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Bose, Prasenjit. "'New' Imperialism? On Globalisation and Nation-States." Historical Materialism 15, no. 3 (2007): 95–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920607x225898.
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AbstractA major contradiction of globalisation lies in the universalisation of the imperatives of international finance-capital. The ascendancy of international finance has kept inter-imperialist rivalry under check since the past few decades, and imperialist nation-states under its imperatives have displayed greater unity under the leadership of the US. But the dominance of speculative finance and the deflationary impact it generates, threatens to precipitate worldwide recession. The US is trying to pre-empt any potential competition in this milieu, by pursuing an aggressive and unilateralist military policy of endless war. However, the capacity of the US to sustain such high levels of military expenditure and debt-induced consumer spending is circumscribed by the fragility of the dollar hegemony in the backdrop of the growing indebtedness of the US vis-à-vis the rest of the world. Re-appearance of recessionary conditions in the US would be set the stage for inter-imperialist contradictions as well as the contradiction between imperialism and the Third World to play themselves out and create possible ruptures in the present world order.
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Budiarto, Gema. "The Rise of The Rising Sun: The Roots of Japanese Imperialism in Mutsuhito Era (1868-1912)." IZUMI 10, no. 1 (April 26, 2021): 41–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/izumi.10.1.41-56.
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This article aims to discuss the Japanese modernisation of the Mutsuhito Emperor Era, which focused on the developments that triggered Japan to become an imperialist country. The Bakufu government, which had been in power for more than 250 years, must finally end. After being deemed unable to handle the country's condition, the Bakufu government returned the Japanese government ultimately to Emperor Mutsuhito. During the occupation of the Empire's seat, Emperor Mutsuhito was assisted by his advisers to make changes in all fields. The main fields were built by them, such as reorganise the political bureaucracy, developing industrial-economic, and developing military technology. Supported by the progressive developments in the country, Japan was transforming into a large industrial nation. To meet its industrial needs, Japan became an imperialist country and defeated China and Russia during the Mutsuhito period of government. The method used in this research is historical and has five steps, among others determining the topic, sources collection, sources criticism, interpretation, and writing. The results showed that the aggressive development and strengthening in political bureaucracy, industrial economics, and military technology in the Meiji era were the roots of the spirit of imperialism of new Japan. Political, economic, and military are the reasons to undertake imperialism besides cultural and religious reasons
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Campbell, Horace. "Imperialism and Anti-Imperialism in Africa." Monthly Review 67, no. 3 (July 7, 2015): 98. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-067-03-2015-07_7.
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When international media were broadcasting live video footage of Tunisians gathering in hundreds of thousands in front of the central office in Tunis of the long-terrifying ministry of home security, chanting in one voice "the people want to bring down the regime," something had already changed: ordinary people realized they could make huge changes. Weeks later, the Egyptian uprising removed the Mubarak regime that had been entrenched in power for over thirty years…. The neoliberal forms of imperial rule that had destroyed the hopes of the liberation movements were under attack. In order to counter the possibilities for a massive breakthrough at the popular level, the Western forces mounted an invasion of Libya using the mantra of humanitarianism to disrupt, militarily, political and economic life in Africa. Later in collusion with the counter-revolutionary forces in the Egyptian military, Western imperialism sought to roll back the gains of people in the streets of Tunis and Cairo.<p class="mrlink"><p class="mrpurchaselink"><a href="http://monthlyreview.org/index/volume-67-number-3" title="Vol. 67, No. 3: July 2015" target="_self">Click here to purchase a PDF version of this article at the <em>Monthly Review</em> website.</a></p>
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Christiansen. "Linkages Between Economic and Military Imperialism." World Review of Political Economy 11, no. 3 (2020): 337. http://dx.doi.org/10.13169/worlrevipoliecon.11.3.0337.
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Koch, Ernesto. "Uruguay. Ein lateinamerikanisches Modell?" PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 36, no. 142 (March 1, 2006): 61–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v36i142.571.
