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1
Liong, Katherine Amie. "Cicero de re militari : a civilian perspective on military matters in the late Republic." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/5616.
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Cicero‘s value as a military commentator has traditionally been obscured by his reputation as an unmilitary figure. This focus ignores the considerable quantity – and quality – of references to military matters in his writings, as well as the engagement demanded by his public profile as a senior senator and advocate during the war-torn final decades of the Republic. As a participant-witness writing as events unfolded, he provides unrivalled insight into developing contemporary issues from an equally unrivalled civilian/domestic perspective. Far from precluding meaningful discussion, this perspective draws attention to the wider consequences of the activities of the army, from their symbolic representation of Rome‘s might to their impact on domestic stability and role in imperial expansion. This thesis explores Cicero‘s contribution to the militarized culture of the late Republic, bringing together his military-themed comments in the first major study of its kind. Chapter 1 sets the scene with an examination of his military service, demonstrating that it met the standards of the day and identifying characteristics of his outlook that can be linked directly to his experience. Chapter 2 investigates his engagement with Rome‘s military heritage by way of his use of military exempla, specifically the priorities indicated by his choice and description of these figures. Chapter 3 presents a similar assessment of his relationships with contemporary military figures, noting the effect of their political influence on the interest he took in their military responsibilities. Chapters 4 and 5 assess his theory concerning military matters in the domestic and foreign spheres, respectively. Both highlight the focus on ethics which sets Cicero‘s theory apart from that of his contemporaries. Finally,chapter 6 addresses the tension between civic and military values in the previous chapters, contextualizing his pro-civic bias as a reaction to military despotism rather than anti-militarism for its own sake. The analysis of these themes confirms Cicero‘s awareness of military matters as well as his contemporary authority as a commentator. It moreover highlights the historical value of his remarks as the rhetorical product of a civilian context and an alternative discourse about the relationship between the army and the state. Although his views are broadly comparable to those of contemporary authors, his coverage of associated domestic concerns is not. The end result is an account of military matters which complements conventional military histories and manuals of military science, and deserves to be taken seriously as military commentary.
2
Bérubé, Damien. "The East India Company, British Fiscal-Militarism and Violence in India, 1765-1788." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/40965.
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The grant of the diwani to the East India Company in August 1765 represents a climacteric moment in British imperial histories. Vested by the Mughal Emperor Shah Allam II, this newfound right to collect revenue saddled the Company with the broader and formal economic, judicial and military responsibilities of a territorial empire. Wherefore, in the era of post-Mughal political splintering, the EIC, as an emerging subcontinental state had to contend with internal revolts abetted by ethno-religious and socio-economic crises, but also because of threats posed by the Kingdom of Mysore and the Maratha Confederacy. Nevertheless, in the midst of the American Revolution, the EIC’s contentious and contested conduct of imperial governance in India became an ideological, philosophical and pragmatic point of domestic and imperial contention. Thus, confronted with the simultaneous internal and external implications of the crises of Empire between 1765 and 1788, the role of the Company’s fiscal-military administration and exercise of violence within the spheres British imperial governance was reconceptualised and in doing so contemporaries underwrote the emergence of what historians have subsequently called the ‘Second British Empire’ in India. Alternatively, the reconceptualisation of the EIC’s fiscal-military administration served to ensure the continuity and preservation of the British imperial nexus as it was imposed upon Bengal. This work, therefore, traces the Company’s fiscal-military administration and dispensation of violence during the ‘crises of empire’ as a point of genesis in the development and reformation of British imperial governance. Moreover, it will show that the interdependent nature of the Company’s ‘fiscal-military hybridity’ ultimately came to underwrite further the ideological, philosophical and pragmatic consolidation of imperial governance in ‘British India’. Accordingly, this dissertation examines the interdependent role between Parliament’s reconceptualisation of the East India Company’s fiscal-military administration of violence and the changing nature of British imperial governance in ‘British India’.
3
Morris, Ellen Fowles. "The architecture of imperialism : military bases and the evolution of foreign policy in Egypt's New Kingdom /." Leiden ; Boston : Brill, 2005. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb39930624f.
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Pennacchi, Andrea Marcia de Toledo [UNESP]. "As influências do realismo político e do complexo industrial-militar no expansionismo norte americano (1990-2004)." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/93449.
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pennacchi_amt_me_assis.pdf: 2409725 bytes, checksum: 627220c3f5a78e455f96e393f16a6e25 (MD5)No final do século 19, nos anos que se sucederam à Guerra Civil, os Estados Unidos se consolidaram como nação industrial e também vivenciaram, como a Europa e o Japão, os problemas causados pela super-produção e pela gradual escassez de recursos naturais. Em busca de uma solução para tais dificuldades e a despeito de seu discurso isolacionista e liberal, os Estados Unidos iniciaram um processo expansionista que gradualmente estendeu sua influência econômica, política e cultural por todos os continentes. Um novo tipo de domínio, esse expansionismo se consolidou como resultado de uma conjuntura histórica, ideológica, tecnológica e religiosa e caracterizou-se por não ter limites, nem fronteiras; por englobar a totalidade do espaço do mundo e por penetrar na vida das populações subjugadas, não apenas nas suas relações com a grande potência, mas também em seus corpos, mentes, ideários e religiosidade. No passado, nenhuma ordem política ocupou tantas dimensões ou exerceu tanto controle sobre o mundo. A velha sociedade disciplinar tradicional e seus valores políticos foram substituídos por uma nova sociedade de controle e a hegemonia norte-americana passou a ser consolidada por uma rede de bases militares espalhadas por todos os continentes e por meio de sofisticados sistemas de comunicação e informações, além de atividades de enquadramento com coerção militar. Este estudo pretende aprofundar o conhecimento sobre essa nova forma de expansão e domínio, concentrando-se na teoria política do realismo, no fortalecimento do militarismo nos Estados Unidos e nas relações existentes entre o governo e o grande conglomerado das industrias da defesa instalado no país.
In the end of the 19th century, after the Civil War and its consolidation as an industrial power, the United States also suffered the consequences caused by overproduction. Looking for a way out of it and in spite of its isolacionism and politicals critics on European imperialism, the United States ingeniously began its own imperial expansion, favored by military events which allowed them to incresase its economical, political and cultural influence all over the world. The expansion performed by the United States is a form of dominance that emerged in the last decades as result of political and military interests, added to all technological transformations that humanity has been through, being quite distict from the political power exercised over men in past eras: it has no limits or frontiers; it comprises all the world and involves the lives of entire populations, affecting their bodies, minds, ideals and religiosity. Never before a political order has taken such a dimension or has exercised such a control over the world. In this context, the old and traditional disciplinary society and its political conventions had to give way to a new society of control, ready to rule all over people through a net of defensive military basis set quietly and regularly over all continents, and through communications systems, high-tech information nets and deadly potent armaments. This work is, therefore, dedicated to collect data and explain the historical evolution of this expansion and is focused in the connection among the political theory of realism, the escalation of militarism in the United States and in the close relations that tie some sectors of the government to the economical conglomerate of defense industries.
5
Esser, Michael Thomas. "FIGHTING A "CRUEL AND SAVAGE FOE": COUNTERINSURGENCY AND HUMAN RIGHTS ABUSES FROM THE INDIAN WARS TO THE PHILIPPINE-AMERICAN WAR (1899-1902)." Master's thesis, Temple University Libraries, 2019. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/562935.
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HistoryM.A.
