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Journal articles on the topic 'Military Group (El Salvador)'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Green, Amelia Hoover. "Armed group institutions and combatant socialization." Journal of Peace Research 54, no. 5 (September 2017): 687–700. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343317715300.

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Ex-combatants who fought with the Salvadoran Army during El Salvador’s 1980–92 civil war often recall being ‘captured’, rather than recruited, suffering beatings and humiliation in the course of training, and fighting without a sense of purpose or direction. Those who served with rebel forces, by contrast, recall fatigue and frustration with new routines, but seldom hazing or abuse; most also recalled deep, ongoing instruction about the purpose and goals of the war. This comparison highlights the broad variation in armed groups’ formal institutions for socialization, a topic that political scientists have only recently begun to examine in depth. The Salvadoran case also emphasizes some shortcomings of the existing literature, which may elide the differing effects of different formal institutions, treat individual institutions as operating independently on combatant behavior, and/or fail to map complex causal processes intervening between institutions and behavior. This article takes as its starting point the observation that many armed group institutions – including recruitment, military training, political training, and disciplinary regimes – are components of the process known more generally as ‘combatant socialization’. Examining specific institutional processes associated with combatant socialization allows for the generation of more refined and specific theories of combatant socialization as both a causal variable and an outcome. At the same time, treating armed group institutions as related elements of a broader process, rather than as fully separate institutions, may also advance understandings of the effects of these institutions. I demonstrate that the implementation and content of formal institutions for socialization varied significantly both across and within groups in El Salvador; building on this analysis, I lay out several potential directions for comparative research.

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Huezo, Stephanie M. "Remembering the Return from Exodus: An Analysis of a Salvadoran Community’s Local History Reenactment." Journal of Latino/Latin American Studies 11, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 56–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.18085/1549-9502.11.1.56.

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Abstract On June 20, 1986, amid the 12-year civil war in El Salvador (1980–1992), a group of displaced Salvadorans from the northern department of Chalatenango declared San José las Flores their home. As the war between the Salvadoran army and the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN) intensified in rural areas, many people left to find refuge in other parts of the country. Since the FMLN had an active presence in Chalatenango, the Salvadoran military bombed this region frequently, which transformed las Flores into a ghost town by 1984. Those Salvadorans who decided to hide instead of leaving the country or even the region faced treacherous conditions as they trekked through the mountainous terrain of Chalatenango fleeing from military operations. By 1986, many of these Salvadorans emerged from their precarious living to demand their right to live in San José las Flores. More than three decades after the repopulation of the town, and more than two decades since the signing of the peace accords, residents of las Flores continue to celebrate their history, without fail, every year, bearing witness to a reenactment of the events that led to their town’s repopulation. This article examines these anniversaries, especially its 30th anniversary in 2016, to understand how the town remembers, interprets, and transforms their local history. What prompts residents of las Flores to relive these events? How is social memory and trauma transmitted to the diverse audience in attendance? What does reenactment have to do with collective memory? This article argues that the performance of the repopulation of las Flores, enacted by former guerrilla soldiers, survivors of the war, and their children and grandchildren, demonstrates how the history, memories, and values of this town are transmitted from generation to generation. In Diana Taylor’s words, they remember their collective suffering, challenges, and triumphs through both archival and embodied memory.

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3

Checkel, Jeffrey T. "Socialization and violence." Journal of Peace Research 54, no. 5 (September 2017): 592–605. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343317721813.

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This article sets the stage for a special issue exploring group-level dynamics and their role in producing violence. My analytic focus is socialization, or the process through which actors adopt the norms and rules of a given community. I argue that it is key to understanding violence in many settings, including civil war, national militaries, post-conflict societies and urban gangs. While socialization theory has a long history in the social sciences, I do not simply pull it off the shelf, but instead rethink core features of it. Operating in a theory-building mode and drawing upon insights from other disciplines, I highlight its layered and multiple nature, the role of instrumental calculation in it and several relevant mechanisms – from persuasion, to organized rituals, to sexual violence, to violent display. Equally important, I theorize instances where socialization is resisted, as well as the (varying) staying power of norms and practices in an individual who leaves the group. Empirically, the special issue explores the link between socialization and violence in paramilitary patrols in Guatemala; vigilantes in the Bosnian civil war; gangs in post-conflict Nicaragua; rebel groups in the Democratic Republic of Congo, El Salvador, Sierra Leone and Uganda; post-conflict peacekeepers; and the US and Israeli military. By documenting this link, we contribute to an emerging research program on group dynamics and conflict.

