Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Military doctrine'

PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO
Desde o início de do século XIX, simulações de combate são utilizadas em treinamentos militares. Para que um treinamento ocorra de forma confiável é necessário envolver uma grande quantidade de militares nos adestramentos. No final de 1940, a ideia de agentes computacionais em inteligência artificial se mostrou uma excelente ferramenta, contribuindo para reduzir esta quantidade de pessoas envolvidas nas simulações de combate. Agentes capazes de perceber o ambiente em que estão inseridos e tomar decisões, agindo sobre ele, seguindo um conjunto de regras podem representar o comportamento de um soldado. Agentes inseridos numa simulação militar devem então, perceber o campo de batalha e tomar uma série de ações com base em uma doutrina militar. Logo, o objetivo deste trabalho é apresentar, através da modelagem de agentes computacionais uma definição do comportamento destes baseados na doutrina militar, para que estes agentes possam substituir parte dos militares evolvidos em uma simulação de combate, sem afetar a confiabilidade desta. Além de tornar os sistemas de simulação mais eficientes reduzindo a quantidade de militares necessária para a sua correta aplicação, este trabalho também ajuda a verificar a consistência lógica das ações descritas nos manuais doutrinários.
Since the beginning of nineteenth century combat simulations are used in military training. It s necessary to involve lots of military to these trainings occur reliably. In the late 1940s the idea of computational agents was developed in artificial intelligence and showed as an excellent tool to reduce the amount of personnel involved in combat simulations. Agents perceive the environment where they are inserted and take actions upon it following a set of rules. That reminds the behavior of a soldier. A soldier, or a group of then, perceive the battlefield and take a series of actions based on military doctrine. Therefore, the scope of this work is to present a viable way to define the behavior of computational agents based on military doctrine, so that they can replace some of the personnel involved in a combat simulation without affecting the reliability of the training in course. In addition making more efficient simulation systems, reducing the amount of required military for its proper implementation, can also help to check the logical consistency of the actions planned in the doctrinal manuals.

Thesis (M. of Military Art and Science)--U.S. Army Command and General Staff College, 2007.
"A thesis presented to the Faculty of the U.S. Army Command and General Staff College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Master of Military Art and Science, Military History." Title from cover page of PDF file (viewed: May 29, 2008).

This study examines the Feres doctrine, the judicial policy that immunizes service members from civil liability when causing harm to each other. Created by the Supreme Court nearly 70 years ago, the insulation from judicial review is practically absolute, applying to nearly every variety of intra-military harm, from a negligent delivery that leads to the mother’s death to intentional, abhorrent wrongdoing such as sexual assault. The doctrine bars service member suits across the board. The study traces the doctrine’s theoretical and philosophical roots, assessing its historical development and documenting its current state. A comprehensive legal analysis, not only is every Supreme Court decision in the Feres context considered, account is taken of most lower court decisions as well as the academic scholarship. Significant findings include the fact that the doctrine, while receiving near universal criticism, has been dramatically expanded by lower courts. Today, immunity applies to wrongdoing where the “military aspect” of the activity is remote, such as malfeasance during off-duty recreational activities. It was also found that the judges applying the doctrine likely sustain moral injury as a consequence. Viewing the policy as unjust, judges violate deeply held beliefs when dismissing service members’ claims, claims civilians in similar situations are allowed to bring. Finally, the study found that most courts also dismiss ancillary suits stemming from intra-military harm, including state-level claims filed against wrongdoers personally. The result is that military survivors of non-duty-related misconduct, such as survivors of sexual assault, are “effectively denied any civil remedy against a wrongdoer who was not acting within the scope of his military employment” (Day v. Massachusetts, 1999, p. 684 [italics in original]). The study concludes with a recommendation for curing the doctrine of its most objectionable aspects, a proposal intended to bring the policy into better alignment with traditional notions of justice and fair play.

Thesis (M.S. in Defense Analysis)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2009.
Thesis Advisor(s): Arquilla, John. "June 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on July 13, 2009. DTIC Identifiers: Principles of war, information age, contemporary militaries. Author(s) subject terms: Principles of war, Information Age, military history, military doctrine, military strategy. Includes bibliographical references (p. 127-130). Also available in print.