Many scholars have written about the counterinsurgency phase of the Philippine- American War (1899-1902). Military historians often downplayed the impact of human rights abuses, while emphasizing the success of the U.S. Army’s counterinsurgency instead. In contrast, social historians frequently focused on human rights abuses at the expense of understanding the U.S. Army’s counterinsurgency efforts. Unlike the majority of earlier works, this thesis unifies military, social, and legal history to primarily answer these questions: what significant factors led U.S. soldiers to commit human rights abuses during the war, and at what cost did the U.S. pacify the Filipino rebellion? The war was successfully waged at the tactical, operational, and strategic level, but wavered at the grand strategic level.1 This study argues that racism, ambiguous rules and regulations, and a breakdown of discipline contributed to U.S. soldiers committing human rights abuses against Filipinos during the counterinsurgency. Primary sources from the perspectives of American policy makers, military leaders, and common soldiers—in addition to documents on U.S. Army regulations and its past traditions—reveal a comprehensive story of what happened during this conflict. The U.S. Army’s abuse were not a historical anomaly, but a growing trend extending from nineteenth century conflicts against other races. The counterinsurgency revealed that beneath the stated principles of 1 For the purposes of this thesis, grand strategy is “the direction and use made of any and all of the assets of a security community, including its military instruments, for the purposes of policy as decided by politics.” This differs from the strategic level of war, which is the direction and exclusive use of military forces for the purposes of policy as decided by politics. Finally, the operational level is the level of war where the tasks, decided by strategy, are coordinated and individual units are commanded. These units, in turn, engaging in tactics to achieve operational objectives. Colin S. Gray, The Future of Strategy (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2015), 29, 47. iii America’s benevolent mission, violent racial underpinnings existed in U.S. desires for global and domestic hegemony. The U.S. Army’s counterinsurgency resulted in a flawed victory, won at the cost of combatants, innocent civilians, and American idealism.
Temple University--Theses
6
Nesselhuf, F. Jon. "General Paul Von Lettow-vorbeck’s East Africa Campaign: Maneuver Warfare on the Serengeti." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2012. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc115128/.
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General Paul von Lettow-Vorbeck’s East African Campaign was a conventional war of movement. Lettow based his operations on the military principles deduced from his thorough German military education and oversea deployments to China and German South West Africa. Upon assignment to German East Africa, he sought to convert the colony’s protectorate force from a counterinsurgency force to a conventional military force. His conventional strategy succeeded early in the war, especially at the Battle of Tanga in October 1914. However, his strategy failed as the war in East Africa intensified. He suffered a calamitous defeat at the Battle of Mahiwa in November 1917, and the heavy losses forced Lettow to adopt the counterinsurgency tactics of the colonial protectorate force.
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Pennacchi, Andrea Marcia de Toledo. "As influências do realismo político e do complexo industrial-militar no expansionismo norte americano (1990-2004) /." Assis : [s.n.], 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/93449.
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Orientador: Clodoaldo BuenoBanca: Janina Onuki
Banca: Milton Carlos Costa
Resumo: No final do século 19, nos anos que se sucederam à Guerra Civil, os Estados Unidos se consolidaram como nação industrial e também vivenciaram, como a Europa e o Japão, os problemas causados pela super-produção e pela gradual escassez de recursos naturais. Em busca de uma solução para tais dificuldades e a despeito de seu discurso isolacionista e liberal, os Estados Unidos iniciaram um processo expansionista que gradualmente estendeu sua influência econômica, política e cultural por todos os continentes. Um novo tipo de domínio, esse expansionismo se consolidou como resultado de uma conjuntura histórica, ideológica, tecnológica e religiosa e caracterizou-se por não ter limites, nem fronteiras; por englobar a totalidade do espaço do mundo e por penetrar na vida das populações subjugadas, não apenas nas suas relações com a grande potência, mas também em seus corpos, mentes, ideários e religiosidade. No passado, nenhuma ordem política ocupou tantas dimensões ou exerceu tanto controle sobre o mundo. A velha sociedade disciplinar tradicional e seus valores políticos foram substituídos por uma nova sociedade de controle e a hegemonia norte-americana passou a ser consolidada por uma rede de bases militares espalhadas por todos os continentes e por meio de sofisticados sistemas de comunicação e informações, além de atividades de enquadramento com coerção militar. Este estudo pretende aprofundar o conhecimento sobre essa nova forma de expansão e domínio, concentrando-se na teoria política do realismo, no fortalecimento do militarismo nos Estados Unidos e nas relações existentes entre o governo e o grande conglomerado das industrias da defesa instalado no país.
Abstract: In the end of the 19th century, after the Civil War and its consolidation as an industrial power, the United States also suffered the consequences caused by overproduction. Looking for a way out of it and in spite of its isolacionism and politicals critics on European imperialism, the United States ingeniously began its own imperial expansion, favored by military events which allowed them to incresase its economical, political and cultural influence all over the world. The expansion performed by the United States is a form of dominance that emerged in the last decades as result of political and military interests, added to all technological transformations that humanity has been through, being quite distict from the political power exercised over men in past eras: it has no limits or frontiers; it comprises all the world and involves the lives of entire populations, affecting their bodies, minds, ideals and religiosity. Never before a political order has taken such a dimension or has exercised such a control over the world. In this context, the old and traditional disciplinary society and its political conventions had to give way to a new society of control, ready to rule all over people through a net of defensive military basis set quietly and regularly over all continents, and through communications systems, high-tech information nets and deadly potent armaments. This work is, therefore, dedicated to collect data and explain the historical evolution of this expansion and is focused in the connection among the political theory of realism, the escalation of militarism in the United States and in the close relations that tie some sectors of the government to the economical conglomerate of defense industries.
Mestre
8
Pietsch, Samuel, and sam pietsch@gmail com. "Australia's military intervention in East Timor, 1999." The Australian National University. School of Social Sciences, 2009. http://thesis.anu.edu.au./public/adt-ANU20091214.122004.
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This thesis argues that the Australian military intervention in East Timor in 1999 was motivated primarily by the need to defend Australias own strategic interests. It was an act of Australian imperialism understood from a Marxist perspective, and was consistent with longstanding strategic policy in the region.¶
Australian policy makers have long been concerned about the security threat posed by a small and weak neighbouring state in the territory of East Timor. This led to the deployment of Australian troops to the territory in World War Two. In 1974 Australia supported Indonesias invasion of the territory in order to prevent it from becoming a strategic liability in the context of Cold War geopolitics. But, as an indirect result of the Asian financial crisis, by September 1999 the Indonesian governments control over the territory had become untenable. Indonesias political upheaval also raised the spectre of the Balkanisation of the Indonesian archipelago, and East Timor thus became the focal point for Australian fears about an arc of instability that arose in this period.¶
Australias insertion of military forces into East Timor in 1999 served its own strategic priorities by ensuring an orderly transfer of sovereignty took place, avoiding a destabilising power vacuum as the country transitioned to independence. It also guaranteed that Australias economic and strategic interests in the new nation could not be ignored by the United Nations or the East Timorese themselves. There are therefore underlying consistencies in Australias policy on East Timor stretching back several decades. Despite changing contexts, and hence radically different policy responses, Australia acted throughout this time to prevent political and strategic instability in East Timor.¶
In addition, the intervention reinforced Australias standing as a major power in Southeast Asia and the Southwest Pacific. The 1999 deployment therefore helped facilitate a string of subsequent Australian interventions in Pacific island nations, both by providing a model for action and by building a public consensus in favour of the use of military intervention as a policy tool.¶
This interpretation of events challenges the consensus among existing academic accounts. Australias support of Indonesias invasion and occupation of East Timor from 1974 was frequently criticised as favouring realpolitik over ethical considerations. But the 1999 intervention, which ostensibly ended severe violence and secured national independence for the territory, drew widespread support, both from the public and academic commentators. It has generally been seen as a break with previous Australian policy, and as driven by political forces outside the normal foreign policy process. Moreover, it has been almost universally regarded as a triumph for moral conduct in international affairs, and even as a redemptive moment for the Australian national conscience. Viewing the intervention as part of the longstanding strategy of Australian imperialism casts doubt on such positive evaluations.
