was an important part of the Attlee government's plans for nationalization.Civil aviation was expected to grow rapidly into a major global economic force, which accounted for the great attention paid it in the 1940s and 1950s. Its importance to Britain in the postwar era lay in the value of air connections to North America, Europe, and the Empire and Commonwealth, and also in the economic importance of Britain's aircraft industry. In a period when the United States was by far the largest producer of commercial aircraft, the task of Labour and Conservative governments was to maintain a viable British position against strong American competition. What is particularly interesting is the wide degree of consensus that existed in both parties on the role the state should play in the maintenance and enhancement of this position.
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HAJT, Sławomir, and Grzegorz STANKIEWICZ. "CHARAKTERISTICS OF THE FUNCTIONAL AND TECHNICAL SOLUTIONS USED IN THE LOGISTIC SUBSYSTEM OF SUPPLYING OF GREAT BRITAIN, THE USA, FRANCE AND GERMANY – PART II." Scientific Journal of the Military University of Land Forces 160, no. 2 (April 1, 2011): 58–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0002.2956.
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In the first part of the article authors introduced selected operational and tactical aspects which are determining the size of material needs contemporary transport technologies of the armies in the contemporary armed struggle. Moreover there was described an overall characteristics of contemporary transport technologies. Furthermore in the context generally identified material needs of the armies in the military peacekeeping and stabilization operations authors introduced functional and technical solutions being used in the American and British supply subsystem of the land forces.Currently presented text in is fully devoted to characteristics of functional and technical solutions applied in the supply subsystem of France and Germany.
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Moullagaliev, Narkiz K., and Lyutsiya G. Khismatullina. "Metaphors in Media Discourse on Migration." Journal of History Culture and Art Research 6, no. 5 (November 28, 2017): 131. http://dx.doi.org/10.7596/taksad.v6i5.1242.
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<p>The paper deals with the problems of cognitive linguistic discourse and comparative analysis studies of metaphor as a means of representing migration in mass media. It presents the most productive metaphoric models, shaping the concept of “migration”, that function in printed and electronic media discourses of Great Britain, USA and Russia in 2016-2017. A comparative analysis of metaphorical models representing migration in British, American and Russian media discourses has shown that in media discourses on the migration of 2016-2017, regularly three high-frequency and productive metaphorical models operate: hydronymic, military and morbid. Images of these metaphorical models are united by vectors of anxiety, despair, threats to life and have negative conceptual potential.</p>
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Malkin, Stanislav Gennadyevich, Sergey Olegovich Buranok, and Dmitriy Aleksandrovich Nesterov. "Colonial empires and USA policy in the South-East Asia after the 1945." Samara Journal of Science 9, no. 4 (November 30, 2020): 252–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/snv202094207.
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The following paper analyzes the characteristics of the US foreign policy decision-making process at the beginning of the Cold War, due to the active appeal of representatives of the political establishment, the military and the countrys expert community to the colonial experience of the European powers in terms of the prospects of applying their experience in ensuring colonial control in Southeast Asia before and after the end of the World War II as part of the US political course in this region. In addition, it is concluded that more attention should be paid to the role and, therefore, to the prosopographic profile of the experts (in the broad sense of the word), who collaborated with the departments responsible for the development of American foreign policy, such as the Department of State and the Pentagon, and formulated many of the conclusions, which, at least rhetorically, formed the basis of Washingtons course in Southeast Asia after 1945. Special attention is paid to interpretations of the role of colonial knowledge in the light of the unfolding Cold War in the third world, proposed by British diplomats and the military to their American colleagues in the logic of the special relations between Great Britain and the United States.
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Winter, Aaron McLean. "The Laughing Doves of 1812 and the Satiric Endowment of Antiwar Rhetoric in the United States." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 124, no. 5 (October 2009): 1562–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2009.124.5.1562.