This thesis is about the Soviet doctrine used to justify or threaten military intervention since 1945. This interventionist doctrine achieved greater currency in 1968 in the form of the "Brezhnev Doctrine". This doctrine, generally associated with the 1968 Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia, stipulated that Moscow reserved the right to intervene militarily or otherwise if developments in any given socialist country inflicted damage on socialism within that country or the basic interests of other socialist states. The ideological justification for the Soviet invasion was assumed by many observers to have been a quickly engineered reaction to the crisis, rather than a long-standing doctrine. This thesis suggests, however, that the "Brezhnev Doctrine" was not an original formula, but a newer version of a previous doctrine. The thesis traces the origins of the "Brezhnev Doctrine". It examines four crises in Soviet-East European relations for evidence of the doctrine. The thesis looks at how the effectiveness of the doctrine as a tool of Soviet foreign policy began to decline in the mid-1970s. While the doctrine appeared to be extended to the Third World - Afghanistan 1979 - and was "self-administered" by an East European country - Poland 1981 - it proved far less successful than in the past in suppressing opposition. Finally, the thesis examines the demise of the doctrine under Mikhail Gorbachev. The conclusions drawn by this thesis are: that the Soviet interventionist doctrine was not a new phenomenon; that it contained political, ideological, and military components; and, that it served a number of functions within the socialist community.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2010.
Vita. Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references.
Counterinsurgency was a persistent and important challenge to military organizations in the second half of the 20th century and seems likely to continue to pose a challenge in the 21st century. This makes understanding how military organizations respond to this challenge both an important policy question and a fruitful area for academic research on military doctrine. The involvement of the United States and the United Kingdom in counterinsurgency in Kenya, South Vietnam, and Iraq are used to test four competing hypotheses on the origin and development of military doctrine. The four hypotheses are doctrine as rational response to environment, doctrine as product of civilian intervention, doctrine as means to deal with generic organizational desires and problems, and doctrine as product of organizational culture. This latter hypothesis is developed extensively by examining the professionalization of military organizations through professional military education, which has its origin in a certain set of experiences termed "the first war." The next three chapters detail the formation and evolution of culture and professional education in three militaries (U.S. Army, U.S. Marine Corps, and British Army). The case studies then test how these organizations responded in terms of doctrine and operations to the challenge of counterinsurgency in South Vietnam (U.S. Army and Marine Corps), Kenya (British Army) and Iraq (all three). It then presents, as an additional plausibility probe, a brief shadow case of Afghanistan and Pakistan (all three organizations, plus the Canadian and Pakistani armies). The evidence in these case studies indicates a strong role for organizational culture in military doctrine and operations when information from the environment is ambiguous (as it frequently is, especially in counterinsurgency) but that culture is substantially attenuated in effect when information from the environment becomes unambiguous. It then concludes by discussing both theoretical and policy implications and avenues for future research.
by Austin Long.
Ph.D.

Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2006.
Thesis Advisor(s): Aurel Croissant. "June 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p. 73-78). Also available in print.

L’histoire politique et militaire française en Afrique s’inscrit au sein d’une longue tradition qui, depuis l’époque coloniale, a conduit à l’élaboration et à la mise en œuvre de doctrines et de pratiques stratégiques rarement questionnées et analysées de manière approfondie. Alors même que l’Afrique est le théâtre d’une présence militaire régulière et continue de la France, les conditions philosophiques d’une stratégie française sur le continent restent encore à décrire. D’un autre côté, la théorie de la stratégie a longtemps mis de côté le rôle des idées et des représentations dans la constitution de ses propres savoirs. En tant que philosophie de l’action et philosophie politique, la stratégie entretient pourtant des rapports épistémologiques constants avec toute une série d’idées, d’opinions, de croyances ou encore de normes qui irriguent et influencent, de manière plus ou moins avouée son orientation. Le but de la présente étude consiste donc à proposer une interprétation philosophique de l’évolution des idées militaires françaises en Afrique en déterminant les conditions structurantes fondamentales qui façonnent les différentes doctrines et pratiques stratégiques mises en œuvre depuis l’époque coloniale jusqu’à nos jours
French political and military history in Africa is part of a great tradition which, since the colonial era, has led to production and implementation of doctrines and strategic practices rarely interrogated and deeply analyzed. Even though Africa is exposed to a settled and permanent french military presence, the philosophical conditions of a french strategy on the continent remains undescribed. From another side, theory of strategy has forgotten for a long time representations and ideas in the construction of its own knowledge. As a political and action theory, strategy keep constant relations with all kinds of ideas, opinions, beliefs and norms which have influenced its orientations. The purpose of this study is to offer a philosophical interpretation of the evolution of french military ideas in Africa to identify the structural conditions that shape the several doctrines and strategic practices which has been elaborated since the colonial era