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Fitch-McCullough, Robin James. "Imperial Influence On The Postcolonial Indian Army, 1945-1973." ScholarWorks @ UVM, 2017. https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/graddis/763.
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The British Indian Army, formed from the old presidency armies of the East India Company in 1895, was one of the pillars upon which Britain’s world empire rested. While much has been written on the colonial and global campaigns fought by the Indian Army as a tool of imperial power, comparatively little has been written about the transition of the army from British to Indian control after the end of the Second World War. While independence meant the transition of the force from imperial rule to that of civilian oversight by India’s new national leadership, the Dominion of India inherited thousands of former colonial soldiers, including two generations of British and Indian officers indoctrinated in military and cultural practices developed in the United Kingdom, in colonial India and across the British Empire.
The goal of this paper is to examine the legacy of the British Empire on the narrative, ethos, culture, tactics and strategies employed by the Indian Army after 1945, when the army began to transition from British to Indian rule, up to 1973 when the government of India reinstituted the imperial rank of Field Marshal. While other former imperial officers would continue to serve in the army up to the end of the 20th century, the first thirty years after independence were a formative period in the history of the Indian Army, that saw it fight four major wars and see the final departure of white British officers from its ranks. While it became during this time a truly national army, the years after independence were one in which its legacy as an arm of imperial power was debated, and eventually transformed into a key component of military identity in the post-colonial era.
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Barnewolt, Claire M. ""Let the Castillo be his Monument!": Imperialism, Nationalism, and Indian Commemoration at the Castillo de San Marcos National Monument in St. Augustine, Florida." VCU Scholars Compass, 2018. https://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/5418.
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The Castillo de San Marcos is the oldest stone fortification on the North American mainland, a unique site that integrates Florida’s Spanish colonial past with American Indian narratives. A complete history of this fortification from its origins to its management under the National Park Service has not yet been written. During the Spanish colonial era, the Indian mission system complemented the defensive work of the fort until imperial skirmishes led to the demise of the Florida Indian. During the nineteenth century, Indian prisoners put a new American Empire on display while the fort transformed into a tourist destination. The Castillo became an American site, and eventually a National Monument, where visitors lionized Spanish explorers and often overlooked other players in fort history. This thesis looks at the threads of Spanish and Indian history at the fort and how they have or have not been interpreted into the twenty-first century.
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Itagyba, Renata Fortes. "O Brasil ditatorial nas páginas New York Times (1964-1985)." Universidade de São Paulo, 2013. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/27/27152/tde-28022014-155341/.
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A dissertação faz o levantamento e a análise das referências jornalísticas de destaque sobre o Brasil nas primeiras páginas do New York Times, NYT, entre 31 de março de 1964 e 12 de dezembro de 1985, com ênfase nos temas de cultura e política. As matérias de capa do NYT evidenciam o movimento pendular, de aproximações e distanciamentos, entre o Brasil e os Estados Unidos durante os 21 anos de vigência da ditadura militar brasileiraThe dissertation is an analysis of journalistic references about Brazil published on the front pages of the New York Times, NYT, between March 31, 1964 and December 12, 1985, with emphasis on issues of culture and politics. The publications of NYT brought evidences of the complex movement in the relationship between Brazil and the United States during the 21 years of the Brazilian military dictatorship
12
Miller, Perry Dal-nim. "The Military Camptown in Retrospect: Multiracial Korean American Subject Formation Along the Black-White Binary." Bowling Green, Ohio : Bowling Green State University, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=bgsu1187385251.
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Volger, Gernot. "Imperialismus, Militarismus, Weltvorherrschaft : zur Außen- und Militärpolitik der Vereinigten Staaten." Universität Potsdam, 2004. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/texte_eingeschraenkt_welttrends/2010/4639/.
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Rezensierte Literatur
Michael Mann, Die ohnmächtige Supermacht – Warum die USA die Welt nicht regieren können, Campus Verlag, Frankfurt am Main, New York 2003, 357 Seiten, ISBN 3-593-37313-0
Joseph S. Nye Jr., Das Paradox der amerikanischen Macht – Warum die einzige
Supermacht der Welt Verbündete braucht, Europäische Verlagsanstalt, Hamburg
2003, 292 Seiten, ISBN 3-434-50552-0
Chalmer Johnson, Der Selbstmord der amerikanischen Demokratie, Karl Blessing
Verlag, München 2003, 478 Seiten, ISBN 3-89667-226-6
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Rossiter, Ash. "Britain and the development of professional security forces in the Gulf Arab States, 1921-71 : local forces and informal empire." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/15039.
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Imperial powers have employed a range of strategies to establish and then maintain control over foreign territories and communities. As deploying military forces from the home country is often costly – not to mention logistically stretching when long distances are involved – many imperial powers have used indigenous forces to extend control or protect influence in overseas territories. This study charts the extent to which Britain employed this method in its informal empire among the small states of Eastern Arabia: Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, the seven Trucial States (modern day UAE), and Oman before 1971. Resolved in the defence of its imperial lines of communication to India and the protection of mercantile shipping, Britain first organised and enforced a set of maritime truces with the local Arab coastal shaikhs of Eastern Arabia in order to maintain peace on the sea. Throughout the first part of the nineteenth century, the primary concern in the Gulf for the British, operating through the Government of India, was therefore the cessation of piracy and maritime warfare. Later, British interests were expanded to suppressing the activities of slave traders and arms traffickers. At the end of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth century, Britain also sought to exclude foreign powers from gaining a foothold in the area. It was during this time that the British government assumed full responsibility for the external relations of these shaikhdoms and that Britain conferred the status of ‘protected state’ upon them. Up to this point, when Britain needed to protect these interests or use force to compel local rulers to comply with its wishes, naval power usually sufficed. By the midpoint of the twentieth century, Britain’s interests in the area had swelled and migrated inland – first because of the establishment of air stations servicing the imperial route to India, then as a result of oil exploration and production. At the same time, growing international opposition to colonialism and a steady reduction in Britain’s ability to project military power overseas made it more and more difficult for Britain to discharge it security duties in the Gulf. So how did Britain bridge this gap? Studies of British security policy towards the Gulf have focused almost exclusively on Britain’s formal military architecture. Using India Office records and British Government archival documents, this study provides a reinterpretation of the means by which Britain sought to maintain order, protect its interests in the region and discharge its defence obligations. The records, it will be shown, point to a broad British policy before 1971 of enhancing the coercive instruments available to the local rulers. Rather than having to revert to using its own military forces, Britain wanted the Gulf rulers to acquire a monopoly over the use of force within their territories and to be in a stronger position to defend their own domains against cross-border raiders and covetous neighbours. This policy was not always successful; Britain was progressively drawn into the internal security affairs of a number of ITS protégés, especially after the Second World War. The security forces that emerged – armed police forces, gendarmeries and militaries – varied considerably, as did Britain’s involvement in their establishment and running. Nevertheless, taken as whole, a trend emerges between 1921 and 1971 of Britain pushing the Gulf states to take over more and more of the security burden. Indeed, at a time when its traditional sources of global power were fading, indigenous security forces were an important tool in Britain’s pursuit of its interests before its military withdrawal from the Gulf in December 1971. This aspect of Britain’s approach to security in the Gulf has largely been overlooked.