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A history of social struggles in Uruguay is given, from the fights against the Spaniards in early 19th century until the present time. These fights were always influenced by imperialist appropriation of the country. After the Spain has withdrawn it was at first the English Imperialism, later the US-Imperialism which forced Uruguay’s economy to serve its needs. A comprise between rival fractions of Uruguay’s ruling class brought the country a long lasting period of stability and also some social reforms. Economic crisis, increasing social protest and a brutal military regime ended this period in the early seventies. A broad coalition of the Left Frente Amplio could not only survive the military regime, it grew continuously under democratic conditions. Since 1989 Frente Amplio rules in Montevideo, capital and biggest department of the country, and in 2004, its candidate won the presidential elections, starting a new economic policy as well as a new foreign policy.
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Burton, Paul J. "Roman Imperialism." Brill Research Perspectives in Ancient History 2, no. 2 (April 11, 2019): 1–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25425374-12340004.
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Abstract Rome engaged in military and diplomatic expansionistic state behavior, which we now describe as ‘imperialism,’ since well before the appearance of ancient sources describing this activity. Over the course of at least 800 years, the Romans established and maintained a Mediterranean-wide empire from Spain to Syria (and sometimes farther east) and from the North Sea to North Africa. How and why they did this is a source of perennial scholarly controversy. Earlier debates over whether Rome was an aggressive or defensive imperial state have progressed to theoretically informed discussions of the extent to which system-level or discursive pressures shaped the Roman Empire. Roman imperialism studies now encompass such ancillary subfields as Roman frontier studies and Romanization.
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Muenger, Elizabeth A., and John M. MacKenzie. "Popular Imperialism and the Military, 1850-1950." Journal of Military History 57, no. 2 (April 1993): 332. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2944068.
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Hawkins, Michael. "Imperial historicism and American military rule in the Philippines' Muslim south." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 39, no. 3 (September 11, 2008): 411–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463408000325.
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AbstractWhen American imperialists seized the Philippines at the dawning of the twentieth century, their guiding philosophy was predicated upon broadly conceived notions of cultural and political historicism. The unwavering self-assurance required to rule over millions of unfamiliar imperial subjects derived its potency from an unquestioned panoptic view of history. This epistemological tool of imperialism found an especially unique and fascinating expression in the United States' politico-military rule over Filipino Muslims. This article explores the creation and processes of imperial taxonomy among Moro populations while accounting for a number of disturbing disruptions and anomalies in the Americans' historical narrative (such as slavery and Islamic civilisation) that threatened to unravel the tightly circumscribed concept of a uniform and interpretable progressive transitional past. It also examines the ways in which American imperialists accounted for these anomalies, and manipulated their own interpretations of the past and the present to maintain the integrity of their philosophical imperial foundations.
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Schefke, Brian. "The Hudson’s Bay Company as a Context for Science in the Columbia Department." Scientia Canadensis 31, no. 1-2 (January 23, 2009): 67–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/019755ar.
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Abstract This article aims to elucidate and analyze the links between science, specifically natural history, and the imperialist project in what is now the northwestern United States and western Canada. Imperialism in this region found its expression through institutions such as the Hudson’s Bay Company (HBC). I examine the activities of naturalists such as David Douglas and William Tolmie Fraser in the context of the fur trade in the Columbia Department. Here I show how natural history aided Britain in achieving its economic and political goals in the region. The key to this interpretation is to extend the role of the HBC as an imperial factor to encompass its role as a patron for natural history. This gives a better understanding of the ways in which imperialism—construed as mercantile, rather than military—delineated research priorities and activities of the naturalists who worked in the Columbia Department.
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Boot, Max. "Neither New nor Nefarious: The Liberal Empire Strikes Back." Current History 102, no. 667 (November 1, 2003): 361–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2003.102.667.361.
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Compared with the grasping old imperialism of the past, America's ‘liberal imperialism’ pursues far different, and more ambitious, goals. It aims to instill democracy in lands that have known tyranny, in the hope that doing so will short-circuit terrorism, military aggression, and weapons proliferation.
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Qiu, Haiping, and Min Zhao. "The US dollar and new imperialism under the logic of capital accumulation." China Political Economy 2, no. 1 (July 24, 2019): 98–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/cpe-04-2019-0013.