D-Day is an event that has seated itself in collective memory, particularly America, as a seminal moment of the Second World War, and of the 20th century. Often the Allied landings in Upper Normandy are conceptualized as a watershed moment of the Second World War, signaling the eventual, unavoidable defeat of Adolf Hitler’s Third Reich. Yet, the reality of the situation was far more complicated, as the success of OVERLORD was followed by months of grueling fighting in the Norman bocage. Weeks after the successful landings, the war began to resemble the slow, attritional warfare that had defined the First World War. While the Allies possessed a monumental advantage both in terms of manpower and material, the Germans managed to contain them to a small geographic area, preventing the Allies from bring this advantage to bear. As such, D-Day—though certainly the most well-known aspect of the Normandy campaign—was not the only vitally important operation. In fact, Operation COBRA, the Allied breakout operation, proved to be an inflection point of operations in Normandy. Though it is largely overshadowed by OVERLORD, COBRA proved to be one of the most important military operations in western Europe, allowing the Allies to exploit their massive advantages in material and manpower through a war of maneuver. Operation COBRA is the focus of this analysis, but not in a traditional sense. While COBRA has been largely marginalized, receiving scant attention in general histories of the Second World War, a small but comprehensive historiography on the subject does exists. This body of historical work constitutes a discourse, detailing a changing understanding of COBRA within the Second World War. The focus of this analysis seeks to shift the current paradigm about Operation COBRA, analyzing its legacy in military thought following the Second World War—namely COBRA’s legacy and role in the development of the U.S. Army’s Cold War-era AirLand Battle doctrine. The primary objective of this study is to develop a link between Operation COBRA’s legacy and the development of AirLand Battle doctrine, demonstrating its place in modern military thought. The analysis is developed through four major components. The first section provides a brief overview of Operation COBRA, itself, and seeks to impart readers with a sense of why COBRA was, at the time, mostly unprecedented. The second section, a historiography of COBRA, provides insight to historians’ changing understanding and framing of Operation COBRA. The third section provides a broad overview of AirLand Battle doctrine while also analogizing Operation COBRA and the U.S. Army’s Cold War doctrine. In this way the third section proposes a link between COBRA and AirLand Battle doctrine. Finally, the fourth section attempts to solidify this link by analyzing several decades of papers written at the Army Command and General Staff College, demonstrating a reoccurring discourse that continually linked COBRA to AirLand Battle doctrine. Ultimately, this analysis seeks to bridge the discursive space that exists between historical and modern military thought, as both are necessary for the formation of innovative military doctrine.

Thesis (M.S. in Joint Campaign Planning and Strategy)--Joint Forces Staff College, Joint Advanced Warfighting School, 2006.
Vita. "26 May 2006." "National Defense Univ Norfolk VA"--DTIC cover. Includes bibliographical references (p. 68-73). Also available via the Internet.

History
M.A.
This thesis examines the relationship between foreign policy and military doctrine, specifically the problems that arise when military doctrine is politicized and the military is used as an instrument of diplomatic or economic power rather than military power. It contains original research on the conduct of military civic action (MCA) by the United States Air Force in Thailand from 1964 until 1976, based largely on archival material from the Air Force Historical Research Agency. MCA has been an element of counterinsurgency doctrine since President Kennedy directed it in 1961, a role often labeled "nation-building." Like Kennedy's foreign policy, MCA had its intellectual origins in the social scientific concept of modernization theory. MCA represents the politicization of military doctrine, a method of employing forces based on social scientific theory rather than military experience. As a result of this and the realities on the ground in Thailand, the objectives of MCA did not fit the context of the Thai situation, training did not provide necessary cultural awareness, and execution was haphazard. Ultimately, the USAF failed to achieve the policy goals of MCA in Thailand. Today the U.S. continues to employ military manpower in the diplomatic, economic, and information realms while only training service members in their core specialty. Policymakers and military leaders need to determine whether to sacrifice proficiency in core specialties to enhance cultural and diplomatic skills or to rely more on those agencies traditionally responsible for those instruments of national power.
Temple University--Theses

This thesis examines the continued applicability of the bastion concept as a basic assumption of the Maritime Strategy with respect to the new Soviet military doctrine. The methodology employed involves an examination of Soviet literature, naval hardware, and exercise/operating patterns to determine if there has been a shift in the Soviet emphasis upon protecting the SSBN force. The results show that even though the Soviets have made certain changes in the political aspects of their military doctrine, they will most likely continue to emphasize the protection of the SSBN as the primary mission of the Soviet Navy in the event of a war. In fact, as the numbers of strategic nuclear warheads are reduced by future arms control proposals, such as START, the Soviets will probably consider the protection of the SSBN force to be more important than in the past. Theses. (fr)

Thesis (S.M.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2012.
DVD-ROM contains .mp4 video files, PDF and Word doc. files.
Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references.
How is a state's military doctrine affected by the presence of radical religious ideology in its military? Using analysis of satellite imagery, recent military exercises, and a series of source interviews, I examine the evolution of the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps since the 1979 Islamic Revolution. In particular I explore the effect of religious radicalism on Iran's acceptable casualty rates for its naval operations. A successful ideologically based strategy appears to have three necessary components: terrorism as a tool for pursuing political objectives, religious ideology as a generator of potential violence, and a regime which exercises tight control over the military. Combined, these factors allow a military to mobilize a large cadre of troops that are willing to sacrifice themselves in suicide operations. Ideology overcomes conventional acceptable casualty rates for sustained military sorties. Finally, I compare the Iranian case to similar militaries in the Sudan and Yugoslavia to determine how the presence and absence of each factor affects the military's development.
by Patrick Lewis.
S.M.