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Antiwar activists in the United States have often made recourse to satire in order to rebut claims that their dissent is sententious and effeminate. Federalist opponents of the War of 1812 used the genre to posit, moreover, that they alone could manage the military and economic crisis that resulted from a disastrous second war against Great Britain. But satire, in an era of incipient nationalism, was problematically associated with British snobbery. I argue that wartime periodicals show Federalist satire pulling in diverging directions. Projects like Alexander Hanson's Federal Republican are regressive, reviving the Augustan archetype of the satirist as intellectual martyr, even as they unwittingly lay the groundwork for a liberal model of civil disobedience. Projects like George and Henry Helmbold's Tickler are progressive, phrasing Federalist principles in the post-Federalist vocabulary of liberal competition through their experiments with populist dialect, which also anticipate the postwar transformation of British American “satire” into all-American “humor.”
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Kryzhko, Lidiya Anatol'evna, Evgeniy Vladimirovich Kryzhko, and Petr Igorevich Pashkovsky. "Egyptian Policy in the Context of the Transformation of US Geostrategic Approaches in the Middle East in 1953–1956." Конфликтология / nota bene, no. 3 (March 2022): 33–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2022.3.38207.
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The authors consider the problem of the significance of Egypt's policy in the context of the transformation of the US geostrategic approaches in the Middle East in 1953–1956. It is shown that the approaches of the United States that have undergone transformation, which sought to create a controlled military-political bloc of the states of the Middle East region, were not implemented largely due to the policy of Egypt. Continuing the implementation of the military-political project - the Baghdad Pact, Washington not only did not achieve the favor of Cairo, but also caused its extremely negative reaction, which became a derivative of the understanding that American initiatives were an attempt to strengthen Egypt's traditional rival in the struggle for leadership in the Arab world – Iraq. A special contribution of the authors to the study of the topic is the designation of the role of Egypt as a regional power capable of creating alternative military projects to American initiatives. The circumstances preventing the inclusion of Cairo in the military-political bloc of states in the Middle East initiated by the United States, which directed a number of Arab countries against such initiatives, sympathizing with the anti-colonial sentiments of the Egyptian leadership, are indicated. It was revealed that the persistence of the initiatives of the Western states and the methods of their implementation prompted Cairo to seek protection in the face of an alternative center of power. Therefore, in the conditions of aggravation of Egyptian-Israeli relations on the eve of the Suez crisis, Egypt is drawing closer to the USSR. However, Washington retained the possibility of rapprochement with Cairo, not formally becoming a member of the Baghdad Pact, and also «staying aside» in the military anti-Egyptian action of Great Britain, France and Israel.
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Solopova, Olga A., and Maria S. Saltykova. "Constructing the Ideal Future in Foreign Military Media Discourses of The World War II Period." Russian Journal of Linguistics 23, no. 3 (December 15, 2019): 762–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-9182-2019-23-3-762-783.
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The major objective of the paper is to establish functions of modeling the ideal future in the British, American and French military media discourses of World War II period. The authors argue that military media discourse is a hybrid type that combines the components of military, political, military-political, and media discourses whose concentration and interpenetration can vary greatly. The military media discourse is a mode of organizing knowledge, ideas, or experience of war that are rooted in the media and influenced by historical, geopolitical, social, and cultural context. The approach taken in this study is a mixed methodology of linguistic political prognostics that integrates fundamentals of philosophy, future studies, cognitive linguistics, and political linguistics. The samples from the digitized archives of the UK, the USA, and France (24 695 samples) are investigated through a number of methods: corpus, descriptive, cognitive and discourse analyses, cultural, metaphorical modeling, and comparative analyses. Being a basic value of military media discourse, the ideal future is determined by its nature: the idea of a better world inherent in human nature is intensified in transformative moments, war being one of them; representing the present, the media model both the past and the future. The ideal future integrates the key features of utopia and prognosis differing from them in certain specific characteristics. Its basic functions are prognostic, constructive, modeling, critical, provocative, and visualizing ones that complement one another in con-structing an ideal projection of the postwar world and the future of the USSR as a geopolitical ally of Great Britain, the USA, and France.
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Tkachuk, Taras. "JAPANESE INFLUENCE ON THE DEVELOPMENT OF BRITISH-AMERICAN RELATIONS BEFORE AND AT THE BEGINNING OF THE WORLD WAR II (1931 – 1940)." American History & Politics: Scientific edition, no. 13 (2022): 64–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2022.13.6.
