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Journal articles on the topic 'Military coups'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 25 July 2025

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1

Aluda, Okpanachi, and Isaac Akogwu Amana. "Military Coups in West Africa and Insecurity in Nigeria: An Overview." West African Journal of Interdisciplinary Research 2, no. 2 (2024): 86–97. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.11425048.

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<em>The post-independence period in the West African countries, specifically the late 1950s upward, experienced serial military coups and counter coups. This development may not be unrelated with the self-seeking nature of the politicians; they were power hungry and ambitious, thus, were indicted in military coups and counter-coups. Since the army was ill-equipped and inexperienced in governance, the sub-region has been generally backward. The main thrust of this paper is to examine the rise and development of military coups in West Africa especially with a view to determining the highs and lo

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2

Lindemann, Stefan. "The Ethnic Politics of Coup Avoidance: Evidence from Zambia and Uganda." Africa Spectrum 46, no. 2 (2011): 3–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971104600201.

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Though military interventions seem endemic in sub-Saharan Africa, more than a third of all countries have been able to avoid military coups. To solve this puzzle, this article relates the likelihood of military coups to the degree of ethnic congruence between civilian and military leaders, arguing that coup avoidance is most likely when government and army either exhibit the same ethnic bias or are both ethnically balanced. This argument is illustrated by a comparison of the diverging experiences of Zambia and Uganda. While Zambia is among Africa's coup-free countries, Uganda's vulnerability t

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3

Sr., Dr Ambrues Monboe Nebo. "By Double Standards, the African Union, and ECOWAS Threatens the Continent’s Political Stability." International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science VII, no. X (2023): 179–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.47772/ijriss.2023.701017.

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From the analysis of the relevant literature review described as the methodology, this paper has advanced the argument that indicts the African Union (AU) and Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) for their double standards in dealing with both military coups and institutional or constitutional coups that threaten the political stability of the continent. The paper argued that both the AU and ECOWAS policy instruments or normative frameworks that prescribe penalties for violations that threaten Africa’s political stability are not only applied to military coups but equally to cons

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4

Albrecht, Holger, Kevin Koehler, and Austin Schutz. "Coup Agency and Prospects for Democracy." International Studies Quarterly 65, no. 4 (2021): 1052–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqab079.

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Abstract This research note introduces new global data on military coups. Conventional aggregate data so far have conflated two distinct types of coups. Military interventions by leading officers are coups “from above,” characterized by political power struggles within authoritarian elite coalitions where officers move against civilian elites, executive incumbents, and their loyal security personnel. By contrast, power grabs by officers from the lower and middle ranks are coups “from below,” where military personnel outside of the political elite challenge sitting incumbents, their loyalists,

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Tendi, Blessing-Miles. "The motivations and dynamics of Zimbabwe’s 2017 military coup." African Affairs 119, no. 474 (2019): 39–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adz024.

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ABSTRACT Robert Mugabe resigned as Zimbabwe’s president in November 2017, following a military action called Operation Restore Legacy. This article examines the motivations and dynamics of Operation Restore Legacy, which it characterizes as a coup by military generals that had significant commonalities with historical coups in Africa. This characterization, which is informed by the accounts of coup participants and a reading of the literature, challenges interpretations of the coup as ‘a non-coup-coup’, ‘very Zimbabwean’, or ‘special’. The article argues that the coup was a vote of no confiden

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6

Elischer, Sebastian, and Benjamin N. Lawrance. "Reassessing Africa’s New Post-Coup Landscape." African Studies Review 65, no. 1 (2022): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2022.33.

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Between 2020 and 2022, sub-Saharan Africa witnessed a substantial increase in the number of military coups. The military interventions in Guinea (September 2021), Mali (August 2020 and May 2021), Chad (April 2021), Sudan (April 2019 and October 2021), and Burkina Faso (January 2022) contributed to democratic backsliding and authoritarianism on the continent. In addition, Niger (March 2021) and Guinea Bissau (February 2022) saw failed coup attempts. As a result of these five coups and two failed coup attempts, media reports now ask whether coups are making a comeback in Africa. As the extant li

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7

Piplani, Varun, and Caitlin Talmadge. "When War Helps Civil–military Relations." Journal of Conflict Resolution 60, no. 8 (2016): 1368–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002714567950.