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4

Needler, Martin C. "El Salvador: The Military and Politics." Armed Forces & Society 17, no. 4 (July 1991): 569–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x9101700404.

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5

Walter, Knut, and Philip J. Williams. "The Military and Democratization in El Salvador." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 35, no. 1 (1993): 39–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166102.

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The recent coups and attempted coups in Haiti, Venezuela, and Peru serve as a sobering reminder of the military's central role in the political life of Latin America. Earlier assessments of the prospects for democratic consolidation now seem overly optimistic in light of these events. At a minimum, they point up the need to focus on the role of the military during transitions from authoritarianism and the consolidation of democratic regimes. As Stepan has suggested, prolonged military rule can leave important legacies which serve as powerful obstacles to democratic consolidation (Stepan, 1988: xi-xii). Understanding these legacies and the problems they present is essential in developing strategies aimed at democratizing civil-military relations.This is no less true in El Salvador, where the prospects for democratization are closely linked to the future of the country's armed forces.

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6

Kasper, Matthew R., Andres G. Lescano, Carmen Lucas, Duncan Gilles, Brian J. Biese, Gary Stolovitz, and Erik J. Reaves. "Diarrhea Outbreak during U.S. Military Training in El Salvador." PLoS ONE 7, no. 7 (July 18, 2012): e40404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0040404.

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7

Perla, Héctor. "Grassroots Mobilization against US Military Intervention in El Salvador." Socialism and Democracy 22, no. 3 (November 2008): 143–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08854300802361646.

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8

Handy, Jim. "Resurgent Democracy and the Guatemalan Military." Journal of Latin American Studies 18, no. 2 (November 1986): 383–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00012074.

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During 1984 and 1985 there was much discussion of an apparent ‘resurgence’ of democracy in many countries in Latin America. As the military handed over the reins of government to elected civilian rulers in Honduras, El Salvador and Argentina, and steps toward the same end were taken in Uruguay and Brazil, the American media and the Reagan administration – conveniently forgetting its earlier support for military dictatorship – began to speak glowingly of a new ‘Latin spring’.

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9

CHING, ERIK, and VIRGINIA TILLEY. "Indians, the Military and the Rebellion of 1932 in El Salvador." Journal of Latin American Studies 30, no. 1 (February 1998): 121–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x97004926.

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This study challenges the widely held belief that the peasant rebellion of 1932, and the massive military response to it, marked the demise of Indian ethnic identity. Working from documents that have become available only recently, we demonstrate that the Indian population was not decimated by the military repression. The percentage of Indians in the population remained steady and in some regions even increased. We show that the bedrock of Indian identity, the cofradías and the communities, survived the repression as well. We propose that these survivals are due, ironically, in part to the military. Despite their willingness to employ violence on a colossal level, military leaders believed that order in the countryside was to be achieved through reform as well as repression. The military's reformist ideology and reform programme worked to defend individual Indians and Indian communities from ladinos anxious to avenge their losses in the uprising.

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10

McClintock, Michael. "US military assistance to El Salvador: from indirect to direct intervention." Race & Class 26, no. 3 (January 1985): 63–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030639688502600305.

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11

Barreto, Carla Requião, Liliane Lins-Kusterer, and Fernando Martins Carvalho. "Work ability of military police officers." Revista de Saúde Pública 53 (February 7, 2019): 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/s1518-8787.2019053001014.

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OBJECTIVE: To determine the prevalence of work ability (WA) and describe characteristics of the subgroup with poor WA among military police officers. METHODS: A descriptive and cross-sectional study with 329 male military police officers engaged in street patrolling in Salvador, Bahia, Brazil, selected by proportionate stratified sampling. The Work Ability Index and a structured form were used to collect information about age, education, marital status, housing, salary, car ownership, work hours, rank (official or enlisted), drinking, smoking, frequency of vigorous physical activity, and obesity. Data were analyzed by uni and bivariate statistical techniques. RESULTS: The work ability of the 329 military police officers was classified as poor (10.3%), moderate (28.9%), good (34.7%), and excellent (26.1%), with mean score of 37.8 and standard deviation of 7.3 points. Policemen with poor work ability, compared with those with moderate, good or excellent WA, presented higher proportions of individuals who did not own their residences (p < 0.001), with work hours above eight hours/day (p < 0.026), and obesity (p < 0.001). In the subgroup of the 26 policemen who concomitantly did not own their residences, worked more than eight 8 hours/day and were obese, the prevalence of poor work ability was 31.0%. The prevalence of poor WA was 31.0% among the 29 policemen who were simultaneously obese and did not own their residences and of 27.9% among the 43 policemen who were obese and work hours above eight hours/day. CONCLUSIONS: A high percentage of military police officers from Salvador presented poor or moderate work ability, which may hamper or compromise their policing activities. The prevalence of poor work ability was higher among the policemen who did not own their residences, worked more than 8 hours/day and were obese.