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Buzetto, Marcelo. ""Guerra de todo o povo": a influência das lutas políticas e sociais na nova doutrina de defesa nacional venezuelana." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2011. http://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/2247.
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The focus of this research is the strategic importance of national defense in the development of so-called "Bolivarian Revolution", a process underway in Venezuela. We intend to use as a reference several theoretical works that are in the field of Marxism, and authors who, while not having total affinity with this current of contemporary thought, made a significant contribution to the study of Art of War and the Theory of Strategy. The key to our work will be an evaluation of the Bolivarian New Military Doctrine and its relation to the strategy known as "War of All the People" (WAP). We also seek to check what are the contradictions and innovations brought about by the process of political, economical and social transformation in Venezuela for the study of national defense in an anti-imperialist perspective
O foco desta pesquisa é a importância estratégica da defesa nacional no desenvolvimento da chamada Revolução Bolivariana, processo em curso na Venezuela. Pretendemos utilizar como referência teórica diversas obras que se encontram no campo do marxismo, além de autores que, mesmo não tendo total afinidade com esta corrente do pensamento contemporâneo, deram uma contribuição significativa para o estudo da Arte da Guerra e da Teoria da Estratégia. O principal em nosso trabalho será uma avaliação da Nova Doutrina Militar Bolivariana e sua relação com a estratégia conhecida como Guerra de Todo o Povo (GTP). Também procuramos verificar quais são as contradições e as inovações trazidas pelo processo de transformação política, econômica e social na Venezuela para o estudo da defesa nacional numa perspectiva antiimperialista
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Shade, Taylor J. "La evolucion del neoliberalismo en Chile hasta 2015." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1461071310.
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Almeida, Fernando Chaves. "Poder americano e estados nacionais: uma abordagem a partir das esferas econômica e militar." Universidade Federal de Uberlândia, 2006. https://repositorio.ufu.br/handle/123456789/13478.
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The main objectives of this dissertation are: in first place, to rescue the historical perspective of the term Imperialism, as argued for its classic authors, inquiring if the quarrels of a century behind, and its categories, possess some validity in the capitalism that we live deeply in the present time; in according to place, to argue the meaning and the validity of concepts as strategy and hegemony, mainly working in such a way how much economic the military sphere, and its inter-relations. This for, after that, showing to the paper of the economic policy of U.S.A. in the global scene (Inter-relations with State-National) and the emanation of its power; e finally, to inquire if is necessary to exist an eventual confrontation between the spheres economic and geopolitical-military, or if the military power is only the pack of the persecution of the imperial project of U.S.A., that in its essence is basically economic. The used methodology was based on bibliographical research. The conclusions point with respect to the fact of that the Imperialism of modernity would be involved by a militarism that would be pack of the dynamics of the system, whose center shelters a species of being able coercitive established in the economic mediation of the market, and that the more next the system if points out of an imperial configuration, more close to the collapse it will be, therefore he would destroy the proper dynamics that it gives sustentation: the competition between national state-economies.Os principais objetivos desta dissertação são: em primeiro lugar, resgatar a perspectiva histórica do termo Imperialismo, como discutido por seus autores clássicos, indagando se as discussões de um século atrás, e suas categorias, possuem alguma validade no capitalismo que vivenciamos na atualidade; em segundo lugar, discutir o significado e a validade de conceitos como estratégia e hegemonia, principalmente focando tanto a esfera militar quanto econômica, e suas inter-relações. Isso para, em seguida, mostrar o papel da política econômica dos EUA no cenário global (inter-relações com os Estados-Nacionais) e a emanação de seu poder; e por último, indagar se é necessário existir um eventual confronto entre as esferas geopolítico-militar e econômica, ou se o poder militar é somente o invólucro da perseguição do projeto imperial dos EUA, que na sua essência é fundamentalmente econômico. A metodologia utilizada foi baseada em pesquisa bibliográfica. As conclusões apontam para o fato de que o Imperialismo da modernidade seria travestido por um militarismo que seria invólucro da dinâmica do sistema, cujo âmago abriga uma espécie de poder coercitivo baseado na mediação econômica do mercado, e que quanto mais próximo o sistema se situa de uma configuração imperial, mais perto do colapso ele estará, pois destruiria a própria dinâmica que a ele dá sustentação: a competição entre estados-economias nacionais.
Mestre em Economia
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Olsen, Florian B. "Those About to Die Salute You: Sacrifice, the War in Iraq, and the Crisis of the American Imperial Society." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/19808.
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This dissertation produces the first attempt to bring the work of sociologist Pierre Bourdieu and the political theory literature on citizenship into dialogue with the scholarship on American empire in the field of International Relations (IR). It explores how the United States’ quest for global pre-eminence, mirrored by the war in Iraq, reveals and exacerbates the social wounds at the seams of American society. To do this, it introduces three new concepts to the field of International Relations. It builds on historian Christophe Charle’s sociological framework of “imperial society” and “national habitus” (2001, 2004 and 2005) and introduces an original concept, the field of citizenship, to examine social conflict over the distribution of military sacrifice amongst citizens in the United States. Finally, it explores these tensions by looking at multiple documentary sources, including over 200 newspaper articles, 60 testimonies about the war from soldiers and their relatives, congressional documents, and military manpower policies.
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Tierney, John. ""Plunged Back with Redoubled Force": An Analysis of Selected Fiction, Non-Fiction, and Poetry of the Korean War." University of Akron / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=akron1396829149.
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Cadusale, M. Carmella. "Allegiance and Identity: Race and Ethnicity in the Era of the Philippine-American War, 1898-1914." Youngstown State University / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ysu1472243324.
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Carvalho, Débora Cristina de. "O estado beligerante : um estudo da formação do conceito na obra de Fred J. Cook e de Herbert Marcuse /." Araraquara : [s.n.], 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/106260.
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Orientador: Milton LahuertaBanca: Vera Alves Cepeda
Banca: Robespierre de Oliveira
Banca: Luiz Antonio Calmon Nabuco Latória
Banca: Luis Fernando Ayerbe
Resumo: Este trabalho pretende investigar a formação do conceito de Warfare State, traduzido para o português como Estado Militarista (no livro de F.J.Cook) e como "Estado beligerante" (no livro A ideologia da sociedade industrial. O homem unidimensional de Herbert Marcuse.) A pesquisa tenta mostrar como Cook formulou originalmente tal conceito e como ele foi configurado em sua obra, a fim de mostrar, em seguida, como H Marcuse se apropriou dele em sua obra para conceber uma das dimensões da sociedade unidimensional. Após a análise comparativa das duas obras e do confronto entre elas, que as esclarece mutuamente, a pesquisa tentará ainda mostrar tanto como deve ser entendido o conceito de sociedade unidimensional quanto à atualidade do conceito de Estado Beligerante.
Abstract: This research studies the nature and the history of the concept The Warfare State in the book The Warfare State, writing by Fred J.Cook in 1962 and in the book of Herbert Marcuse One dimensional-man, writing in 1964.
Doutor
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Ashfaq, Muhammad. "The crime of aggression : a critical historical inquiry of the just war tradition." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/13671.