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The article examines the relationship between two leading countries – Great Britain and the United States, which had a significant impact on international political situation in the world in 1930s and still have nowadays. As a vector of research, the author takes the factor of the Japanese militaristic regime because of the rather similar current geopolitical situation due to the aggressive actions of Russian Federation. According to this, the author aimed to conduct a comprehensive analysis and his own assessment of the impact of Japan’s behavior in the international arena on the development of British-American relations in various fields. The chronological boundaries of the study are the period from the Mukden incident ‒ the beginning of Japanese invasion in the north-eastern part of China (September, 1931) to the conclusion of Berlin (Tripartite) Pact between Japan, Italy and Germany (September, 1940). Methodology: the article uses a comparative-historical method to compare and analyze the influence of Japan and Germany on the foreign policy of London and Washington, as well as descriptive method ‒ to identify the essence and features of British-American relations during 1931–1940. The use primarily of a wide base of diplomatic documents, archival sources from the F. D. Roosevelt Digital Library, cabinet papers of the British government allowed the author to apply the systematic approach and the principle of objectivity working with only verified facts and their comprehensive assessment. Scientific novelty: for the first time in Ukrainian historiography the author analyzed and rethought the process of how did Japan’s aggressive actions influence on US-British relations on the eve and beginning of World War II regarding the current geopolitical situation. The author concludes that the leadership of the United States and Great Britain did not realize the threat from Japan in time, that their inconsistent actions only contributed to the rapprochement of Tokyo with Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy, culminating in the formation of a tripartite military alliance («axis»). According to the author, the ambiguity of the position of London and Washington caused primarily by the struggle for spheres of influence in the Pacific area and trade conflicts between them in general. In view of this, the article emphasizes the need for modern leading states, especially Great Britain and the USA, to take into account the mistakes of the past in order to prevent a repeat of the Japanese scenario in the international arena in future.
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Adas, Michael. "Comparative History and the Colonial Encounter: the Great War and the Crisis of the British Empire." Itinerario 14, no. 2 (July 1990): 35–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300009992.
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In his recent work on the Rise and Fall of the Great Powers, Paul Kennedy stresses the importance of Great Britain's colonial empire in establishing its credentials as the most imposing ofthe great powers in the decades before the First World War. Britain not only possessed ‘the greatest empire the world had ever seen’, but its status as the great global power appeared to be enhanced by the fact that in the last three decades of the nineteenth century ‘it had added 4.25 million miles and 66 million people to the empire’. Other key ‘indicators of British strength’ marshalled by Kennedy include overseas fleets, naval bases and cable stations, which were inextricably bound up with its farflung colonial enterprises. Though empire is essential to Britain's great power status, in Kennedy's argument it has almost nothing to do with the steady decline in British power in the period before the Great War and, at an accelerating pace, throughout the twentieth century. He alludes in places to imperial crises and commitments as key contributors to Britain's perilously overextended position both before and after the war. He also concedes that resistance by colonized peoples, whether in the form of ‘tribal unrest’ or ‘western-educated lawyers and intellectuals seeking to create mass parties’ was somewhat troublesome, but ‘less threatening’ than developments within Europe itself. In Kennedy's view, Britain's retreat from imperial and global power (and, for that matter, that of France as well) can best be understood by charting the decline, relative to that of the other great powers, of its economic base, both industrial and commercial, and its incapacity, due to that decline, to meet the ever-expanding and more costly military commitments that its leaders viewed as essential to the maintenance of its positions as a great power.
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Asaturov, Sergey, and Andrei Martynov. "Trends in international relations in the Indo-Pacific region." ScienceRise: Juridical Science, no. 1(19) (March 31, 2022): 70–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.15587/2523-4153.2022.254248.