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12

James Hone, Matthew. "Innovations in Intervention: El Salvador’s Role as a U.S. Strategic and Tactical Laboratory." De Raíz Diversa. Revista Especializada en Estudios Latinoamericanos 4, no. 7 (January 1, 2017): 159. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/ppela.24487988e.2017.7.64048.

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The United States, amongst other motives, utilized their intervention into El Salvador as a laboratory for strategic, tactical and technological military techniques. The extent of the experimentation has not been fully divulged due to the continued classification of documentation and the secretive nature of U.S. special operations. However, there is sufficient evidence available to reveal that the U.S. participation in El Salvador initiated or expanded on a number of practices that would be incorporated well after the conflict

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James Hone, Matthew. "Innovations in Intervention: El Salvador’s Role as a U.S. Strategic and Tactical Laboratory." De Raíz Diversa. Revista Especializada en Estudios Latinoamericanos 4, no. 7 (January 1, 2017): 159. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/ppla.24487988e.2017.7.64048.

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The United States, amongst other motives, utilized their intervention into El Salvador as a laboratory for strategic, tactical and technological military techniques. The extent of the experimentation has not been fully divulged due to the continued classification of documentation and the secretive nature of U.S. special operations. However, there is sufficient evidence available to reveal that the U.S. participation in El Salvador initiated or expanded on a number of practices that would be incorporated well after the conflict

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14

Toinet, Marie-France. "De Carter à Reagan : La politique salvadorienne des États-Unis." Études internationales 13, no. 3 (April 12, 2005): 497–513. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/701385ar.

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Ever since Monroe's doctrine and up to President Carter, the American foreign policy in Latin America has been remarkably continuous both from the point of view of objectives - the maintenance and extension of American influence and domination - and that of the pressures required to attain them - from direct military intervention to economic sanctions, including clandestine activities of destabilization. Carter came to power and from then on that policy rested on different principles which became expressed, particularly in the case of El Salvador, in pressures for the respect of human rights, a temporary suspension of aid from the Interamerican Development Bank and in the immediate recognition of the regime which followed the coup d'État of october 1979 and which made possible a third option between a reactionary dictatorship and a takeover by the Marxists. The principles were once again altered under President Reagan for whom the fight against communism and international terrorism is a priority. Latin America acquired a new strategic importance and El Salvador became the scene of the East-West conflict, the symbol of American determination to contain Soviet expansionism. But Reagan's policy in El Salvador had to be restrained confronted as it was by opposition both internal, from the public, and external through the stand taken by the Allies. In spite of starting doctrinal differences, Carter's and Reagan's policies in El Salvador are very similar, both showing incoherence and inefficiency. They are heirs to a situation and an intellectual tradition which they perpetuate, one clumsily, the other cheerfully. But the failure of the Reagan administration is even more patent than that of its predecessor. The United States have only one alternative left, military intervention or negotiations with the guerilla, and furthermore they risk "losing" El Salvador the Vietnam or the Nicaragua way.

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15

LINDO-FUENTES, HÉCTOR. "Educational Television in El Salvador and Modernisation Theory." Journal of Latin American Studies 41, no. 4 (November 2009): 757–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x09990587.

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AbstractThis article investigates the introduction of educational television in El Salvador in the late 1960s, an Alliance for Progress project, in light of the preoccupations of the Cold War, the application of modernisation theory, the growing influence of a development community grounded in the social sciences and the Salvadorean elite's particular obsession with communism. The top-down approach used by the military regime to introduce a flurry of changes in the education system was facilitated by the extensive resources provided by international aid agencies and the US government. However, the reforms alienated Salvadorean teachers and fuelled teachers' strikes that are still remembered as pivotal moments in the urban mass movements of the 1970s which preceded the civil war of the 1980s.

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16

Almeida, Paul. "Authoritarian El Salvador: Politics and the Origins of the Military Regimes, 1880–1940." Hispanic American Historical Review 96, no. 3 (July 26, 2016): 582–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-3601550.

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17

Loveman, Brian. "“Protected Democracies” and Military Guardianship: Political Transitions in Latin America, 1978-1993." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 36, no. 2 (1994): 105–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166175.