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Coups remain a widespread and consequential political phenomenon, but it remains unclear whether interstate conflict protects leaders from the risk of coups or increases this risk. We theorize that interstate conflict—especially when it is prolonged—should protect domestic regimes from military overthrow by foreclosing many of the key pathways by which elites plot and execute coups. We test this argument using event history modeling. The evidence provides support for our claim that coup risk declines in the presence of enduring interstate conflict. Just as important, we detect no evidence that

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8

McGowan, Patrick J. "African military coups d'état, 1956–2001: frequency, trends and distribution." Journal of Modern African Studies 41, no. 3 (2003): 339–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x0300435x.

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Described here is a new data set including all successful coups d'état (80), failed coup attempts (108) and reported coup plots (139) for all 48 independent sub-Saharan African (SSA) states for the 46-year period from January 1956 until December 2001. Elite political instability (PI) in this form remains widespread in SSA, in contrast to other regions of the global South. Military-led PI has been shown to adversely affect economic growth and human development in SSA, and is a major cause of the current African ‘crisis’. The frequency of these instability events is given for each state for all

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9

Sukri, Mhd Alfahjri. "Causes of the Failed of the Military Coup in Turkey in 2016." Politicon : Jurnal Ilmu Politik 3, no. 2 (2021): 239–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/politicon.v3i2.11687.

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Military interference in politics in Turkey resumed with an outright military coup on July 15, 2016, but the Coup failed. The Turkish military has always successfully conducted coups, both directly and indirectly, which occurred in 1960, 1971, 1980, and 1997. From these problems, The study aims to analyze the causes of the failure of the 2016 coup and describe the causes of the Coup and compare the 2016 coup with the 1960 and 1980 direct coups. A qualitative method was used in this research by conducting literature studies and data sourced from scientific journals, news reports, articles, and

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10

Norman, Ishmael D. "Coup d’états in Africa: A cure or prophylactic for good governance?" International Journal of Arts and Humanities 5, no. 1 (2024): 227–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.25082/ijah.2024.01.004.

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Military Coups in Africa share a “cause-and-effect” relationship with civilian mal-administration, by way of the military auditing, disrupting and helping to arrest or capture, and re-organize defective governance system in politically sick-nations. This aim appears consistent with the mandate of the Military to serve, protect and defend the national interests, therefore, turning coups into constitutional cure and prophylactic? The analysis in this paper is conducted under the concept of Military-Coup-Symbiosis: consisting of mutualism, commensalism and parasitism. Military-Coup-Symbiosis espo

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11

Seo, Junsu. "When Coups Occur: Erosion of Democracy in Thailand and Myanmar." Obrana a strategie (Defence and Strategy) 23, no. 2 (2023): 039–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3849/1802-7199.23.2023.002.039-061.

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It is generally accepted that attempts at coup d'état have decreased since the end of the Cold War. But this does not mean that coup attempts will not occur in the future. With the recent two military coups in Thailand and Myanmar, all the continental states in Southeast Asia have entered authoritarian rules. This article explores when coups possibly occurred in the cases of Thailand in 2014 and Myanmar in 2021 that experienced overthrowing the civilian governments and the rise of the military in power. The Early Warning Signals (EWS) recently endorsed to investigation of the likelihood of mil

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12

Karim, Assoumi Harouna Abdoul. "Are Coups Causes or Precursors of Civil Strife?: Assessing the Relationship between Coups Phenomenon and Civil Conflicts in West Africa." International Journal of Research and Scientific Innovation X, no. XI (2023): 531–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.51244/ijrsi.2023.1011044.