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The global Indian and Pacific region is playing an increasing role in modern international relations. At the beginning of the XXI century, this region is a crossroads of different interests of great powers. The United States continues to play a leading role. The Pentagon introduced the concept of the Indo-Pacific region. From a military-strategic point of view, this concept is a symbol of American-Chinese competition. This process intensified under the Trump administration in 2017-2020. The Biden administration is consolidating regional democracies. Australia, India and Japan play a key role in this process. The European Union promotes the values and ideas of democracy in the Indo-Pacific region. China is an important trading partner of the EU. The intensification of the Sino-US confrontation in early 2022 has blocked the entry into force of the China-EU Free Trade and Investment Agreement. In early 2022, the United States, Great Britain and Australia announced the creation of a military alliance. India and Japan are concerned about China's growing military power. The Republic of Korea has a similar position. Hotspots of confrontation in the region are Taiwan, the Korean Peninsula, the disputed Spratly Islands. The Indo-Pakistani conflict around Kashmir destabilizes regional security. The Indo-Pacific region is an example of a complex multipolar system of international relations. This system is more risky in terms of security. The functioning of internal regional and interregional communication networks is complicated by military-technical, environmental, demographic, socio-cultural, interstate contradictions. The formation of a regional security system is limited by political problems. Post-modern democracies, such as Australia, India, Japan and the modernized Chinese autocracy and the North Korean Stalinist dictatorship, coexist in the Indo-Pacific region. The balance of interests is maintained by the United States and the European Union. This balance is volatile and unpredictable
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Millett, Richard L. "The United States and Latin America’s Armed Forces: A Troubled Relationship." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 39, no. 1 (1997): 121–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166500.
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When Commodore David Porter resigned from the US Navy to accept the post of commander-in-chief of Mexico’s nascent naval forces, he began a tradition of US involvement with Latin American armed forces that has endured to the present day. Porter’s decision was supported by President John Quincy Adams, who hoped that it would both strengthen the US influence in Mexico and act as a curb on possible Mexican efforts to seize Cuba, a prize which the president coveted himself (for details, see Long, 1970). These objectives signaled another enduring heritage: efforts by the United States to use ties with Latin American military institutions to promote agendas that were frequently unrelated to, or even at variance with, national interests in Latin America. This would be especially true whenever the United States perceived itself as competing with other nations for influence in the region. In 1826, the rival was Great Britain; in this century, it was first Germany and then the Soviet Union, but, in all cases, the bottom line was the same: a determination to make Washington’s influence paramount.
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Shaw, Martin. "Strategy and slaughter." Review of International Studies 29, no. 2 (April 2003): 269–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210503002699.
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Colin Gray's ‘Clausewitz Rules, OK’ was the one contribution to the Interregnum special issue of this Review that engaged the problem of modern war in general. Issues of war and peace were represented only patchily in a volume aiming to reflect on the ‘post-Cold War’ decade, but put together before ‘9/11’ brought it to an abrupt end. The Balkans didn't play a large part in William Wallace's account of Europe; unstable Asian great-power rivalries and local wars, which could make Rosemary Foot and Andrew Walter's ‘Pacific Century’ anything but pacific were barely noted; while Caroline Thomas wrote about the Third World without mentioning Africa's wars. The Middle East, Rwanda and genocide were not covered. Bruce Cumings' wise reflections on the military bases of American liberalism, a brief discussion of the ‘new interventionism’ by Geoffrey Hawthorn, and dutiful mentions of Kosovo across the chapters, hardly compensated for these omissions.
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Kaftanov, R. A. "Associative connection “war – victory” in the Russian language consciousness of students and military cadets (psycholinguistic aspect)." Sibirskiy filologicheskiy zhurnal, no. 2 (2021): 312–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/18137083/75/22.
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The paper focuses on studying the associative connection “war – victory,” as represented in various Russian associative databases. The databases under examination include two all-Russian associative dictionaries of the end of the last century, two modern Russian regional associative bases combining verbal reactions of students who live in the European part of Russia and Siberia, respectively, and the sub-corpus of associations obtained in the psycho-linguistic experiment with the military cadets of one of the Russian military academies. The study shows that the associative connection “war – victory” has a low degree of relevance in the ordinary linguistic consciousness. This phenomenon, also found in American, British, French, and Spanish associative databases, turns out to be universal and does not depend on geographical area, generation, or nationality. The most frequent reactions to stimulus “war” obtained from Russian civilian students in different years and different geographical regions may be grouped into approximately four semantic zones: the war as the opposite of peace, Lev Tolstoy’s novel “War and Peace,” death, the Great Patriotic war (1941–1945). The rele-vance of the associative connection “war – victory” is stronger in the linguistic consciousness of the military servicemen. The reactions to stimulus “war” in the military cadets’ associative base show that the cadets refer the word war not to a historical event but a professional activi-ty, with victory being its product and desirable result. Thus, the professional identification of experiment subjects is found to affect the semantic and statistical characteristics of the associates.