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In 1979, over two-thirds of Latin America's people were living under military rule. By 1993, however, not a single military regime remained in Central or South America or the Spanish-speaking Caribbean. Elected presidents (even if former generals, as in the case of Paraguay's first post-Stroessner government) and legislatures replaced military dictators and juntas. Foreign observers certified the “fairness” of elections in Ecuador, Peru, Chile, Honduras, El Salvador, Nicaragua, Guatemala, and Paraguay — even when outgoing military regimes permitted elections only after certain parties or candidates had been excluded from participation. Political parties and opponents of incumbent governments operated openly. Media censorship declined, and fewer cases of politically-motivated abuses of human rights were reported. “Democratization” seemed to be underway.

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18

Álvarez, Francisco S., Saúl González Murcia, Caleb D. McMahan, and Wilfredo A. Matamoros. "Cyprinodontiform fishes of El Salvador." UNED Research Journal 13, no. 1 (March 25, 2021): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.22458/urj.v13i1.3303.

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Introduction: The Cyprinodontiformes are a group of secondary freshwater fishes widely distributed in El Salvador. Currently, many species of this group are usually incorrectly identified for lack of adequate tools. Additionally, their taxonomy and distribution have changed in recent years. Objective: To provide updated information about the taxonomy and distribution of El Salvador Cyprinodontiformes through identification keys, distribution notes, and general descriptions for all species. Methods: We carried out an extensive review of the literature, electronic databases, and museum specimens to generate a list of valid species present in El Salvador. Results: Eleven species in three families are confirmed: Profundulidae (two species), Anablepidae (one species), and Poeciliidae (eight species). We also include distribution data, both vertical and by main basins, and an illustrated guide. Conclusions: There are 11 species of Cyprinodontiformes in El Salvador and they can be found and identified with this article.

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19

Brown-Syed, Christopher. "Military Librarians—A Group Overlooked?" Library & Archival Security 21, no. 1 (July 21, 2008): 47–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01960070802142900.

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20

Chávez, Joaquín M. "Dreaming of Reform: University Intellectuals during the Lemus regime and the Civic-Military Junta in El Salvador (1960-1961)." Diálogos Revista Electrónica 9 (January 20, 2008): 1730. http://dx.doi.org/10.15517/dre.v9i0.31310.

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Lieutenant-Colonel José María Lemus, a protégé of President Oscar Osorio (1950-1956), roseto power in 1956. Lemus is often remembered as an authoritarian ruler, but at the outset of hispresidency he allowed the return of exiles and abolished the “Law in Defense of Democraticand Constitutional Order,” sanctioned during Osorio’s anti-communist crackdown in 1952.Lemus governed El Salvador during a period of declining prosperity as coffee prices plungedin the international markets, forcing an economic restructuring which had particularly negativeconsequences for the poor. But more importantly, the changing political landscape in LatinAmerica posed enormous challenges to Lemus, as opposition forces ousted Venezuelan dictatorMarcos Pérez Jiménez in January 1958 and revolutionaries led by Fidel Castro took power in Cubain January 1959. Political events in Venezuela and Cuba inspired a new wave of mobilization inEl Salvador led by the recently formed Partido Revolucionario Abril y Mayo (PRAM) and FrenteNacional de Orientación Cívica (FNOC) which challenged Lemus’ authoritarian regime. Whilethe local press followed step by step events in Cuba as reported by U.S. press agencies, Lemusand the Revolutionary Party of Democratic Unification (PRUD), the official party, showed arenewed determination to prevent the spread of “Cuban-inspired subversion” in El Salvador. Tothis end, Sidney Mazzini, a representative of the PRUD at the National Assembly envisioned theformation of what he termed a “sanitary cordon” around Cuba.

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Loveman, Brian. "Military Dictatorship and Political Opposition in Chile, 1973-1986." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 28, no. 4 (1986): 1–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165745.

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In 1970, Dr. Salvador Allende, presidential candidate of the Unidad Popular coalition, won a plurality — but not a majority — of votes from the Chilean electorate. Consequently, and in accord with Chilean electoral laws and constitution, the Chilean Congress was called upon to vote for the president, and it selected Dr. Allende as the country's new president. Soon thereafter a wave of opposition to his administration developed among business and middle-class sectors: Rightist political movements and parties, entrepreneurial associations, some white-collar unions, as well as groups representing both commercial interests and those of small business. Eventually this opposition determined that “the government of Allende was incompatible with the survival of freedom and private enterprise in Chile, (and) that the only way to avoid their extinction was to overthrow the government” (Cauce, 1984).

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22

Behrens, Susan Fitzpatrick. "From Symbols of the Sacred to Symbols of Subversion to Simply Obscure: Maryknoll Women Religious in Guatemala, 1953 to 1967." Americas 61, no. 2 (October 2004): 189–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2004.0127.