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Why has international society been unable to develop political and judicial collective-security arrangements to limit external aggression? The thesis argues that efforts to limit aggression in moral and legal theory have created an unjust order in which great powers have used these theoretical traditions to reinforce their power in the global order. The thesis argues that is not a new development but can be found in one of the oldest traditions of moral reflection on war, the just war tradition. To substantiate this point, the thesis critically surveys the philosophers of the ancient Greek, Roman, Medieval Christian Renaissance, and early modern theorists of just war and demonstrates that their just war ideas contain assumptions about exclusion, identity and power reflecting their cultural superiority which underlie the practices and theories of the leading states and justifications of their aggressive wars. The thesis connects these moral reflections to the emergence of modern international law and the European pluralist international society of states based on mutual respect for sovereignty and the norm of non-intervention, highlighting how justifications of its colonial aggression against non-Europeans established an unjust solidarist order against them which persists in the post-Cold War era. To conclude it presents suggestions for improvement in the current pluralist international arrangements to address the issue of aggression.
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Carvalho, Débora Cristina de [UNESP]. "O estado beligerante: um estudo da formação do conceito na obra de Fred J. Cook e de Herbert Marcuse." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/106260.
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Este trabalho pretende investigar a formação do conceito de Warfare State, traduzido para o português como Estado Militarista (no livro de F.J.Cook) e como “Estado beligerante” (no livro A ideologia da sociedade industrial. O homem unidimensional de Herbert Marcuse.) A pesquisa tenta mostrar como Cook formulou originalmente tal conceito e como ele foi configurado em sua obra, a fim de mostrar, em seguida, como H Marcuse se apropriou dele em sua obra para conceber uma das dimensões da sociedade unidimensional. Após a análise comparativa das duas obras e do confronto entre elas, que as esclarece mutuamente, a pesquisa tentará ainda mostrar tanto como deve ser entendido o conceito de sociedade unidimensional quanto à atualidade do conceito de Estado Beligerante.
This research studies the nature and the history of the concept The Warfare State in the book The Warfare State, writing by Fred J.Cook in 1962 and in the book of Herbert Marcuse One dimensional-man, writing in 1964.
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Cunha, Paulo Ribeiro Rodrigues da. "A utopia tenentista na construção do pensamento marxista de Nelson Werneck Sodre." [s.n.], 2001. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/280296.
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Orientador: Elide Rugai BastosTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: A presente pesquisa, objetiva apreender a construção do pensamento político de Nelson Werneck Sodré de 1930 à 1950, período em que se estabelece a transição de uma trajetória tenentista ao marxismo, como também se configura a fundamentação de suas teses principais. A centralidade deste desenvolvimento temático, passa por dois eixos nodais, apreendidos na perspectiva de suas duas vocações. A primeira, encontra Sodré como intelectual e nesse caso, o entendemos como um historiador da corrente historicista. A segunda vocação, refere-se a sua condição de militar que chegou a patente de General de Brigada e como aspecto correlato, de origem pequeno burguesa. Ambas as vocações tem desenvolvimentos paralelos e são confluentes pela mediação da política. Nesse sentido, procuramos desenvolver sua trajetória política e vocacional, a partir da contribuição de intelectuais como Michael Lowy, Luckács, e, verificar como se estabelece sua rotação ao pensamento revolucionário. A análise também procura demonstrar alguns pressupostos diferenciados do que comumente foi apreendido em relação à sua obra. Nesse caso, entendemos que teses como: História Nova, o Exército Democrático, a Burguesia Nacional, o Feudalismo, o Imperialismo foram originalmente gestadas em uma concepção tenentista com referenciais analíticos dissociados do pensamento originário da III Internacional ou mesmo da Declaração de Março de 1958. Na verdade, essa fase tenentista em transição ao marxismo, está relacionada à influência de intelectuais relacionados ao pensamento da II Internacional entre outras influências, algumas até conservadoras, mas que pavimenta sua rotação ao marxismo e possibilita uma nova substância teórica em suas análises futuras, incorporando pioneiramente nesta reflexão, autores como Lukács e Mariategui. Vale ressaltar nesta rotação, a militância no PCB que, correlacionada à estas influências, norteiam sua concepção de política no que denominamos Moralidade do Compromisso. É por esta razão, que discordamos do autor, pois, entendemos não ser esta uma fase de alienação ou negação, como admite e que, a política seja um componente ausente em suas reflexões. Por fim, a pesquisa procura estabelecer a singularidade de uma leitura de Brasil, norteada por um pensamento nacionalista à esquerda que, em Sodré, adquire estatuto teórico próprio, gestados neste período, mas também na práxis, face a sua vocação militar - e que, na década de 50, veio a ser conhecida como Revolução Brasileira
Abstract: This work is directed to a deeper understanding of the construction of Nelson Werneck Sodré's political ideologies, during the period of 1930 to 1950, when his transition from 'tenentismo' (lieutenantship)to marxism, and the foundations ofhis principal theses were being set. The pillar of this thematic development is supported by two nodal axis, aprehended from his two vocational perspectives: thefirst the intellectual Sodré, and then, we accept him as a historian in the stream of history. The second vocation, is inherent to his condition of being an Army officer that reached the rank of Brigadier General and this from a petit bourgeois origin. Both vocations have parallel developments and are confluent due to the polítical intercession. In this angle, we tried to develop his vocational and polítical trajectory starting with the contribuition from the intellectuals Michel Lowy, Lukács, and checking how his rotation within the revolutionary process is established. This analisis also aims to present some conjectures that are distinct from those commonly aprehended in his work. In this case, we understand that theses like: História Nova (New History), O Exército Democrático (The Democratic Army), A Burguesia Nacional (The National Middle-Class), O Feudalismo (The Feudalism), O Imperialismo (The Imperialism), were originally sprung from tenentista conception, and with analysis references apart from the III International original ideas, or even from the Declaração de Março de 1958 (The Declarationof March, 1958).This transition phase to marxism is related to the influence of intellectuals connected to the II International ideas and even other conservative ones;they paved his way to marxism and allowed a new theoretical context for his analysis; and, it pioneers the inclusion of authors like Lukács and Mariategui. It is worth mentioning his militancy in the PCB (Brazilian Communist Party) in this sequence.That, along with those influences, headed his political conception in what we name Moralidade do Compromisso (The Morality of Agreement).This is the reason why we disagree with the author, because we understand that this is not one phase of negation or alienation as stated, and that politics is not present in his future reflections. And finally, we try to stablish the originality of a reading of Brazil, headed by a left nationalist idea that, in Sodré, brewed and reached its own theoretical status, but did it also in the praxis (considering his military vocation)that in the 50s, carne to be known as the Revolução Brasileira (Brazilian Revolution)
Doutorado
Doutor em Sociologia
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Jorge, Bernardo Wahl Gonçalves de Araújo [UNESP]. "As forças de operações especiais dos Estados Unidos e a intervenção no Afeganistão: um novo modo de guerra americano?" Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/96024.
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jorge_bwga_me_mar.pdf: 806060 bytes, checksum: c3dbcac513f11151071767ea461e5ad7 (MD5)A reação inicial da administração de George W. Bush aos atentados de onze de setembro de 2001 foi atacar o governo Talebã no Afeganistão, visando a derrubar o regime do pregador religioso Omar do poder e a estabelecer bases que serviriam para a caçada à al- Qaeda, que tinha naquele país um santuário para planejar suas ações. A capital Cabul, assim como outras regiões no interior afegão, foram conquistadas rapidamente, isto teoricamente em função do plano militar estadunidense, baseado no emprego de Forças de Operações Especiais, poderio aéreo e na utilização de um parceiro local: a Aliança do Norte. O suposto sucesso dos Estados Unidos seria decorrente, conforme o discurso oficial norte-americano, da “transformação militar” que estava sendo promovida pelo secretário de Defesa Donald Rumsfeld. O chamado modelo afegão foi considerado um “novo” modo de guerra americano e, a partir de então, dentro do contexto de “guerra ao terror”, as Forças de Operações Especiais passaram a ocupar, como nunca antes na história dos EUA, um lugar por demais proeminente dentro da concepção estratégica de Washington. Todavia, passados cerca de sete anos dos movimentos iniciais de invasão, a situação afegã não é das melhores, o que leva ao questionamento da validade e aparente inovação daquelas ações militares americanas.