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Zelenev, Evgeny. "China in Africa: From partner countries to follower countries. Part 1." Asia and Africa Today, no. 7 (2022): 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750020973-2.
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The authors study Sino-African relations from the point of view of the theory of dependent and unequal development. The aim of the article is to analyze the mechanism of formation of a group of African follower countries of China, that positively perceive the Chinese experience of public administration. The authors set out to investigate the question of how China selects partner countries in Africa, how partner countries become follower countries of the People's Republic of China and by what criteria the rating of African countries according to their importance for the Heavenly Empire is built. The article examines the peculiarities of the formation in Africa of a bloc of states following the policy of the countries of the conditional West, primarily of the United States, Great Britain, France, as well as Italy, Spain, etc. It is emphasized that the United States plays a leading military and political role on the African continent, having up to 500 military and mixed-use facilities in this region. The authors analyze such concepts as a partner country and a follower country. Two models of the implementation of these forms of dependent development with regard to African countries have been identified: the European-North American model and its Chinese version. The authors have identified the criteria on the basis of which the PRC selects the follower-countries. The conclusion is made about the gradual increase of the military factor in the priorities of the Chinese foreign policy course in Africa and the transition from a soft power strategy to discursive power.
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Walker, Timothy. "Atlantic Dimensions of the American Revolution: Imperial Priorities and the Portuguese Reaction to the North American Bid for Independence (1775-83)." Journal of Early American History 2, no. 3 (2012): 247–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18770703-00203003.
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This article explains and contextualizes the reaction of the Portuguese monarchy and government to the rebellion and independence of the British colonies in North America. This reaction was a mixed one, shaped by the simultaneous but conflicting motivations of an economic interest in North American trade, an abhorrence on the part of the Portuguese Crown for democratic rebellion against monarchical authority and a fundamental requirement to maintain a stable relationship with long-time ally Great Britain. Although the Lisbon regime initially reacted very strongly against the Americans’ insurrection, later, under a new queen, the Portuguese moderated their position so as not to damage their long-term imperial political and economic interests. This article also examines the economic and political power context of the contemporary Atlantic World from the Portuguese perspective, and specifically outlines the multiple ties that existed between Portugal and the North American British colonies during the eighteenth century. The argument demonstrates that Portugal reacted according to demands created by its overseas empire: maximizing trading profits, manipulating the balance of power in Europe among nations with overseas colonies and discouraging the further spread of aspirations toward independence throughout the Americas, most notably to Portuguese-held Brazil. The Portuguese role as a fundamental player in the early modern Atlantic World is chronically underappreciated and understudied in modern English-language historiography. Despite the significance of Portugal as a trading partner to the American colonies, and despite the importance of the Portuguese Atlantic colonial system to British commercial and military interests in the eighteenth century, no scholarly treatment of this specific subject has ever appeared in the primary journals that regularly consider Atlantic World imperial power dynamics or the place of the incipient United States within them. This contribution, then, helps to fill an obvious gap in the historical literature of the long eighteenth century and the revolutionary era in the Americas.
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Steilen, Matthew. "The Legislature at War: Bandits, Runaways and the Emergence of a Virginia Doctrine of Separation of Powers." Law and History Review 37, no. 2 (March 26, 2019): 493–538. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248018000597.
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The politics of war severely divided the Virginia Southside during the American Revolution. Laborers, ship pilots and other landless men and women bitterly resented the efforts of the patriot gentry to stop trade with Great Britain and to establish a military force. Planters feared that the presence of the British Navy would encourage slaves to flee or attack their masters. What role did law play in the patriot response to these conditions? This essay uses the case of Josiah Philips, who led a banditti residing in the Great Dismal Swamp, to show how law intersected with class and race in patriot thinking. The gentry's view of the landless as dependent and lacking in self-control and its view of black slaves as posing a constant threat of violence supported the application of special legal regimes suited to these dangers. In particular, Philips was “attainted” by the General Assembly, a summary legislative legal proceeding traditionally employed against offenders who threatened government itself. While the attainder was uncontroversial when it passed, the significance of the Assembly's intervention changed over time. By the late 1780s, some among the state's legal elite regarded the Assembly as having unnecessarily interfered in the ordinary course of justice, which they were then seeking to reform. This opened the way to recharacterize the Assembly's extraordinary legal jurisdiction as an arbitrary exercise of lawmaking power.