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In December of 1980 three women religious and a lay missioner from the United States were brutally raped and murdered by the Salvadoran military. This outrage brought international attention to the violence in El Salvador and led to a temporary halt in US military aid. The sisters were neither the first nor the most violently killed—8,000 people were massacred in 1980 and 45,000 between 1980 and 1984—but their rape and murder, the murder of Archbishop Romero in March of 1980, and that of six Jesuit priests in 1989 were consistently cited as evidence of the sheer brutality and impunity of the Salvadoran military regime. Killing priests and bishops and raping and murdering nuns signified quite simply that “nothing was sacred.”

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Sprenkels, Ralph. "The Debts of War." Conflict and Society 5, no. 1 (June 1, 2019): 79–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/arcs.2019.050106.

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This article examines mobilization by civil war veterans of the insurgency and the government army. These veterans became a major political force in postwar El Salvador. I demonstrate that the ascendency of the war veterans hinged on the combination of two types of mobilization: “internal” mobilization for partisan leverage, and public mobilization to place claims on the state. By this bifurcated mobilization, veterans from both sides of the war pursued clientelist benefits and postwar political influence. Salvadoran veterans’ struggles for recognition revolve around attempts to transform what the veterans perceive as the “debts of war” into postwar political order. The case of El Salvador highlights the versatility and resilience of veterans’ struggles in post- settlement contexts in which contention shifted from military confrontation to electoral competition.

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MAHONEY, JAMES. "Radical, Reformist and Aborted Liberalism: Origins of National Regimes in Central America." Journal of Latin American Studies 33, no. 2 (May 2001): 221–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x0100606x.

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During the twentieth century, the countries of Central America were characterised by remarkably different political regimes: military-authoritarianism in Guatemala and El Salvador, progressive democracy in Costa Rica and traditional-authoritarianism in Honduras and Nicaragua. This article explains these contrasting regime outcomes by exploring the agrarian and state-building reforms pursued by political leaders during the nineteenth- and early twentieth-century liberal reform period. Based on differences in the transformation of state and class structures, three types of liberalism are identified: radical liberalism in Guatemala and El Salvador, reformist liberalism in Costa Rica and aborted liberalism in Honduras and Nicaragua. It is argued that these types of liberalism set the Central American countries on contrasting paths of political development, culminating in diverse regime outcomes.

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Tierney, Geri L. "Military members: A unique cultural group." Orthopaedic Nursing 14, no. 6 (November 1995): 66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00006416-199511000-00016.

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Siebold, Guy L. "The Essence of Military Group Cohesion." Armed Forces & Society 33, no. 2 (January 2007): 286–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x06294173.

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27

Loveman, Brian. "¿Mision Cumplida? Civil Military Relations and the Chilean Political Transition." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 33, no. 3 (1991): 35–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165933.

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The armed forces have reconstructed authentic democracy. They have once again definitively carried out their mission…. I love this country more than Life itself.Captain General Augusto Pinochet11 September 1989The Constitution of 1980 does not meet, in its elaboration of the manner in which it was ratified, the essential conditions required by constitutional doctrine for the existence of a legitimate political order based on the rule of law.Francisco Cumplido C. (1983)Minister of Justice (1990)On 11 March 1990, Patricio Aylwin took office as Chile's first elected president since 1970. Chile thus joined the list of Latin American nations making a transition from military to civilian government. Like the civilian governments in Argentina, Brazil, Uruguay, Peru, Bolivia, El Salvador and Guatemala, Chile's new government faced the challenge of returning the armed forces to a less central role in politics and reducing their institutional prerogatives.

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Zuniga, Roxana. "Erik Ching,Authoritarian El Salvador: politics and the origins of the military regimes, 1880–1940." Canadian Journal of Latin American and Caribbean Studies / Revue canadienne des études latino-américaines et caraïbes 40, no. 2 (May 4, 2015): 321–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08263663.2015.1061321.

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Todd, Molly. "Erik Ching. Authoritarian El Salvador: Politics and the Origins of the Military Regimes, 1880–1940." American Historical Review 120, no. 1 (February 2015): 301–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/120.1.301.

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Luciak, Ilja A. "Gender Equality and Electoral Politics on the Left: A Comparison of El Salvador and Nicaragua." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 40, no. 1 (1998): 39–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166300.