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Purpose The world currency is endowed with two inherent contradictions, namely, the general contradiction of all currencies and the special contradiction between the quality and quantity of the world currency. The paper aims to discuss these issues. Design/methodology/approach In the wake of the Second World War, the USA, with its strong economic and military strength, established an international monetary system centered on the US dollar (USD). This gave USD the status of “world currency” and bounded it to the US imperialist hegemony with mutual integration and interaction, making it possible for USD capital to conduct international exploitation and wealth plundering extensively around the world. Findings The contradiction between the capital logic and the power logic, which is inherent in capital accumulation models of the new imperialism, also indicates the inevitable decline of USD. Originality/value This constitutes an important feature of the new imperialism. However, as a sovereign currency, USD has inextricable and inherent contradictions while exercising its function as the world currency.
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Shor, Francis. "Declining US Hegemony and Rising Chinese Power: A Formula for Conflict?" Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 11, no. 1 (2012): 157–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156914912x620806.
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Abstract Is declining US hegemony and China’s rising power a formula for regional and/or global conflict? In this article I address the present conditions and contradictions of US neo-imperialism and the role of China as a potential competitor to and challenger of US global hegemony. Given the entrenched interests of US military neo-imperialism such conflicts appear inevitable.
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Setzekorn, Eric. "Chinese Imperialism, Ethnic Cleansing, and Military History, 1850-1877." Journal of Chinese Military History 4, no. 1 (June 15, 2015): 80–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22127453-12341278.
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In the past two decades historical research and theoretical refinements have provided military historians with new insights into “Chinese imperialism,” late Qing warfare, and ethnic cleansing during the 1850-1877 campaigns in Northwest China, Central Asia, Yunnan, and Guizhou. In particular, Robert Jenks’Insurgency and Social Disorder in Guizhou: The Miao Rebellion, 1854-1873, David Atwill’sThe Chinese Sultanate: Islam, Ethnicity and the Panthay Rebellion in Southwest China, 1856-1873, and Hodong Kim’sHoly War in China: The Muslim Rebellion and State in Chinese Central Asia, 1864-1877have stressed the commonality of Chinese practices with other colonial and imperial states. These authors share a common conclusion that the Qing re-conquest resulted in widespread massacres, ethnic relocations, and subsequent immigration of Han settlers into each region. This historiography examines recent works on the military aspects of the 1850-1877 conflicts in these ethnic and territorial “frontiers” and highlights opportunities for historians to take advantage of new theoretical and archival resources.
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Shipley, Tyler. "The New Canadian Imperialism and the Military Coup in Honduras." Latin American Perspectives 40, no. 5 (June 17, 2013): 44–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x13492129.
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Godfrey, Richard, Jo Brewis, Jo Grady, and Chris Grocott. "The private military industry and neoliberal imperialism: Mapping the terrain." Organization 21, no. 1 (January 3, 2013): 106–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1350508412470731.
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Shiga, John. "The Nuclear Sensorium: Cold War Nuclear Imperialism and Sensory Violence." Canadian Journal of Law and Society / Revue Canadienne Droit et Société 34, no. 2 (August 2019): 281–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cls.2019.17.
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AbstractThis paper traces the sensory dimensions of nuclear imperialism focusing on the Cold War nuclear weapons tests conducted by the United States military in the Marshall Islands during the 1950s. Key to the formation of the “nuclear sensorium” were the interfaces between vibration, sound, and radioactive contamination, which were mobilized by scientists such as oceanographer Walter Munk as part of the US Nuclear Testing Program. While scientists occupied privileged points in technoscientific networks to sense the effects of nuclear weapons, a series of lawsuits filed by communities affected by the tests drew attention to military-scientific use of inhabitants’ bodies as repositories of data concerning the ecological impact of the bomb and the manner in which sensing practices used to extract this data extended the violence and trauma of nuclear weapons. Nuclear imperialism projected its power not only through weapons tests, the vaporization of land and the erosion of the rights of people who lived there, but also through the production of a “nuclear sensorium”—the differentiation of modes of sensing the bomb through legal, military, and scientific discourses and the attribution of varying degrees of epistemological value and legal weight to these sensory modes.
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Rempe, Martin. "Cultural Brokers in Uniform: The Global Rise of Military Musicians and Their Music." Itinerario 41, no. 2 (July 31, 2017): 327–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115317000390.