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Weinberg, Gerhard L. "German Documents in the United States." Central European History 41, no. 4 (November 14, 2008): 555–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938908000848.
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At the end of World War II, vast quantities of German documents had fallen into the hands of the Allies either during hostilities or in the immediately following weeks. Something will be said near the end of this report about the archives captured or seized by the Soviet Union; the emphasis here will be on those that came into the possession of the Western Allies. The United States and Great Britain made agreements for joint control and exploitation, of which the most important was the Bissell-Sinclair agreement named for the intelligence chiefs who signed it. The German naval, foreign office, and chancellery archives were to be physically located in England, while the military, Nazi Party, and related files were to come to the United States. Each of the two countries was to be represented at the site of the other's holdings, have access to the files, and play a role in decisions about their fate. The bulk of those German records that came to the United States were deposited in a section of a World War I torpedo factory in Alexandria, Virginia, which had been made into the temporary holding center for the World War II records of the American army and American theater commands. In accordance with the admonition to turn swords into plowshares, the building is now an artists' boutique.
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Bredikhin, A. V., and A. O. Babik. "THE “FOLKLAND ISSUE” EVOLUTION: FROM THE ORIGINS TOWARD BRITISH COLONIZATION (1740s - 1843)." Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 4, no. 1 (April 7, 2020): 93–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2020-4-1-93-100.
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The article is devoted to the origins and evolution of the “Falkland issue” in the system of international relations, which is discussion about the nationality of the eponymous archipelago, as well as the islands of South Georgia and the South Sandwich Islands with adjacent marine areas. According to the study, the “Falkland issue” is a term of the equation, where the numerator contains the territorial ambitions of Great Britain and Argentina, and the denominator shows the value of the resources access to which is represented by the archipelago of the same name. It is argued that the foundation for the “Falkland issue” was laid half a century before the appearance of Argentina on the political map of the world- in the 1740s, when the creators of British foreign policy for the first time in practical terms raised the question of creating a military base in the Southern Atlantic. The British Empire, which had the imperative of constant territorial expansion, needed a bridgehead to strengthen its influence in the Latin American region, which was subordinate to the Spanish and Portuguese crowns competing with the Windsor.
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Bogomolov, Igor. "Intervention of the Entente Powers and Their Allies in Russia During the Civil War (1918–1922): Modern Foreign Studies." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 4 (September 2022): 71–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2022.4.7.
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Introduction. The review is devoted to modern foreign literature on the military intervention of the Entente powers and their allies in Russia in 1918–1922. The centenary of the Russian Civil War is a suitable occasion to characterize the modern historiography of intervention and the prospects for its research. Methods and materials. In the analysis of the literature, historical-genetic, historical-typological and historical-comparative methods were used. Analysis. The centenary of the Civil War in Russia passes almost unnoticed in foreign historiography, which is also due to the shift of attention to the Russian revolution. The Russian Civil War is often considered as an integral part of the revolutionary era, so its research in recent years has not gone beyond the generalizing works on the history of the revolution. The intervention is in a more advantageous position, since the military personnel of the United States, Great Britain, France, Japan, Canada, and Australia participated in it. Accordingly, the interest of researchers from these countries remains. Nevertheless, despite the “anniversaries” of the landings of Allied troops in Arkhangelsk, Transcaucasia and Vladivostok, operations in the Baltic and Siberia, only a small number of monographs and articles were published. A certain surge of interest is visible in popular science books about the operations of British and American troops in the North of Russia, but their authors used a small number of sources and did not present fundamentally new conclusions. Results. The “jubilee” historiography of the intervention is quite modest, but the topic of intervention has prospects due to numerous “white spots”, a lot of unexplored sources. The topic of foreign interventions remains relevant for the modern world.