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Cuando una mujer llega a la política cambia la mujer; pero…cuando las mujeres llegan a la política cambia la política.“Poder feminino,” FMLN election pamphletThe long-drawn-out military conflicts in Nicaragua, El Salvador, and Guatemala have finally ended. Following the demobilization of the Nicaraguan resistance in 1990, the Salvadoran and Guatemalan guerrilla forces signed peace accords in 1992 (El Salvador) and 1996 (Guatemala) with their respective governments. In the wake of these agreements, Central America presents a new reality. The focus has shifted from war strategies to the consolidation of emerging democratic structures. The revolutionary Left, one of the main protagonists in the conflict that ravaged the region during the 1980s, now confronts a new challenge: it must demonstrate to its supporters and the general public that it indeed presents a viable political alternative.

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REYES, EDMÉ DOMINGUEZ. "Soviet Relations with Central America, the Caribbean, and Members of the Contadora Group." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 481, no. 1 (September 1985): 147–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716285481001014.

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This article discusses Soviet policy toward Central America, the Caribbean, and members of the Contadora group, and it compares the Soviet approach with Cuban policy. Since the 1970s Latin America has become a major center of interest to the Soviet Union. Soviet policy toward the region can best be characterized as a low-risk, low-profile strategy, in light of U.S. competition and interests. Current policy is one of continuity from the Brezhnev era. The article offers special highlights on Nicaragua and El Salvador and the Soviet dynamic with the Contadora group. El Salvador and the Contadora group are seen as sharing interests in the region with respect to political stability and economic development.

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Khan, Abdul Zahoor, Nargis Zaman, and Zahir Shah. "United States Fundamental Interests in Chile and Cuba: A Historical Study." Global Regional Review I, no. I (December 30, 2016): 218–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2016(i-i).17.

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US hegemony as the result of its interventions in Cuba and Chile is a historical reality. The United States used to be scared that imposition of Communism had minimized the Americans dominance over there under the policy of nationalization. Although, the United States had tried his luck in Cuba twice, in decades of 1960’s, to vanish communism dangerous roots, but unfortunately faced defeat. Again in 1970’s decade the United States faced the same threat of communism (in form of Salvador Allende regime) in Chile. Chile has blessed with such rich mineral resources like Cuba, so the United States also had similarly established their strong hold inform of different significant companies. In order to prevent the power of Salvador Allende and his nationalization policy, the United States had launched military coup in 1973 resulted in success that also helps to minimize the communism threats in region

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Dickson-Gomez, Julia, Sergey Tarima, Laura Glasman, Wendy Cuellar, Lorena Rivas de Mendoza, and Gloria Bodnar. "Cumulative Effects of Adding a Small Group Intervention to Social Network Testing on HIV Testing Rates Among Crack Users in San Salvador, El Salvador." AIDS and Behavior 25, no. 7 (January 30, 2021): 2316–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10461-021-03160-9.

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AbstractThe present study evaluates a combination prevention intervention for crack users in San Salvador, El Salvador that included social network HIV testing, community events and small group interventions. We examined the cumulative effects of the social network HIV testing and small group interventions on rates of HIV testing, beyond the increase that we saw with the introduction of the social network HIV testing intervention alone. HIV test data was converted into the number of daily tests and analyzed the immediate and overtime impact of small group interventions during and in the twelve weeks after the small group intervention. The addition of the small group interventions to the baseline of monthly HIV tests resulted in increased rates of testing lasting 7 days after the small group interventions suggesting a reinforcing effect of small group interventions on testing rates.

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Sheets, Payson D., Harriet F. Beaubien, Marilyn Beaudry, Andrea Gerstle, Brian McKee, C. Dan Miller, Hartmut Spetzler, and David B. Tucker. "Household Archaeology at Cerén, El Salvador." Ancient Mesoamerica 1, no. 1 (1990): 81–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536100000092.

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AbstractIn the summer of 1989, major discoveries were made at the site of Joya de Cerén, El Salvador, where sudden depositions of volcanic ash in a.d. 600 resulted in unusually favorable conditions of preservation. The theoretical framework for the research is household archaeology, the study of prehistoric household groups. Household archaeology, as applied to Cerén can take advantage of the extraordinary preservation to study households in terms of their key activities of (a) production, including food, implements, vessels, and structures; (b) “pooling,” including storage, distribution, maintenance, and curation activities; (c) transmission of knowledge and material goods including access to resources; (d) reproduction in both the biological and sociocultural senses; and (e) co-residence/membership in the functioning residential group. One of the major finds was a possible codex or Precolumbian manuscript.

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Castrillón, Fernando. "Book Review: The Protection Racket State: Elite Politics, Military Extortion, and Civil War in El Salvador." Humanity & Society 22, no. 2 (May 1998): 231–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016059769802200210.