The initial reaction of the George W. Bush administration to the violent acts of september 11, 2001 was to attack the Taliban government in Afghanistan, aiming to bring down the Mullah Omar regime and to set up bases that would serve to the hunting of al- Qaida, organization which had that country as its sanctuary to plan its actions. The capital Cabul, as well as another regions in the countryside, were quickly conquered, theoretically because the american military plan, based on Special Operations Forces, air power and in the use of a local allie: the Northern Alliance. The supposed success of the United States would be the result, according to the official speech, of the “military transformation” that was being encouraged by the Defense secretary Donald Rumsfeld. The afghan model was considered a “new” american way of war and the Special Operations Forces, inside the context of “global war on terror”, went on to the center of the american strategic conception. However, after seven years of the invasion, the afghan situation is not good, so it is possible to question the validity and the apparent inovation of that american military actions.
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Jorge, Bernardo Wahl Gonçalves de Araújo. "As Forças de Operações Especiais dos Estados Unidos e a intervenção no Afeganistão: um novo modo de guerra americano?" São Paulo : [s.n.], 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/96024.
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Orientador: Reginaldo Mattar NasserBanca: Oliveiros S. Ferreira
Banca: Shiguenoli Miyamoto
O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas"
Resumo: A reação inicial da administração de George W. Bush aos atentados de onze de setembro de 2001 foi atacar o governo Talebã no Afeganistão, visando a derrubar o regime do pregador religioso Omar do poder e a estabelecer bases que serviriam para a caçada à al- Qaeda, que tinha naquele país um santuário para planejar suas ações. A capital Cabul, assim como outras regiões no interior afegão, foram conquistadas rapidamente, isto teoricamente em função do plano militar estadunidense, baseado no emprego de Forças de Operações Especiais, poderio aéreo e na utilização de um parceiro local: a Aliança do Norte. O suposto sucesso dos Estados Unidos seria decorrente, conforme o discurso oficial norte-americano, da "transformação militar" que estava sendo promovida pelo secretário de Defesa Donald Rumsfeld. O chamado modelo afegão foi considerado um "novo" modo de guerra americano e, a partir de então, dentro do contexto de "guerra ao terror", as Forças de Operações Especiais passaram a ocupar, como nunca antes na história dos EUA, um lugar por demais proeminente dentro da concepção estratégica de Washington. Todavia, passados cerca de sete anos dos movimentos iniciais de invasão, a situação afegã não é das melhores, o que leva ao questionamento da validade e aparente inovação daquelas ações militares americanas.
Abstract: The initial reaction of the George W. Bush administration to the violent acts of september 11, 2001 was to attack the Taliban government in Afghanistan, aiming to bring down the Mullah Omar regime and to set up bases that would serve to the hunting of al- Qaida, organization which had that country as its sanctuary to plan its actions. The capital Cabul, as well as another regions in the countryside, were quickly conquered, theoretically because the american military plan, based on Special Operations Forces, air power and in the use of a local allie: the Northern Alliance. The supposed success of the United States would be the result, according to the official speech, of the "military transformation" that was being encouraged by the Defense secretary Donald Rumsfeld. The afghan model was considered a "new" american way of war and the Special Operations Forces, inside the context of "global war on terror", went on to the center of the american strategic conception. However, after seven years of the invasion, the afghan situation is not good, so it is possible to question the validity and the apparent inovation of that american military actions.
Mestre
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Eaton, Clay. "Governing Shōnan: The Japanese Administration of Wartime Singapore." Thesis, 2018. https://doi.org/10.7916/D87387HW.
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The Japanese military administration of Southeast Asia during the Second World War was meant to rebuild the prewar colonial system in the region under strong, centralized control. Different Japanese administrators disagreed over tactics, but their shared goal was to transform the inhabitants of the region into productive members of a new imperial formation, the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere. Shōnan, the wartime name for Singapore, was meant to be the center of this Co-Prosperity Sphere in Southeast Asia. It was the strategic fulcrum of the region, one of its most important ports, and a center of culture and learning for the wartime Japanese. Home to thousands of Japanese administrators during the war and a linguistically, ethnically, and religiously diverse local population, Shōnan was a site of active debates over the future of the Sphere. Three assumptions undergirded these discussions: that of Japanese preeminence within the Sphere, the suitability of “rule by minzoku (race)” for Southeast Asians, and the importance of maintaining colonial social hierarchies even as Japanese administrators attempted to put the region on a total war footing. These goals were at odds with each other, and Japanese rule only upended social hierarchies and exacerbated racial tensions. The unintended legacy of the wartime empire lay, not only in the new opportunities that Japanese rule afforded to Southeast Asian revolutionaries, but in the end of the politics of accommodation with imperial power practiced by prewar Asian elites. The result of Japanese rule under the Co-Prosperity Sphere was the emergence of a new, confrontational form of politics that made it impossible to return to prewar colonial practice. Even in Singapore, the bastion of British power in Southeast Asia, Japanese rule undermined the Asian foundation that Western imperialism had been built on.
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"Car il y a beaucoup d’appelés, mais peu d’élus: Military Conscription in French Literary Representations of the Algerian War." Thesis, 2020. https://doi.org/10.7916/d8-kte1-c447.
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This dissertation offers readings of novels by Pierre Guyotat, Georges Perec, Patrick Modiano and other lesser-known French authors of the twentieth and twenty-first century, analyzing the representation of the “appelés d’Algérie,” the last citizens of France to be mobilized in a wartime draft. Dating back to the Third Republic, military service played a key role in turning both metropolitan and colonial populations into Frenchmen, though clearly not under the same conditions or in the same way. A historically informed account of military service’s role in citizenship formation can provide a useful analytic frame for clarifying literary engagements with contemporary French “identity-talk,” i.e. political and discursive deployments of identity and identity politics, as well as debates around laïcité, universalist assimilationism, and “communautarisme.”
In early literary responses to the Algerian War, the character of the conscript serves to criticize the rising tide of consumerism and Americanization in postwar France. In novels by Daniel Anselme and René-Nicolas Ehni, draftees participate in a homosocial republicanism in which “fraternité” trumps both atomized individualism and the normative heterosexual couple, a locus of consumption. In novels by Perec and Modiano, resistance to conscription enables a critique of universalist citizenship, as the figure of the insubordinate or ambivalent conscript provides an opportunity to reckon with Jewish identity and French anti-Semitism. My analysis addresses the unequal and uneven distribution of political rights based on “identity” factors as well as the asymmetrical deployment of the term “communautarisme.” Certain of Guyotat’s texts are perceived to respond politically and aesthetically to the Algerian War, even though they refuse the conventions of realism, verisimilitude, and even representation. Using Foucault to read Guyotat, my analysis of his work provides an opportunity to address twentieth-century French debates concerning engaged and autonomous art, as well as the relationship of radical politics to radical form.