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In the 21st century, praetorian coups in the West African region have continued to pose a persistent threat to political stability, undermining democratization endeavours and igniting insurgencies. As the new political reality of renewed trend of coups confounds political scholars, there is a need to examine how and why military interventions continue to bedevil the West African region. Using the rational choice theory, this paper assesses the correlation between the coup phenomenon and civil strife in the West African region. The paper argues that coups act both as precursors and outcomes of

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13

Orkuma, Anyoko-Shaba. "The Resurgence of Military Coups d'état in African Politics and the Reversal of Democracy." University of Nigeria Journal of Political Economy 12, no. 1 (2022): 124–35. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.6987260.

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The resurgence of military coups in African Politics recently is intriguing. It is a recurrent of militarism in the continent of Africa which went on extinction about two decades ago. This development is problematic because military coups d’etat have the potency of contagion effect. They can spread wide and fast too in the circumstance of the level of facilitation by different situations. Last year, Chad, Mali, Guinea and Sudan experienced military Coups d’etat. This year also the Military struck in Bissau and Burkina Faso between January and early February respectively. The rather

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Bakirtas, Ibrahim, Ramazan Sari, and Suleyman Koc. "Coup d'état and economic growth in Turkey: Evidence from ARDL bounds testing procedure." Panoeconomicus, no. 00 (2022): 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/pan200818012b.

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In seven decades of the multiparty democracy period, Turkey has experienced four military coups. Even though the coups are thought to be a cold war phenomenon in the literature, they are still relevant. The failed coup attempt in 2016 reminds us that the military coup is still a critical issue in Turkish democracy and the economy. Interestingly, there is not an adequate amount of empirical research on the political economy of Turkey's military coup experience. This study's motivation is to provide empirical evidence for the economic growth-coup nexus literature with a core focus on Turkey, whi

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15

Mendy, Ousu, and Andrew Mendy. "The resurgence of military coups and implications for democratic stability in sub-Saharan Africa." Jurnal Politik indonesia (Indonesian Journal of Politics) 10, no. 1 (2024): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jpi.v10i1.50337.

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Since the late 1980s, with no choice, there has been a strong wave of democracy and democratization in the continent with most of African countries beginning to move away from one-party or military dictatorships to multiparty democratic rule. There have been coup d'états on the African continent since the 1960s. However, the aim of this research is to examine the recent resurgence and growth of coups which is contrary to the consolidation and stability of democracy in Africa. It seeks to present the main trajectory of military coup d’ etats in sub-Saharan Africa focusing on its implication to

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16

Azubuike, Anikwe Johnson, Ogbuka Ikenna Matthew, and Nnamani Felix Vincent. "Evaluating the Re-emergence of Coups and the Democratic Consolidation in West Africa: A Critical Analysis." IAA JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES 10, no. 1 (2024): 52–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.59298/iaajss/2024/101.52.64000.

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The reappearance of military coups in West African politics is a notable phenomenon. After a period of nearly two decades where democratic governance seemed to prevail, the resurgence of military interventions is disconcerting for citizens across the region. This trend is particularly troubling as it has the potential to spread from one country to another. Recent events in West Africa have seen a concerning number of military coups, including those in Chad, Mali, Sudan, Guinea-Bissau, Guinea, Burkina-Faso, and Niger. Reports from Burkina-Faso indicate that the military has managed to prevent a

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17

White, Peter B. "Getting a Seat at the Table: Changes in Military Participation in Government and Coups." Research & Politics 10, no. 1 (2023): 205316802311548. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20531680231154838.

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Why do coups happen and how can state leaders affect their likelihood? Existing research focuses on structural factors as well as “coup-proofing” as drivers of coup risk. I argue that the literature misses an important alternative avenue by which leaders affect the likelihood that their militaries remove them from office: adding or removing military officers from the government. When leaders bring military officers into the government, they signal to the military that there is a peaceful path to sharing power and provide an alternative to coups. In contrast, removing military officers from gov

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18

Mavedzenge, Justice Alfred. "Revisiting the African Union’s Strategy on Unconstitutional Changes of Governments in Africa." African Journal of Legal Studies 17, no. 1 (2025): 79–104. https://doi.org/10.1163/17087384-bja10108.