Thesis (M.M.A.S.) -- U.S. Army Command and General Staff College, 1985.
"85-3250"--Cover. Includes bibliographical references (p. 152-158). Available electronically via the Combined Arms Research Digital Library.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 1996.
Includes bibliographical references.
Vita.
The Polaris and Trident II SLBM weapon systems were developed by the U.S. Navy during periods of major strategic nuclear modernization, when national leaders were concerned about the vulnerability of U.S. Air Force land based nuclear forces to Soviet attack. Both Navy systems provided a superior alternative to bomber and ICBM weapon systems of the time, but only Polaris provoked innovative changes in U.S. nuclear doctrine. These cases of innovative and stagnant doctrine are compared and used to test the explanatory power of three competing theories of the sources of innovative military doctrine. The three theories hypothesize independent, explanatory roles for civil-military conflict, intra service bargaining, and interservice competition. The first case shows a strong causal link between intense interservice competition, a Navy decision to develop Polaris as an alternative to Air Force land based forces, and an ensuing improvement in the survivability of those land based forces. The second case shows a somewhat weaker correlation between institutionalized interservice cooperation, a Navy decision to develop Trident II as a complement rather than an alternative to land based forces, and the absence of any ensuing improvement in the survivability of those forces. Thus, Polaris caused an innovative change in nuclear doctrine while Trident II did not, and the cases show that differing patterns of interservice relations had more to do with these outcomes than civil-military or intraservice relations. The thesis concludes with a discussion of the sources of different patterns of interservice relations, and argues that civilian defense leaders can manipulate interservice competition to cause doctrinal innovation.
by Owen Reid Cote, Jr.
Ph.D.

Thesis (M.S. in Defense Analysis)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2007.
Thesis Advisor(s): Erik Jansen, George Lober. "June 2007." Includes bibliographical references (p. 73-81). Also available in print.

The “release” of new technology to users often finds those users developing their own ways of using the technology – ones that the creators of the technology never envisioned. This process is required in technologies where the creators are so focused on the technical difficulties of how to do something that they devote little thought to why someone might want to do it or, in other words, how the new technology will be used. The airplane is one such technology. Its inventors, Orville and Wilbur Wright, gave little thought to how their technology might be used until it came time to try to sell it to someone. Even then, their proposed military applications for the airplane were vague. While the US military did buy their invention, it required much thought and experience with the new technology before a clear doctrine could emerge governing its use. Today, aviation is a vital part of the United States military forces. The United States Army, Navy, Marine Corps, and Air Force each use aviation in a variety of forms, serving a variety of purposes. This dissertation explores the genesis of aviation doctrine within three services (the Air Force did not exist until 1947) from the Army’s first purchase of an airplane in 1909 through the efforts in the 1920s to synthesize pre-WWI theories on the “best use” of aviation with the wartime experiences of each service and the transfer of doctrine from US allies during the war. Drawing on Actor-Network Theory, this dissertation attempts to follow the individuals, organizations, and specific artifacts that influenced the development of each service’s aviation doctrine into the post- WWI era.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Tufts University, 2003.
Submitted to the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy. Adviser: Richard H. Shultz. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 454-481). Access restricted to members of the Tufts University community. Also available via the World Wide Web;

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Kentucky, 2004.
Title from document title page (viewed Oct. 12, 2004). Includes abstract and vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 263-274). Also available via the Internet.

Militär doktrinutveckling har beskrivits som en process där kunskap och beprövad erfarenhet omsätts i principer för användandet av militära medel. Militärteorin erbjuder vetenskaplig förankring till militära doktriner och dess påverkan på utvecklingen av doktriner är därför viktig. Förra året, 2011, gav Försvarsmakten ut en ny militärstrategisk doktrin, MSD12. Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka kopplingen mellan den svenska doktrinen och dess vetenskapliga förankring. Undersökningen visar bland annat att von Clausewitz teorier, såväl direkt som indirekt, har haft stor influens på doktrinen. Det är dock skillnad mellan hur doktrinen beskriver det som Clausewitz benämner krigets natur och vad som verkligen står i boken ”Om kriget”. Clausewitz beskriver krigets natur som en märklig treenighet sammansatt av den primitiva våldsamheten i dess element, hatet och fiendskapen som tillsammans kan betraktas som en blind naturkraft; av sannolikheternas och tillfälligheternas spel, som ger utrymme för ett fritt skapande sinne; och slutligen av att vara ett till politiken underordnat instrument, varigenom det betingas av det rena förståndet. Doktrinen beskriver krafterna som bildar krigets natur som Emotionell kraft(folket), Styrande rationell kraft (politiken) och Våldsutövande kraft (Försvarsmakten). Det är viktigt, bland annat kopplat till behovet av vetenskaplig förankring, att skilja på vad Clausewitz verkligen skrev och på andra förklaringsmodeller som härstammar från Clausewitz men som också på vissa punkter skiljer sig från originaltexten i ”Om kriget”.
The development of military doctrines has been described as a process where knowledge and well-tried experience turns to principles for the use of military forces. The military theory offers a scientific basis for military doctrines and influences from military theory are therefore an important part of the development of doctrines. Last year, 2011, The Swedish Armed Forces released a new military-strategic doctrine, MSD12. The purpose of this essay is to examine the link between the Swedish doctrine and its scientific basis. The examination has shown that the theory of Carl von Clausewitz regarding the nature of war has a great impact and influence on the content of the doctrine. The theory is used both through direct- and also through indirect influences. An analysis of how the doctrine relate to the factors that, according to Clausewitz, constitute the nature of war shows a discrepancy between its definition of the "remarkable trinity" and the definition given by Clausewitz himself. The book “On War” defines the components of the “trinity” as: The play of chance and probability, Primordial violence, hatred, and enmity and War's element of subordination to rational policy. The doctrine state that the “trinity” consists of: Emotional forces (the people), Rational forces (The politics and the policy) and Violence conducting forces (The Swedish Armed Forces). It is important to make a difference between what Clausewitz actually wrote and other concepts of a trinity that are derived from the “remarkable trinity” defined in “On War.