I turn in my last chapter to recent novels by the prize-wining French novelists Alexis Jenni, Laurent Mauvignier, Jérôme Ferrari, and Alice Ferney. Set in part during the Algerian War, these novels draw explicit parallels between colonial violence and race-based violence in France today. These rhetorical parallels can obscure historical contingency and complexity, such as the evolving construction of the concept of “race.” Likewise, these novels contrast a virile, homogenous military and an effeminate, fractured republic and can be read as parables for the rise of the Front National in contemporary France. My analysis shows how these works can both participate in and critique particular racialized and gendered views of the French republic.
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Pruitt, James Herman. "Leonard Wood and the American Empire." Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1969.1/ETD-TAMU-2011-05-9307.
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During the ten years following the Spanish American War (1898 to 1908), Major General Leonard Wood served as the primary agent of American imperialism. Wood was not only a proconsul of the new American Empire; he was a symbol of the empire and the age in which he served. He had the distinction of directing civil and military government in Cuba and the Philippines where he implemented the imperial policies given to him by the administrations of William McKinley and Theodore Roosevelt. In Cuba, he labored to rebuild a state and a civil society crippled by decades of revolutionary ferment and guided the administration's policy through the dangerous channels of Cuban politics in a way that satisfied – at least to the point of avoiding another revolution – both the Cubans and the United States. In the Philippines, Wood took control of the Moro Province and attempted to smash the tribal-religious leadership of Moro society in order to bring it under direct American rule. His personal ideology, the imperial policies he shepherded, and the guidance he provided to fellow military officers and the administrations he served in matters of colonial administration and defense shaped the American Empire and endowed it with his personal stamp.
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Maxwell, Tera Kimberly. "Imperial remains : memories of the United States' occupation of the Philippines." Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2011-05-3576.
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The history of the United States’ occupation in the Philippines requires an alternative archive that includes family stories, museums sites, and other memories to articulate the nearly inexplicable legacy of imperial trauma. My project foregrounds the intangible effects of American imperialism, traced in generational memories of Filipinos and Filipino Americans and their descendants. Addressing three key moments defining the Filipino and Filipino American experience: the Philippine-American War, World War II, and 21st century global capitalism, I look at how the under-the-surface, banal nature of imperial trauma’s legacy marks Filipino identity and creates blind spots in the Filipino imaginary. My dissertation examines sexual atrocities committed by American soldiers during the 1898-1902 Philippine-American War, revisits memories of World War II and the Japanese Occupation as represented in military museums in Fredericksburg, Texas and on Corregidor Island, Philippines, and concludes with the importance of the babaylan figure, from an ancient priestess tradition in the Philippines, for diasporic Filipinas to negotiate the contemporary challenges of everyday living. My dissertation examines the use of strategic storytelling to recover lost histories, heal from the past, and re-create the present.text
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Dubé, Alexandre. "Construire la guerre totale par l'image au Canada (1914-1918) : acceptation différenciée d'un discours de guerre « totalisé »." Thèse, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/18338.
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Tant pour les contemporains que pour les observateurs des XXe et XXIe siècles, la Première Guerre mondiale représente un épisode de l'histoire de l'Humanité particulièrement difficile à se représenter, que plusieurs ont qualifié de « guerre totale ». Ce concept, souvent utilisé comme synonyme une guerre d'extrême intensité, est généralement compris sous l'angle matériel; on parle de la mobilisation totale des ressources humaines, financières et matérielles. J'explore plutôt, dans cette recherche, l'intention de chercher à détruire totalement un ennemi au risque d'être soi-même détruit dans le processus. Car, comment peut-on en venir à jongler avec l'autodestruction sans que la guerre n'acquiert un sens logique, parce que nécessaire à sa propre survie, voire même désirable pour créer un avenir meilleur?
À cet effet, l'étude du cas canadien est particulièrement pertinente, car le dominion britannique, sans être objectivement menacé de destruction, a fourni un effort de guerre relativement comparable aux États européens occidentaux. Comprendre la « guerre totale » canadienne de 1914-1918 peut alors aider à comprendre celles d'autres pays et d'autres conflits. Je propose dans ce mémoire une analyse discursive basée sur l'image de guerre – dessins, caricatures et affiches – en deux temps. Tout d'abord, il se crée au niveau international un « vocabulaire » de la guerre totale partagé par les Alliés et constitué de mythes, images, et mots-clés qui permettent l'articulation d'un discours de guerre commun. Ensuite, le Canada intègre de manière différenciée ce discours pour des raisons politiques, ethnolinguistiques, culturelles, etc. La dynamique de création identitaire empruntée à l'international (« nous », les Alliés, contre « eux », les ennemis de la civilisation) se transpose au plan national, avec pour point d'orgue les élections de décembre 1917.
En observant comment le Canada réagit au stress de la guerre totale des Alliés, il est possible d'observer d'une autre manière que ne le propose l'historiographie traditionnelle les luttes politiques et sociales du dominion en guerre. Je propose un portrait de la société canadienne où l'identité, les idées, le genre, et l'appartenance à la communauté canadienne ne dépendent pas de l'ethnicité, mais plutôt de l'adhésion ou non aux buts de guerre totale avancés par les Alliés. En bref, l'appartenance à une communauté internationale d'idées en guerre – les Alliés – sert, selon cette analyse, de moteur aux acteurs nationalistes canadiens.Ranging from contemporaries to observers of the XX and XIX centuries, the First World War is a part of human history difficult to portray that many have described as a “total war”. This concept, which is often employed as a synonym for a war of extreme intensity, is generally perceived from a material angle. In other words, it involves an all-out mobilisation of human, financial, and material resources. As part of this research, I focus on the intention to completely destroy the enemy at the risk of destroying oneself in the process. After all, why would actors think it logical to risk self-destruction in the war? Above all, this struggle needs to be perceived as logical, which would make it necessary for their own survival; it could even be perceived as desirable because it presages a better future. For this reason, the study of the Canadian case is quite instructive because this British dominion, without objectively being threatened with destruction, has participated in a war effort in a way comparable to Western European states. Hence, understanding the concept of Canadian “total war” of 1914-1918 can enable us to better understand total war efforts of other countries and other conflicts. In this dissertation, I propose a twofold discursive analysis based on images of war—drawings, caricatures, and posters. In the first part, a new “vocabulary” of total war common to the Allies and comprised of myths, images and key words geared to the articulation of a common war language is created in the in the international arena. In the second part, Canada adopts this language, albeit in a differentiated form, for political, ethno-linguistic cultural, and many other reasons. The dynamic of identity creation is borrowed from abroad (“Us”, the Allies against “Them”, the enemies of civilisation) and is transposed to the national level, culminating during the elections of December 1917. By observing how Canada reacted to the resulting stress of the total war effort of the Allies, it is possible to develop an alternative observation of political and social struggles of the Dominion at war that runs counter to traditional historiographies. I propose a portrait of Canadian society where identity, ideas, gender, and a sense of belonging to the Canadian community do not depend on one’s ethnicity, but rather on whether or not one supports the objectives of the total war put forth by the Allies. In brief, the sense of belonging to an international community of ideas at war—the Allies—, according to this analysis, is the guiding principle for nationalist Canadian actors.
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McInnis, Verity. "Imperial Standard-Bearers: Nineteenth-Century Army Officers' Wives in British India and the American West." Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1969.1/ETD-TAMU-2012-05-10944.
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The comparative experiences of the nineteenth-century British and American Army officer's wives add a central dimension to studies of empire. Sharing their husbands' sense of duty and mission, these women transferred, adopted, and adapted national values and customs, to fashion a new imperial sociability, influencing the course of empire by cutting across and restructuring gender, class, and racial borders. Stationed at isolated stations in British India and the American West, many officers' wives experienced homesickness and disorientation. They reimagined military architecture and connected into the military esprit de corps, to sketch a blueprint of female identity and purpose. On the physical journeys to join their husbands, and post arrival, the feminization of formal and informal military practices produced a new social reality and facilitated the development of an empowered sisterhood that sustained imperialist ambitions. This appropriation of symbols, processes, and rankings facilitated roles as social functionaries and ceremonial performers.