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Abstract In recent years, Africa has experienced a spike in successful and attempted military coups. This has once again generated debate on the African Union’s approach to the problem of unconstitutional changes of government. This article contributes to this debate by identifying emerging trends of unconstitutional changes of government and analysing the African Union’s response to these trends. The article argues that electoral coups and constitutional coups appear to be the most prevalent forms of unconstitutional changes of governments in Africa. However, the African Union is pre-occupied

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Reiter, Dan. "Avoiding the Coup-Proofing Dilemma: Consolidating Political Control While Maximizing Military Power." Foreign Policy Analysis 16, no. 3 (2020): 312–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fpa/oraa001.

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Abstract Civil-military relations scholarship forecasts that governments fearing coups d’état and facing belligerent external and internal adversaries face a dilemma. Governments can coup-proof to reduce coup risk, but such measures reduce military effectiveness. Conversely, if they eschew coup-proofing to maintain military effectiveness, they risk coups. This paper explains how governments facing coup threats and belligerent adversaries can alleviate this dilemma. It first describes five coup-proofing measures that generally reduce military effectiveness, such as politicized promotion and red

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20

Rabinowitz, Beth, and Paul Jargowsky. "Rethinking Coup Risk." Armed Forces & Society 44, no. 2 (2017): 322–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x17695514.

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Military interventions continue to be prevalent in Africa. In the 21st century alone, 14 coups have been successfully staged. Whereas most studies of coup risk examine how militaries are organized or what structural conditions are associated with coups, we take a novel approach. We explore how coalition politics relate to coup risk. It has long been observed that regimes try to hold power by buying off urban consumers. We argue that focusing on urban consumers actually makes regimes more prone to military intervention. Instead, leaders who ally with established rural elites are more effective

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De Bruin, Erica. "Will there be blood? Explaining violence during coups d’état." Journal of Peace Research 56, no. 6 (2019): 797–811. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343319839449.

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Although just under half of all coup d’état attempts involve fatalities, there has been surprisingly little attention to the conditions under which coups turn violent. Existing research emphasizes the incentives coup plotters have to avoid bloodshed but does not explain the conditions under which violence nonetheless occurs. This article develops a theoretical framework that predicts that the extent of violence that occurs during coup attempts will vary systematically with central features of incumbent regimes and coup plotters. It then tests these predictions using new data on the fatalities

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22

Grewal, Sharan, and Yasser Kureshi. "How to Sell a Coup: Elections as Coup Legitimation." Journal of Conflict Resolution 63, no. 4 (2018): 1001–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002718770508.

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Unlike other political leaders, leaders coming to power through military coups face a dual legitimation challenge: they must justify not only why they should rule but also how they came to power. Little attention has been paid to how coup leaders solve this legitimacy deficit and even less to the audiences of this legitimation. We ask: why do some coup leaders legitimate their coups by holding elections while others do not? Counterintuitively, we argue that coup leaders who oust democratically elected leaders are less likely to hold elections, except when tied to US military aid. We test these

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23

Yasmin and Sehrish Qayyum. "Nexus Between Military Rule and Private Military and Security Companies in the Sahel and its Impact on Terrorism." Journal of Central and Eastern European African Studies 4, no. 2 (2024): 65–87. https://doi.org/10.59569/jceeas.2024.4.2.284.

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The Sahel’s tumultuous political landscape amidst successive coups by military juntas has become a hotbed for terrorists taking advantage of the ungoverned spaces created by the disconnect between states and their people to garner support and expand their influence. These coups are often sustained with the assistance of private military and security companies (PMSCs) like the Africa Corps of Wagner Group in terms of operating beyond legal frameworks exacerbating the already persisting fragility of these states. This not only perpetuates insecurity, but also makes the local population increasin

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Williams, Canile D. D. "Evaluating the Effectiveness of the ECOWAS Protocol on Democracy and Good Governance in Preventing the Resurgence of Military Coups in West Africa." International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science VIII, no. I (2024): 255–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.47772/ijriss.2024.801019.