Thesis (M.M.A.S.)--School of Advanced Airpower Studies, 1995.
Subject: The development and usefulness of US air attack theory and doctrine during the interwar period, 1919-1941. Cover page date: June 1995. Vita. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (M.S. in International Resource Planning and Management) Naval Postgraduate School, June 2001.
Thesis advisors, Donald Abenheim, Roger D. Evered. Includes bibliographical references (p. 81-86). Also available online.

Contemporary counterinsurgency has been characterised by a shift from the ‘kill or capture’ of insurgents to prioritising winning over civilian populations. This focus on the population brings a particular skillset to the centre of military practice. Prioritising understanding culture, training, mentoring and relationships, practices previously associated with peacekeeping operations are conducted alongside combat. Feminist literature on peacekeeping has traced the relationship between entrenched hierarchies of gender and race in military institutions and abuses perpetrated by peacekeepers. This thesis contributes to that literature. It focuses on the British Armed Forces to analyse how identity is constructed in relation to contemporary counterinsurgency, in order to understand changing military roles and the potential impact on civilian populations. The thesis comprises a feminist discourse analysis of select British military doctrine. Doctrine draws together practice, teaching, and policy and offers a productive site to study institutional identity. The analysis shows how these non-combat practices are made sense of in relation to different configurations of masculinity, which don’t evoke combat or aggression. Nonetheless, they are constructed as masculine identities, hierarchical in organisation and constituting relations of power. I argue this recourse to masculinity enables the framing of non-combat practices as warfare and so valuable military activity. However, this framing simultaneously restrains the ways in which they can be understood. The thesis further highlights an ambiguity in the texts which argue both for widespread institutional adaption to the practices, and their limitation to a specific specialism and personnel. This ambiguity I argue is productive for an institution facing an uncertain future, leaving open possibilities for reform, or to revert to focussing on traditional understandings of core combat related military tasks. This thesis contributes to feminist debate about the possibility for military reform, and the capacity for Armed Forces to act as agents for peace. I argue that military reform is possible and occurring; the British Armed Forces are developing more sophisticated approaches to gender, human security and culture. However, whilst this is likely to have some benefit, the (re)establishment of gendered and raced hierarchies, limit the extent to which such reform offers meaningful change.

The US military has proven its strengths many times over through its ability to dominate opponents on the conventional battlefield. However, when it comes to irregular wars and insurgent conflicts, which are defined by enemies who conduct war from the shadows and refuse to meet on the open field, finding success has been far more difficult. The nature and dynamics of these unconventional wars are dramatically different from the conventional warfare realm, and require innovative approaches and rethinking of many long held conceptions of waging war. Conducting unconventional warfare has been the core mission of US Army Special Forces (USSF) since they were founded in 1952. Throughout a relatively short history, USSF have shown a broad utility in conducting operations with indigenous military, paramilitary, and civilian personnel in "irregular wars" and low intensity conflicts (LICs), and thus Special Forces have been widely regarded as the preeminent experts in this particular field of warfare. Now more than ever, the capabilities of Special Forces are invaluable in supporting US national security strategy, continuing the Global War on Terror (GWOT), and supporting efforts to transform military capabilities for irregular warfare and unconventional conflicts. USSF are now faced with a difficult challenge: high demand and operations tempo require that USSF must find new ways to more effectively and efficiently employ their skills in unconventional environments. In order to enhance the capabilities of USSF in conducting unconventional warfare and counterinsurgency, this thesis proposes that USSF develop a training program that allows recruitment and selection of both indigenous personnel and US foreign-born as auxiliaries and surrogates to USSF operations. Training would take place in the US and would be for the explicit purpose of creating indigenous cadres for assisting Special Forces Operational Detachment Alphas (SFODAs) in developing operational/security forces and intelligence networks at the local level in order to create long-term stability in unconventional conflict areas.