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The article assesses the role of the military in the global dissemination and exchange of music in the long nineteenth century. It shows that, first, Western military music and its instrumentation were influenced by cross-cultural encounters, primarily with the Ottoman Empire. Second, I argue that educational professionalization and instrumental standardization were important vehicles for the global rise of the military band beyond its original purpose. Third, tracing the transnational careers of some German military musicians will make evident that competition with respect to national prestige, rising imperialism, and the increasing commercialization of musical life were crucial features of the spread of military musicians all over the world, making them cultural brokers not only of military music.
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Váárhelyi, Zsuzsanna. "The Specters of Roman Imperialism: The Live Burials of Gauls and Greeks at Rome." Classical Antiquity 26, no. 2 (October 1, 2007): 277–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ca.2007.26.2.277.
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Abstract Scholarly discussions of the live burials of Gauls and Greeks in the Forum Boarium in the mid- and late Republic (attested for the years 228, 216, and 114/113 B.C.E.) replay the debate on Roman imperialism; those supporting the theory of ““defensive”” imperialism connect religious fears with military ones, while other scholars separate this ritual and the ““enemy nations”” involved in it from the actual enemies of current warfare in order to corroborate a more aggressive sense of Roman imperialism. After reviewing earlier interpretations and the problems of ancient evidence for these Roman instances of ““human sacrifice,”” I propose a new reading based on a ritual parallel, a slightly earlier Greek oracle related to purification from avenging spirits. As burials of symbolic former enemies haunting Rome, the ritual suggests an insight into the experience of constant warfare and close-contact killing by citizen-soldiers in an aggressively imperialistic state. Especially with the disappearance of captive killings in the symbolic context of aristocratic burials and the emergence of Hellenistic epic to address elite glory, the live burials could have been critical in providing psychological closure to the once-soldiers back in Rome. Remarkably, the ritual offered an outlet in the religious realm for sentiments unwelcome in the Roman army: in the larger dynamic of the military and religious spheres, the strict world of military discipline was complemented by a religious (and cultural) realm that was much more open to external influence and innovation.
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Dominguez, Francisco. "LUCHA DE CLASES, DEMOCRACIA E INTERVENCIONISMO DE ESTADOS UNIDOS EN VENEZUELA." Revista de Políticas Públicas 24, no. 2 (December 27, 2020): 634. http://dx.doi.org/10.18764/2178-2865.v24n2p634-652.
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ResumenEl estudio muestra que el gobierno de Trump ha tomado la dirección del derrocamiento del gobierno de Nicolás Maduro. Indica que Trump y los neoconservadores amenazan a Venezuela con una invasión militar, amenaza a la que se hace eco regularmente el Comando Sur. Resalta, aún, que Trump y sus secuaces han dejado muy claro que su propósito es echar sus manos en las reservas de petróleo más grandes del mundo, pues EE.UU. busca crear las condiciones para la intervención militar mediante el brutal dislocamiento de la economía venezolana a través de una serie de sanciones financieras y económicas. Sin embargo, hasta ahora el gobierno bolivariano ha resistido con éxito y el Chavismo ha mostrado niveles impresionantes de movilización, auto-organización de base y conciencia política. Concluye que en esacolosal lucha está en juego no sólo la soberanía nacional de Venezuela, sino también la de toda América Latina y de muchas otras naciones.Palabras clave: Imperialismo, Estados Unidos, Gobierno Bolivariano, Guerra Económica, Invasión Militar, Soberanía Nacional.CLASS FIGHT, DEMOCRACY AND INTERVENTIONISM OF THE UNITED STATES IN VENEZUELAAbstractThis study shows that Trump government has taken direct control over the overthrow the government of Nicolas Maduro. Trump and the neocons threaten Venezuela with military invasion. Threat regularly echoed by the Southern Command. Still points out that Trump and his followers have made it abundantly clear that their purpose is to lay their hands on the largest oil reserves in the world. The US seeks to create conditions for military action by brutally dislocating Venezuela’s economy through an array of financial and economic sanctions. Thus far the Bolivarian government has successfully resisted andChavism has shown impressive levels of mobilization, grassroots self-organization, and political consciousness. Concludes that in this colossal struggle is not just Venezuela’s national sovereignty but also that of the whole of Latin America and of many other nations is at stake.Keywords: Imperialism. United States. Bolivarian Government. Economic War. Military Invasion. National Sovereignty.