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Many African countries underwent a shift from military to civilian leadership in the 1990s in response to calls for democratic changes from both domestic and international arenas. Unfortunately, the military dictatorship has made a comeback in Africa with a stunning surge of new military coups that have succeeded, along with several failed or abandoned attempts. Six (6) successful coups in the West African sub-region between 2012 and 2023 have complicated attempts to shed the region’s image as a “coup belt.” This research is primarily qualitative. For this research, the researcher used the qua

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Beliakova, Polina. "Erosion of Civilian Control in Democracies: A Comprehensive Framework for Comparative Analysis." Comparative Political Studies 54, no. 8 (2021): 1393–423. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414021989757.

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Civilian control of the military is a fundamental attribute of democracy. While democracies are less coup-prone, studies treating civilian control as a dependent variable mostly focus on coups. In this paper, I argue that the factors predicting coups in autocracies, weaken civilian control of the military in democracies in different ways. To capture this difference, I advance a new comprehensive framework that includes the erosion of civilian control by competition, insubordination, and deference. I test the argument under conditions of an intrastate conflict—a conducive environment for the er

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Opalo, Ken Ochieng'. "The Truth About Africa's Coups." Journal of Democracy 35, no. 2 (2024): 93–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.2024.a922836.

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Abstract: The recent coups in Africa do not portend a return to praetorian politics in the region. They are the outcomes of country-specific historical processes associated with the underdevelopment of state capacity, the decay of political institutions, and the failures of electoral politics to improve citizens' material conditions. At the same time, the coups are an important warning regarding the state of democracy in Africa. Surveys show that majorities of Africans harbor both a deep dissatisfaction with democracy and an openness to military interventions to address civilian political dysf

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Koehler, Kevin, and Holger Albrecht. "Revolutions and the Military: Endgame Coups, Instability, and Prospects for Democracy." Armed Forces & Society 47, no. 1 (2019): 148–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x19881747.

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This article presents a systematic analysis of military coups following popular mass uprisings in nondemocratic regimes, conceptualized as endgame coups. Drawing on our original, medium- n data set of revolutionary situations, we find that such endgame coups form a distinct type of military intervention in politics. Compared to regular coups, episodes of popular mass contestation prompt conservative interventions in politics of the military’s leadership aimed at preserving the regime’s authoritarian infrastructure. A systematic test of factors characterizing postcoup political trajectories is

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Olubiyo, Kolade G., and Iyanu-Oluwa A. Ayodele. "Beyond Sanctions: ECOWAS and the Resurgence of Military Coups in West Africa." ABUAD Journal of Social and Management Sciences 5, no. 2 (2024): 341–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.53982/ajsms.2024.0502.07-j.

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The recent resurgence of military coup d’etat in the West African region is alarming and problematic because of its contagion effect. Since 2019, Chad, Mali, Guinea, Burkina Faso and Niger have experienced military coup d’etat. As part of the efforts aimed at reversing military coups in these States, ECOWAS’ swift response has been in the form of sanctions, which include economic blockade, movement restrictions for the coup leaders, severance of diplomatic relations, and suspension of military leaders from the international community, among others. This effort has neither deterred the coup lea

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Nuni, Shekou Ansumana. "The Role of the Legislative Structures in Military Coup Occurences in Africa (1960 – 2023)." International Journal of Research and Innovation in Applied Science X, no. II (2025): 184–94. https://doi.org/10.51584/ijrias.2025.10020015.