In this thesis, I present examples of non-adherence to Just War Doctrine and challenge whether the theory ought to be adhered to at all. My research is based on nation to nation and nation to international actor wars and addresses all three tenets of the Just War Doctrine: Jus in bello, Jus ad bellum and Jus pos bello. My writings suggest that since Just War Theory has not been adhered to in entirety within the last 100 years, standing by the theory may, in itself, be irrelevant. This theory was created to make addressing, committing and ending war the gravest of all man's acts, so severe in nature that there is no room for error. In fact, during the research of this thesis, a war that was fought justly according to tradition was not found. And, because Just War Doctrine decreed that in order for a war to exist justly, all tenets must be followed, this thesis has provided considerable evidence that for the last 100 years Just War Doctrine has not been adhered to and with the changing dimensions of warfare by terrorists, state and rogue actors, and increased interconnectedness through Globalization, Just War may never be relevant as it was in the early years of establishment.

Since the Cold War, East Asia has been one of the most dynamic regions in the world. Among actors in East Asia, South Korea has been of less interest to researchers who anticipate that South Korea, as a long standing ally of the USA, is expected to be involved in the US-led containment policy of China and North Korea. In many ways, the strategic choices of South Korea since the Cold War were not as expected. Materialistic explanations such as Realism theory or Alliance theories could not provide a context for South Korea's strategic choices. This study exploits strategic culture to fill the lacunae, and the ROK strategic military doctrine is chosen in order to explain its strategic choices since the Cold War. By choosing military doctrine at the strategic level it is hoped to show clearly the path of change in the strategy of the ROK since the Cold War. Cultural explanations as a supplement theoretical concept of materialistic theories are helpful in understanding the ROK's behaviour since the Cold War. This study establishes the relationship between strategic culture and military doctrine, and also tries to build the connection between military doctrine and force structure. This study uses political culture, geography and history as the main sources of strategic culture, and explores how changes in these three factors affect changes in strategic culture; it also investigates how changed strategic culture leads to change in military doctrine and force structure. Strategic culture is certainly not the only factor driving the ROK military doctrine. However, it becomes a significant one in the post-Cold War era. This study shows that strategic culture is increasingly important in order to understand the strategic choices of South Korea.