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Wollants, E., M. Schoenenberg, C. Figueroa, G. Shor-Posner, W. Klaskala, and M. K. Baum. "Risk factors, and patterns of HIV-1 transmission in the El Salvador military during war time." AIDS 9, no. 11 (November 1995): 1291–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00002030-199511000-00017.

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Woodward, Ralph L. "Authoritarian El Salvador: Politics and the Origins of the Military Regimes, 1880-1940 - by Ching, Erik." Bulletin of Latin American Research 34, no. 4 (September 1, 2015): 537–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/blar.12374.

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Jones-Berry, Stephanie. "Military families are a ‘hidden homeless group’." Nursing Standard 31, no. 31 (March 29, 2017): 10. http://dx.doi.org/10.7748/ns.31.31.10.s8.

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Khan, Abdul Zahoor, Ahmed Ali, and Sajjad Ali. "United States Intervention and the Following Hegemony in Cuba and Chile: A Critical Appraisal." Global Regional Review II, no. I (December 30, 2017): 343–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2017(ii-i).24.

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US hegemony as the result of its interventions in Cuba and Chile is a historical reality. The United States used to be scared that the imposition of Communism had minimized the Americans dominance over there under the policy of nationalization. Although, the United States had tried his luck in Cuba twice, in decades of the 1960s, to vanish communism dangerous roots, but unfortunately faced defeat. Again in the 1970s decade, the United States faced the same threat of communism (in the form of Salvador Allende regime) in Chile. Chile has blessed with such rich mineral resources like Cuba, so the United States also had similarly established its strong hold inform of different significant companies. In order to prevent the power of Salvador Allende and his nationalization policy, the United States had launched a military coup in 1973 that resulted in success that also helps to minimize the communism threats in the region.

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Cass, Philip. "REVIEW: Scottish workers’ act of solidarity in Chile struggle." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 25, no. 1&2 (July 31, 2019): 301–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v25i1and2.500.

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Nae Pasaran. Documentary directed by Felipe Bustos Sierra. BBC Scotland/Conejo Nacional de la Cultura y las Artes/Creative Scotland. 2018. 96 minutes.IN 1973, the Chilean military, with the encouragement of US President Richard Nixon and Secretary of State Henry Kissinger and the collusion of the CIA, overthrew the democratically elected socialist government of Salvador Allende.In the years that followed, tens of thousands of people were murdered, detained and tortured by the regime, which became increasingly brutal in its repression of opposition. Hundreds of Chileans fled broad, aided and abetted by foreign governments, trades union and church organisations.

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Gordillo, Bernard. "Musical Cosmopolitanism in Central America: in search of an Obituary of Alejandro Cousin (ca. 1835 - 1910)." Ensayos: Historia y Teoría del Arte 24, no. 38 (September 21, 2021): 61–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.15446/ensayos.v24n38.98373.

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During the latter half of the nineteenth century, the countries of Central America incorporated European musicians into their state-generated projects. Administrations from Guatemala to Costa Rica appointed composers from Italy, Germany, Belgium, and Spain to help stimulate national musical culture and education, giving them leadership roles in state institutions. Belgian composer and conductor Alejandro Cousin arrived in the late 1850s and spent the rest of his life in El Salvador and Nicaragua where he established the national military band. This article, in the form of an obituary, sheds light on his noteworthy artistic legacy in Central America.

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Webber, Bryant J., John W. Kieffer, Brian K. White, Anthony W. Hawksworth, Paul C. F. Graf, and Heather C. Yun. "Chemoprophylaxis against group A streptococcus during military training." Preventive Medicine 118 (January 2019): 142–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ypmed.2018.10.023.

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Waldron, Jane A., Ronaele Whittington, and Steve Jensen. "Group Work with Military Families Experiencing Parents' Deployment." Social Work with Groups 8, no. 2 (June 28, 1985): 101–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j009v08n02_09.

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Vogel, Ronald J., and Jon B. Christianson. "The Evaluation of Economic Development Projects Where Military Conflict Is Present: Investing in Health Care in El Salvador." Journal of Policy Analysis and Management 5, no. 2 (1986): 292. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3323546.

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Stokes, Doug. "Countering the Soviet Threat? An Analysis of the Justifications for US Military Assistance to El Salvador, 1979–92." Cold War History 3, no. 3 (April 2003): 79–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14682740312331391628.

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Vogel, Ronald J., and Jon B. Christianson. "The evaluation of economic development conflict is present: Projects where military investing in health care in el salvador." Journal of Policy Analysis and Management 5, no. 2 (February 1, 2007): 292–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/pam.4050050207.