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Political scientists have identified economic hardship and prolonged presidential tenure as underlying causes of recent military coups in Africa but have overlooked the role of legislative structures. This study determines the role of legislative structures in military coup occurrences in Africa. Anchored on Karl Marx’s theory and elite theory, the study hypothesised that there is no significant difference in the number of coup occurrences per decade between African countries with unicameral and bicameral legislative structures. A longitudinal study that collected secondary data from various s

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Londregan, John B., and Keith T. Poole. "Poverty, the Coup Trap, and the Seizure of Executive Power." World Politics 42, no. 2 (1990): 151–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010462.

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The transfer of power through the use of military force is a commonplace event in world affairs. Although no two coups d'etat are alike, they all have a common denominator: poverty. We analyze political and economic data from 121 countries during the period 1950–1982 and find that the probability of a government's being overthrown by a coup is significantly influenced by the level of economic well-being. Thus, even authoritarian governments have powerful incentives to promote economic growth, not out of concern for the welfare of their citizens, but because poor economic performance may lead t

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Acho, Mannjong Callistus, and Follah Placate Tacham. "Examining the Reasons For and Effects of Military Coups in West Africa since 1990: The Obstacles to Democracy and Progress." International Journal of Humanity and Social Sciences 1, no. 2 (2023): 20–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.47941/ijhss.1536.

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Purpose: This article sought to understand the reasons for military coups in West Africa Since 1990. With this, we would be able to assess their effects and the obstacles these coups present to democracy in West Africa. It is clear that military takeovers have posed a constant threat to democratic rule in West Africa. There are many different reasons why military coups occur in West Africa, including ethnic conflicts, economic grievances, and corruption. Military leaders have occasionally defended their actions by arguing that they were required to reestablish order and solve perceived shortco

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Ökten, Nilay, and Meral Balcı. "An Assessment of Neoliberal Coups: the 1973 Chilean Military Coup and the 1980 Turkish Military Coup." Governance and Politics 1, no. 1 (2022): 8–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2782-7062-2022-1-1-8-28.

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The article attempts to identify the changes caused by military coups, one of the means of spreading neoliberal ideology, on the political economy of countries and discusses the place of the US hegemony in this context. The influence of armies on the political economy of countries is examined based on the examples of the Chilean military coup of 1973 and the Turkish military coup of 1980, and the place of the army element in the histories of these countries is discussed. Even if a hegemon power has enough economic, military and political power to intervene directly, it can use less costly and

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Little, Andrew T. "Coordination, Learning, and Coups." Journal of Conflict Resolution 61, no. 1 (2016): 204–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002714567953.

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This article proposes a theory of coups that centers around coordination and learning. The military is modeled as many officers who only want to join a coup if others join as well (i.e., coordination). If the current regime has survived past coup attempts, it is common knowledge that it is relatively strong (i.e., learning). Combining these effects, once the regime survives the first period, officers know that the regime is strong enough that they may refrain from staging a coup—regardless of how dissatisfied they may become with the status quo—under the mutually enforcing expectation that no

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Agyekum, Humphrey Asamoah. "The Rise and Demise of the Boys’ Company." Journal of African Military History 3, no. 1 (2019): 33–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24680966-00301004.

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Abstract Graduates of Ghana's defunct Army Boys’ Company, a specialized military training institution for boys, participated to varying degrees in all five successful coups in the West African country. Most significantly, their prominent role in the coups of 1979 and 1981 catapulted them into the heart of the Ghanaian political arena. They thus became political actors; a position with far reaching consequences for the Boys’ Company. Coups in Ghana have received considerable academic attention. However, the focus of this body of literature tended to be on the coup leaders with rarely any attent

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Gunn, Christopher. "The 1960 Coup in Turkey: A U.S. Intelligence Failure or a Successful Intervention?" Journal of Cold War Studies 17, no. 2 (2015): 103–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00550.