Este trabalho tenta traçar o caminho da formulação da legislação vigente no Brasil entre os anos de 1964 e 1969, marcando as tensões circunscritas à elaboração da nova ordem estabelecida pelo regime militar. Entender sob que relações de força estas leis foram pensadas é fundamental para desvendar os bastidores da política que estabeleceu as regras desse novo ordenamento social, principalmente no que diz respeito à questão repressiva. Para isso foi preciso entender as correntes de pensamento preponderantes naquele momento histórico e as políticas que a mantinham: o anticomunismo, a política desenvolvimentista, a relação com os EUA desde o fim da Segunda Guerra, a formação dos membros das Forças Armadas, entre outras questões, tais como: quem exercia maior impacto no exercício cotidiano de proteção da lei e da ordem? A ideologia vigente ou a cultura paternalista? Quais interesses eram defendidos, os do Estado? Os corporativos? Os individuais? Todos ao mesmo tempo? O desenvolvimento de tal pesquisa abordará aspetos tanto macro, quanto micro-sociais. Por um lado analisamos quais os impactos da Doutrina de Segurança Nacional na legislação implementada durante a ditadura militar, principalmente pela imposição do Executivo. Por outro lado, pensamos momentos específicos da história que envolveram a atuação do Congresso Nacional, do Supremo Tribunal Federal e da Polícia Militar, realçando casos que nos permitiram perceber a utilização que estes grupos faziam da legislação vigente (seja a institucional ou a constitucional) e do discurso instituído pela Doutrina de Segurança Nacional. O cruzamento das duas análises permitiu compreender qual a leitura realizada pelos membros dos órgãos em questão na aplicação da lei e identificar quais interesses tais aplicações buscavam atender. Como forma de mapear, grosso modo, a subjetividade implícita da aplicação da lei, cruzamos diversos tipos de fontes, a exemplo da bibliografia - amparados principalmente em termos conceituais, pelos trabalhos de Thompson, como, por exemplo, Costumes em Comum e Senhores e Caçadores -, como o jornal Estado de São Paulo, Jornal do Brasil, ambos de circulação nacional e que noticiaram os grandes momentos políticos do país no período aqui estudado, e o Estado de Minas, que noticiou a investigação do caso conhecido com Chacina do Angueretá. Também as revistas O Cruzeiro e Veja, de circulação nacional e que no período em questão ainda assumiam uma postura de centro-esquerda (para evitar termos como imparcial). Os textos dos dezessete Atos Institucionais publicados entre 1964 e 1969, da Constituição de 1967 e a emenda de 1969, a Lei de Imprensa, Lei de Segurança Nacional, e alguns atos complementares e decretos que se mostraram relevantes. Também foi de extrema importância a leitura dos Anais do Senado, que permitiram um mergulho nos debates empreendidos neste ambiente, o que revelou a postura dos congressistas com relação às leis que estavam sendo elaboradas e instituídas. Alguns ofícios e correspondências trocadas entre autoridades, estas arquivadas no CPDOC, como as carta de Sobral Pinto aos ministros do STF Hermes Lima (17 e 22 de janeiro de 1969), Pery Bevilaqua (17 de janeiro de 1969), Evandro Lins e Silva (17 de janeiro de 1969) e Antônio Galloti (18 de janeiro de 1969). A leitura de inquéritos policiais, sobretudo o Processo Crime 0456, da Comarca de Curvelo, e de entrevistas realizadas junto a moradores da cidade de Sete Lagoas e região, que tinham conhecimento em relação às ações empreendidas pela PM, no caso da Chacina do Angueretá; e para o caso da Rota 66, trabalhamos principalmente com a obra Rota 66, de autoria de Caco Barcelos, a fim de fazer um paralelo entre os dois casos e ilustrar a ação da Polícia Militar, em MG e no Rio de Janeiro. Analisamos também a Doutrina de Segurança Nacional elaborada no país, sob influência da política externa estadunidense, no contexto de Guerra Fria. Neste sentido, buscamos compreender de que modo a lógica internacional se consubstanciou em legislação no país. Em princípio, é possível perceber que o conflito de interesses mais evidentes em termos de elaboração e aplicação das leis ocorreu entre os chamados castelistas e a linha dura. Tal definição tendo um aspecto mais didático ou prático do que necessariamente refletindo a dinâmica política-social do governo e da instituição Forças Armadas. Os castelistas, vistos pela historiografia como mais moderados, previram uma legislação que viesse, nos anos seguintes, evitar excessos tanto por parte do governo e das forças de segurança, como da oposição. Porém essa tentativa, se real, foi em vão ou pelos menos temporária, uma vez que, com a chamada linha dura no poder, tantas outras leis, de cunho ainda mais autoritário e impositivo, foram decretadas. A legislação, ao fortalecer o poder do Executivo subjugando o Legislativo e o Judiciário, deu abertura para a consolidação de um regime autoritário que, de certa forma, manteve algumas instituições democráticas como fachada, a fim de se legitimar perante a sociedade. A macro-abordagem permitirá esmiuçar os jogos políticos e de poder no período delimitado, sem perder a noção do social, e a micro-análise permitirá perceber até que ponto a sociedade civil foi agente ou vítima do processo de construção dessa mesma ordem. Para tanto, tomaremos como base de apoio estudos sobre história social, buscando em E. P. Thompson fatores que, conjugados, possam nortear a pesquisa proposta, permitindo-nos estabelecer uma compreensão sobre as relações existentes entre a legislação, a ideologia e a cultura brasileira, expressos nos comportamentos do Congresso Nacional, do Poder Executivo, do Supremo Tribunal Federal [STF] e, principalmente, da Polícia Militar [PM].
This work attempts to trace the path of the formulation of legislation in Brazil between the years 1964 and 1969, highlighting the tensions surrounded the drafting of the new order established by the military regime. Understanding power relationships in which these laws were designed is crucial to uncover the background of the policy that established the rules of this new social order, especially as regards the enforcement issue. For this was to understand the currents of thought dominant in that historical moment and the policies that had: the anti, the developmental policy, the relationship with the U.S. since the end of World War II, the training of members of the Armed Forces, among other issues such as: who exercised greater impact on the daily exercise of protection \"law and order\"? The prevailing ideology or culture paternalistic? What interests were defended, of the state? The corporate? The individual? All at the same time? The development of this research will address both macro aspects, as microsocial. On the one hand we analyze what the impacts of the National Security Doctrine in legislation implemented during the military dictatorship, especially the imposition of the Executive. Furthermore, we believe specific moments in history involving the actions of the Congress, the Supreme Court and the Military Police, highlighting cases which have enabled us to understand the use to which these groups were the law (be it institutional or constitutional) and of discourse established by the National Security Doctrine. The intersection of the two tests could understand what the \"reading\" done by members of the bodies concerned in the law enforcement interests and identify which applications seeking such service. As a map, roughly, the implicit subjectivity of law enforcement, cross different types of sources, such as literature - supported mainly in conceptual terms, the work of Thompson, for example, \"Customs in Common\" and \"Ladies and Hunters\" - as the newspaper Estado de São Paulo, Jornal do Brasil, both of national circulation and reported that the great political moments in the country here in the period studied, and the Estado de Minas, which reported the investigation of the case known as the massacre Angueretá. Also the magazine O Cruzeiro and Veja, the national movement and that in the period in question also taking a center-left (to avoid terms such as fair). The texts of the seventeen Acts Institutional published between 1964 and 1969, the Constitution of 1967 and the amendment of 1969, the Press Law, Law on National Security, and some additional acts and decrees that were relevant. It was extremely important to read the Annals of the Senate, which allowed a dip in the discussions undertaken in this environment, which revealed the attitude of Congress with respect to laws that were being developed and introduced. Some letters and correspondence exchanged between authorities, they filed in CPDOC, as the letter of the ministers of Sobral Pinto STF Hermes Lima (17 and 22 January 1969), Pery Bevilaqua (January 17, 1969), Evandro Lins e Silva ( January 17, 1969) and Gallotia Antonio (January 18, 1969). A reading of police investigations, particularly the Crime Procedure 0456, the District of Curvelo, and interviews with residents of the city of Sete Lagoas - MG and region, who had knowledge regarding the actions taken by the PM, in the case of the massacre Angueretá, and for the case of Route 66, work mainly with the book \"Route 66\", by Caco Barcelos, to make a parallel between the two cases and illustrate the action of the military police in Minas Gerais and Rio de January. We also look the Doctrine of National Security prepared the country, under the influence of U.S. foreign policy in the context of the Cold War. In this sense, we understand how the logic is embodied in international law in the country. In principle, you can see that the most obvious conflict of interest in terms of formulation and implementation of laws is from the \"castle\" and \"hardliners\". This definition has a more didactic and practical aspects of what necessarily reflecting the social-political dynamics of government and the military institution. The \"castle\", seen by history as more moderate, predicted that legislation would, in subsequent years to prevent excesses by both the government and security forces, as the opposition. But this attempt, if real, was in vain, or at least temporarily, as with the \"hard line\" in power, many other laws of nature even more authoritarian and authoritative, were enacted. Legislation to strengthen the power of the Executive and Legislative subjugated the judiciary, has opened to the consolidation of an authoritarian regime that, somehow, some maintained democratic institutions as facade in order to legitimize the company before. The macro approach will teased the political games and power in the defined period, without losing the notion of social and micro-analysis will realize the extent to which civil society was victim or agent of the construction of that order. For this, take as a basis to support research on social history, looking in E. P. Thompson factors, combined, can guide the research proposal, allowing us to establish an understanding of the relationship between the law, the Brazilian culture and ideology, expressed in the behavior of Congress, the Executive, the Supreme Court [STF] and, particularly, the Military Police [PM].