Additionally, in utilizing dress, and home decor, military spouses drafted and projected an imperial identity that reflected, yet transformed upper and middle-class gender models. An examination of the social processes of calling and domestic rituals confirms the formation of a distinct and influential imperial female identity. The duty of protecting the social gateway to the imperial community, rested with a hostess?s ability to discriminate ? and convincingly reject parvenus. In focusing on the domestic site it becomes clear that the mistress-servant relationship both formulated and reproduced imperial ideologies. Within the home, the most intimate of inter-racial, inter-ethnic, and inter-class contact zones, the physiological trait of a white skin, and the exhibition of national artifacts signaled identity, status, and authority. Military spouses, then, generated social power as arbiters, promoters, and police officers of an imperial class, reaffirming internal confidence within the Anglo communities, and legitimizing external representations of the power and prestige of empire.
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Provenzano, Luca. "Under the Paving Stones: Militant Protest and Practices of the State in France and the Federal Republic of Germany, 1968-1977." Thesis, 2020. https://doi.org/10.7916/d8-2wne-5223.
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This dissertation investigates the protest cultures of social revolutionary groups during and after the events of 1968 in France and West Germany before inquiring into how political officials and police responded to the difficulties of maintaining public order. The events of 1968 led revolutionaries in both France and West Germany to adopt new justifications for militant action based in heterodox Marxism and anti-colonial theory, and to attempt to institutionalize new, confrontational modes of public protest that borrowed ways of knowing urban space, tactics, and materials from both the working class and armed guerrilla movements. Self-identifying revolutionaries and left intellectuals also institutionalized forums for the investigation of police interventions in protests on the basis of testimonies, photography, and art. These investigative committees regularly aimed to exploit the resonance of police violence to promote further cycles of politicization. In response, political officials and police sought after 1968 to introduce and to reinforce less ostentatious, allegedly less harmful means of crowd control and dispersion that could inflict suffering without reproducing the spectacle of mass baton assaults and direct physical confrontations—means of physical constraint less susceptible to unveiling as violence. Second, police reinforced surveillance and arrest units. The new tactics of the police borrowed their principles from the struggle against subversion, criminality, and terrorism in order to neutralize the small-group tactics of militant demonstrators. Thus, 1968 served as the point of emergence of a confrontational protest culture within the New Left that in turn provoked the re-articulation of practices of the state. It was a revolution in the counter-revolution.
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Torres, Marcelo Vasconcelos de O. "A política de defesa do Japão face aos EUA : da imprensa periódica como instrumentos de guerra : 1853-1945." Master's thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.2/3537.
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Dissertação de Mestrado em Estudos Portugueses Interdisciplinares apresentada à Universidade AbertaEsta dissertação decorre de toda uma série de interrogações com as quais me deparei ao longo de alguns anos de leitura sobre várias temáticas, todas elas de grande relevo para a história, e outras disciplinas relacionadas às questões humanas. Capitalismos , imperialismo, colonialismo, exploração comercial, direitos humanos, fascismo, guerra justa (ou injusta), entre outros; são todos temas conexos à linha de pesquisa, sendo, portanto, motivo de objetos de estudos complementares, sem os quais o juízo sobre o tema ficaria comprometido. A escolha dos fatos históricos ocorridos no Japão enquanto exemplo para reflexão, se deu pela complexidade que o período possui. A princípio havia a intenção de trabalhar a influência da Companhia das Índias inglesa na Índia, China e outros países, por constituir em importante período de afirmação do imperialismo ocidental; no entanto a tentativa de colonização do Japão, apesar de não apresentar em seu início os aspectos de exploração atroz observadas principalmente na Índia e regiões adjacentes, ofereceu um panorama mais complexo pela adaptação nipônica aos paradigmas que lhe foram impostos, oferecendo ao lado dominante melhores condições de distorcer aspectos gerais deste episódio a partir de questões específicas. Compreender em que contexto (como, porque e quando) se deu o processo de militarização do Japão, ao que já se sabia ser uma resposta às sucessivas tentativas de colonização do país por forças ocidentais, culminando na abertura forçada da economia japonesa pelos Estados Unidos com decorrente assinatura de vários tratados desiguais por parte deste país, foram os objetivos que nortearam esta pesquisa. Foi igualmente finalidade desta pesquisa entender como aconteceu a ação de desenvolvimento das mídias estadunidenses, com destaque para o cinema, com o propósito de utilizá-la enquanto marketing de guerra, direcionado tanto para o público interno quanto externo do país. Para atingir tais objetivos fez-se necessário pesquisar em uma ampla bibliografia disposta sobre o tema, selecionando aquelas que estavam mais diretamente ligadas à análise em questão. Também foi necessária pesquisa em edições antigas de jornais atuais ou extintos, sendo esta a parte mais difícil do trabalho, com o objetivo de amparar a tese principalmente em pontos não abrangidos de forma satisfatória pela historiografia. Uma imensa gama de filmes foi assistida como forma de compreender a propaganda de guerra estadunidense, embora boa parte não tenha sido citada porque se julgou desnecessário fazer menção a toda ela. Espera-se que esta dissertação possa contribuir de alguma maneira com os objetivos propostos, que se encontram entrelaçados com os ideais que norteiam a monografia.
This dissertation is the result of a deep and extensive commitment over the study of several themes intrinsically related to the real history, and other disciplines correlated to the human subjects. Capitalism , imperialism, colonialism, commercial exploration, human rights, fascism, fair (or unfair) war, and other themes related to are referred to the same field of research, and for that reason they are correlated subjects to which a great deal of attention must be dedicated to, and whose the contents are critical for the conclusion of the facts. The choice of historical events that occurred in Japan as an example for reflection, was because of the complexity of its period under the aegis of colonialism has. At first there was the intention to research about the influence of the British East India Company in India, China and adjacent regions, whose the context presents an important period in which the western imperialism established itself. However, the attempt to colonize Japan, although not present in its beginning, aspects of exploration atrocious observed mainly in India and adjacent regions, had offered a more complex panorama by the Nipponese adaptation to the paradigms that were imposed to them, providing to the dominant side, better conditions to distort the general aspects from specific issues. Understand in what context (how, why and when) was the process of militarization of Japan, about what was knew to be a response to the successive attempts of colonization of the country by Western forces, culminating in the forced opening of the Japanese economy by United States having as a consequence, therefore, various unequal treaties signed by this oriental country, were the objectives that guided this research. Was also purpose of this research to understand how happened the development project of the American media, especially cinema, with the purpose of using it as a marketing of war, directed to both internal and external public of the country. To achieve these objectives it was necessary to search for a wide bibliography about the subject, by selecting those who were more directly linked to the analysis in question. It was also necessary research in past issues of current or extinct newspapers, which was the hardest part of the work, with the aim of supporting the thesis, especially at points not covered satisfactorily by historiography. A huge range of films was watched as a way to understand the U.S. war propaganda , though much has not been mentioned because it was deemed unnecessary to make any mention of it . It is waited that this dissertation can contribute somehow with the proposed purposes, which are interlaced with the ideals that guide this monograph.
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Barrière-Dion, Michèle. "Comment devient-on militant anticapitaliste ? / le cas de la "Coalition Guerre à la guerre"." Thèse, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/7346.
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