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Coups d’état were a relatively common means of regime change during the Cold War. From 1945 through 1985, 357 attempted coups d’état occurred in the Third World, and 183 succeeded. The high frequency of coups during this period is unsurprising, especially considering the advantageous position of the military during the rapid and destabilizing pace of modernization and decolonization in Africa, Asia, Latin America, and the Middle East. Coups d’état were not exclusive to the Third World, however. They also occurred in members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Surprisingly, howeve

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Akwei, Benjamin, Benjamin Aciek Machar, and Phiwokuhle Mnyandu. "‘Debris’ of Coups D’état: Electoral Democracy, Election Violence, Political Vigilantism, and Elections Securitizations in Africa." South Asian Research Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 5, no. 03 (2023): 65–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.36346/sarjhss.2023.v05i03.006.

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Recent warm reception to military takeovers and mongering for coups d’état by citizens in some African nations due primarily to the disillusionment that has accompanied the promise that democracy in a globalized world will lead to prosperity and improve standards of living coupled with the myriad of social, economic, security and political challenges have become of great concerns to scholars, social scientists, advocates, and observers of African democracy. Three decades since the publication of Huntington’s famous work, Democracy’s Third Wave and Prezeworski’s recent book “Crisis in Democracy

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Akafia, Eric Agbesi Kwasi, Dr Alexander D. K. Acquaye, and Richard Danso. "Review of Relevant Literature Examining the Causes of Military Intervention in West Africa: The Case Study of Ghana 1969-1985." International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science VII, no. VIII (2023): 1449–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.47772/ijriss.2023.7911.

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Since Independence, West African countries including Ghana experienced military interventions in several forms. The international community, including regional bodies, tried severally to stem the occurrence of military intervention but to no avail. It is for this reason that “Examining the Causes of Military Intervention in West Africa: The Case Study of Ghana 1969-1985” sought to find out the causes and factors responsible for coups and suggest solutions to reduce the coups in the sub-region. The objective of the paper is to find out the impact of coups in Ghana, ascertain the factors respons

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Clayton, Anthony, and Chuka Onwumechili. "African Democratization and Military Coups." International Journal of African Historical Studies 33, no. 1 (2000): 187. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/220297.

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van Fossen, Anthony B. "Two military coups in Fiji." Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars 19, no. 4 (1987): 19–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14672715.1987.10409791.

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Gutteridge, William. "Undoing military coups in Africa." Third World Quarterly 7, no. 1 (1985): 78–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01436598508419825.

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Aydogan, Abdullah. "Constitutional Foundations of Military Coups." Political Science Quarterly 134, no. 1 (2019): 85–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/polq.12867.

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KOFI, UMOH A., and NSIKAK STEPHEN EDET. "MILITARY INTERVENTION IN AFRICA BY THE AFRICAN UNION. CASE STUDY: BURKINA FASO." Social Sciences and Management International Journal 5, no. 1 (2024): 61–80. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.13367758.

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<strong>Abstract</strong> This study investigates the African Union's (AU) capacity to prevent and manage military interventions in Africa, with focus on understanding the root causes of the recent surge in military incursions in Burkina Faso. A descriptive and documentary research method was adopted, with data collected from secondary sources and analysed descriptively using content analysis. The frustration-aggression theory is used to explain the underlining contradictions responsible for military coups in Africa. The study concludes that factors such as insecurity, poor governance, and mis

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Chin, John, Abel Escribà-Folch, Wonjun Song, and Joseph Wright. "Reshaping the Threat Environment: Personalism, Coups, and Assassinations." Comparative Political Studies 55, no. 4 (2022): 657–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00104140211024287.

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Dictators shape regime structures to counter the threats they face. Personalization entails the progressive accumulation of power in the hands of the dictator to minimize internal threats from organized elites in the military and party. However, elites have incentives to resist the personalization to avoid being marginalized by personalist strongmen. We argue that as personalism increases, rival elites, less able to coordinate coup attempts, turn to strategies that do not require substantial elite coordination: assassinations. At low levels of personalism, elites coordinate insider coups to ou

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Mandagie, Mike Natanael Norend. "MYANMAR MILITARY COUP ON 2021 : RESTORE THE GLORY ERA OF OPIUM." Jurnal Asia Pacific Studies 7, no. 1 (2023): 40–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.33541/japs.v7i1.4718.