The Vietnam War was one of the most traumatic events ever to afflict the US Military. From the ashes of this defeat, the US Military sought to renew itself. As part of this process of renewal, the US Army in particular engaged in serious soul searching as to how, and under what circumstances, the United States ought to commit itself to war. The answers that were derived from this soul searching are known collectively as the Powell Doctrine, named after General Colin L. Powell, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff (1989-1993). The elements of the Doctrine are as follows: the need for “overwhelming” force; the need for public and Congressional support; the need for clear objectives; the need for a clear “exit strategy”; and force should only be used in the “vital national interest.” This thesis will advance four principal arguments: first, that the evolution of the Powell Doctrine cannot be understood without reference to the US experience in Vietnam; second, that the various elements of the Powell Doctrine have a logical relationship to one another which means that the Doctrine as a whole should be considered as a single, integrated body of thought; and, third, that Colin Powell, in his Foreign Affairs article, is simply giving public articulation to an intellectual climate that had already become influential before his ascent to the Chairmanship of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. And that, whilst the Powell Doctrine does deserve to be called a doctrine in the military sense of the word, this is not a full explanation of the conditions Powell has laid down as they encroach upon profoundly political issues. And thus, whilst the Powell Doctrine does deserve the title “doctrine,” it is also an attempt to formulate a coherent set of principles to inform US “National Security” policy in areas that go beyond those traditionally seen as being of military concern.

MBA Professional Report
The goal of this MBA Project is to investigate possible disconnects between doctrine and practice in the employment of the Raven Small Unmanned Aerial Vehicle (SUAV). The Army's current Small UAV requirements are based upon the Future Combat System's Operations Requirements Document and has not been validated at the platoon or company level. The Raven SUAV is a Commercial off the Shelf (COTS) item that swiftly became the Army's Small UAV of choice for operations in Afghanistan and Iraq. Doctrine and Techniques, Tactics, and Procedures (TTP) have been written for the Raven SUAV; however, it is not standard practice for all units operating the system abroad. The last review of the SUAV operational requirements was conducted in 2003 but did not specifically address its usage on the battlefield. In an attempt to fill that gap, this project focuses on real-world usage of the Raven SUAV system. We compare doctrine versus practice using the Department of Defense's (DOD) Doctrine, Organization, Training, Material, Leadership, Personnel, Facilities (DOTML-PF) model as the primary logic construct. The report begins by providing a background of the Raven SUAV, to include its evolution from a COTS item to the Army's SUAV of choice, and how it has impacted the warfighter. Next, the authors provide an overview of DOTML-PF in order to provide a basis for comparing doctrine and practice. The study then looks in-depth at doctrine and practice using DOTML-PF as the model for revealing differences between the two. Finally, the authors analyze these differences and recommend solutions to mitigate shortfalls in actual Raven SUAV usage on the battlefield.--p. i.