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Ita, Yolocamba. "The Rebellion and the Song." Index on Censorship 14, no. 2 (April 1985): 46–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064228508533874.

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An interview with a musical group from the other El Salvador — the people in armed revolt Yolocamba I'ta are a group of young musicians from the other El Salvador: that part of the people in armed revolt against the government of President José Napoleon Duarte, just as they have been against his predecessors. The forces of these FDR-FMLN guerrillas claim to have established control over one-third of El Salvadorean territory, where they have established ‘Guazapa’, ‘liberated zones’ in which they attempt to put into practice their ideas for a new society. Yolocamba's music, as they explain in this interview, carried out in December 1984, is dedicated to bringing the message of this struggle to audiences throughout the world.

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Leiva Quijada, Gonzalo. "Cultura visual en Chile: violencia simbólica y desplazamientos culturales desde la editorial Quimantú y su colección “Nosotros los Chilenos”. 1970-1976." Revista Grafía- Cuaderno de trabajo de los profesores de la Facultad de Ciencias Humanas. Universidad Autónoma de Colombia 10, no. 2 (July 14, 2013): 68. http://dx.doi.org/10.26564/16926250.494.

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Resumen:La investigación centra su objetivo en las formulaciones culturales y estéticas realizadas por el proyecto editorial del Gobierno de Salvador Allende a partir de su empresa editorial Quimantú. El análisis se centra en las aportaciones a la cultura visual realizadas por la colección más destacada “Nosotros los chilenos” y como este avanza tras el Golpe de Estado hasta el cierre definitivo de la empresa en 1976.Palabras clave: Dictadura militar, proyecto editorial, cultura visual. ********************************************************************Visual culture in Chile: symbolic violence and cultural displacement from the publishing house Quimantú and its collection “We, the Chileans”. 1970-1976Abstract:This research center its objective on the cultural and esthetic formulations made by the publishing project of Salvador Allende’s government from his publishing enterprise Quimantú. This analyses is centered on the contributions to the visual culture produced by the most remarkable collection “We, the Chileans” and how this one goes ahead after the Coup d’état until the enterprise closure in 1976.Keyword: Military dictatorship, Publishing house projet, Visual culture. ************************************************************** Cultura visual no Chile: violência simbólica e deslocamentos culturais desde a editorial Quimantú e sua coleção “Nosotros los Chilenos”. 1970-1976Resumo:A investigação centra seu objetivo nas formulações culturais e estéticas realizadas pelo projeto editorial do governo de Salvador Allende a partir de sua empresa editorial Quimantú. A análise se centra nas contribuições à cultura visual, realizadas pela coleção mais destacada “Nosotros los chilenos”, e como este avança depois do Golpe de Estado até o fechamento definitivo da empresa em 1976.Palavras chave: Ditadura militar, projeto editorial, cultura visual.

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McCrone, Walter C. "What's in Vial No. 3?" Microscopy Today 3, no. 5 (June 1995): 20–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1551929500066153.

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Last weekend I taught a special two-day course on the identification of explosives to a young lady from San Salvador. She is a forensic mrcroscopist newly assigned to the "Bomb Squad". Her problem was to determine what explosives were used after terrorist bombings. Fortunately, some small particles of the explosive substance usually remain after a detonating. Careful examination of a bomb crater or of bomb fragments usually uncovers these tiny residues.My problem was to teach her the microscopical characteristics of the most likely explosives she might encounter. These include common inorganic nitrates, chlorates and percholorates and less common organic (military) explosives such as TNT, RDX, HMX, PETN and tetryl.

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Díaz-Monsalve, Sonia Janeth. "The impact of health-management training programs in Latin America on job performance." Cadernos de Saúde Pública 20, no. 4 (August 2004): 1110–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0102-311x2004000400027.

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A study was undertaken in Mexico, Colombia, and El Salvador to determine the impact of a management training program on health managers' job performance. A quasi-experimental design was used where in the baseline study an intervention group of 85 district health managers in the three countries was compared with a control group of 71 managers who did not receive the training program. After the implementation of an 18-month training program (which included 5-day training workshops and a series of tasks to be carried out between the workshops), the outcome in terms of improved job performance (i.e. use of predefined management techniques) was measured through twelve management performance indicators. The data collection tools were two questionnaires, participant observation in managers' workplaces, focus group discussions, staff interviews, and document analysis. In Mexico, the control group showed 8.3 times weaker management performance compared to the intervention group; in Colombia the value was 3.6 and in El Salvador 2.4. Factors associated with a successful training outcome were: (a) training techniques, (b) strengthening of enabling factors, and (c) reinforcement mechanisms.

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