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Military coups are nothing new in the 21st century. Myanmar's military overthrew the existing democratic government in a coup d'état to gain power. Opium is the key behind the Myanmar military coup taking place in 2021. This article was written using both qualitative and quantitative methodologies. News in the mass media, both print and online, is also a source. The thirst for power has influenced the existing military so that actions without morals are committed. Many people consider that the coup carried out by the Myanmar military was an ordinary coup that was normalized because of the thir

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Vasiliev, Alexey M. "Gabon: The 2023 Coup in the Context of Postcolonial History." Asia & Africa today, no. 11 (December 15, 2024): 23–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0321507524110033.

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The global geopolitical transformations of modern times are deforming the world order that emerged in the post-war period. These transformations marked the beginning of the end of French dominance in West and Central Africa. There is a rapid degradation and collapse of the military-political system “Fransafrique”. Over the past 3 years, armed coups have occurred in Mali, Guinea, Sudan, Burkina Faso, Niger and Gabon. The violent change of power in all these states had much in common, but there were also significant differences in what was happening in these countries. The article examines the f

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Olaitan, Zainab. "Gendered Analysis of the Wave of Coups and Terrorism in the Sahel." Journal of Central and Eastern European African Studies 4, no. 2 (2024): 88–112. https://doi.org/10.59569/jceeas.2024.4.2.282.

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The prevalence of coups and terrorism in the Sahel raises serious human security concerns due to their devastating impact on socio-economic stability, state fragility, democratisation, etc. The current wave of coups and terrorism opens up avenues for asking questions about the progress of democratisation in Africa, issues of human security, protection of human rights, and, more specifically, how the prevalence of violence affects women’s lives. Hence, it is imperative to interrogate the resultant impact that the prevalence of coups has on the protection of women’s rights in the region. Therefo

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Dix, Robert H. "Military Coups and Military Rule in Latin America." Armed Forces & Society 20, no. 3 (1994): 439–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x9402000307.

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Owusu, Maxwell. "Rebellion, Revolution, and Tradition: Reinterpreting Coups in Ghana." Comparative Studies in Society and History 31, no. 2 (1989): 372–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500015875.

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Since the military coup that toppled the government of Sylvanus Olympio in Togo, West Africa, no less than seventy African leaders throughout sub-Saharan Africa have been overthrown by the armed forces. In the first two decades of independence alone, there were forty successful coups, not to mention the countless coup attempts (Meredith, 1984; Kitchen, 1985)

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Ramesh, Sanjay. "Ethnocracy and Post-Ethnocracy in Fiji." Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 8, no. 3 (2016): 115–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v8i3.5185.

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Fiji’s history is interspersed with ethnic conflict, military coups, new constitutions and democratic elections. Ethnic tensions started to increase in the 1960s and reached its peak with violent indigenous Fijian ethnic assertion in the form of military coups in 1987. Following the coup, the constitution adopted at independence was abrogated and a constitution that provided indigenous political hegemony was promulgated in 1990. However, by 1993, there were serious and irreparable divisions within the indigenous Fijian community, forcing coup leader Sitiveni Rabuka to spearhead a constitution

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El-din, EkramBadr, and Mohamed Dit Dah Ould Cheikh. "The Military Coups in Shadow of Democratization (A Comparative Study of Turkey and Mauritania)." Asian Social Science 13, no. 10 (2017): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v13n10p75.

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The current study tries to examine the military coups that have occurred in Turkey and Mauritania. These coups differ from the other coups that occurred in the surrounding countries in the phase of democratization as these coups served as a hindrance to the process of democratization in Turkey and Mauritania. The problem of the study revolves around the analysis of the coups that happened in Turkey and Mauritania in the phase of democratic transition. The research is designed to answer the following question: what are the reasons that prompted the military establishment to intervene in politic

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