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ORBACH, DANNY. "The Military-Adventurous Complex: Officers, adventurers, and Japanese expansion in East Asia, 1884–1937." Modern Asian Studies 53, no. 2 (August 13, 2018): 339–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x17000543.
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AbstractJapanese imperialism was one of the most important driving forces in the history of modern East Asia. One influential group of actors at the grassroots level were the so-called ‘continental adventurers’ (tairiku rōnin)—Japanese nationals who travelled in Korea and China on the lookout for adventures and employment opportunities. Some of them worked part time for the army as spies, translators, and agents for special operations. These adventurers have been studied before as agents of Japanese imperialism, but existing accounts fail to present a convincing model of the mechanism that made their activities effective. The goal of this article is to fill this gap.This mechanism, which I shall hereafter call ‘the military-adventurous complex’, was a lobby of officers, continental adventurers, businessmen, politicians, criminal elements as well as Chinese, Manchurian, and Mongolian revolutionaries. The interests of these contingents were unique but nevertheless intertwining. Despite its decentralized character, the military-adventurous complex had a significant impact on Japanese foreign policy over an extended period. In this article, we shall explore the contours, structure, and modus operandi of that complex, its ambivalent relationship with the Japanese state, as well as several examples of its operations in the early twentieth century. Finally, we shall dwell on the ramifications of the complex on the development of Japanese imperialism.
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Chari, Sharad, and Katherine Verdery. "Thinking between the Posts: Postcolonialism, Postsocialism, and Ethnography after the Cold War." Comparative Studies in Society and History 51, no. 1 (December 16, 2008): 6–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417509000024.
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Lenin spoke at the Second Congress of 1920 to multiple audiences. In continuity with the First International, he spoke in the utopian language of Bolshevism, of the successful revolutionary proletariat that had taken the state and was making its place in history without the intercession of bourgeois class rule. Recognizing the limits of socialism in one country surrounded by the military and economic might of “World imperialism,” however, Lenin also pressed for a broader, ongoing world-historic anti-imperialism in alliance with the oppressed of the East, who, it seemed, were neither sufficiently proletarianized, nor, as yet, subjects of history. There are many ways to situate this particular moment in Lenin's thought. One can see the budding conceits of Marxist social history, or “history from below,” in which millions in the East could become historical subjects under the sign of “anti-imperialism.” One can also see this gesture to those outside the pale as a flourish of the emergent Soviet empire, and as a projection of anxieties about Bolshevik control over a vast and varied Russian countryside with its own internal enemies. But Lenin also spoke to audiences who would make up the next, Third International, like the Indian Marxist M. N. Roy, who saw imperialism dividing the world into oppressed and oppressor nations. For this Third Worldist audience, looking increasingly to the new Soviet Union for material and military support for “national self-determination,” Lenin extends the historic mission of a future world socialism.
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Carter, Stephen D. "The Precise Issue Henry Adams, Global War, and the Role of Force in American History." New England Quarterly 88, no. 4 (December 2015): 555–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/tneq_a_00491.
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War, imperialism, interstate conflict, military force—highlighting and reevaluating these concerns as central to the content, form, and context of Henry Adams’s History of the United States lays the groundwork for a new interpretation of the categories of war and force in his thought.
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유철 and KimSoonJeon. "A Military Discipline Revealed in Textbook on Japanese in Japanese Imperialism." Journal of the society of Japanese Language and Literature, Japanology ll, no. 56 (February 2012): 335–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.21792/trijpn.2012..56.016.
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Afeadie, Philip Atsu. "The Semolika Expedition of 1904: A Participant Account." History in Africa 31 (2004): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361541300003375.
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British imperialism in west Africa during the late nineteenth century is known to be the product of the interrelations between expansionist forces at the center of empire and those at the periphery on the one hand, and the relationship between the peripheral forces and African circumstances on the other hand. Expansionist forces at Whitehall included nationalistic sentiments and inter-European rivalry, economic considerations, and public reactions to these motivations. Of the expansionist forces at the outposts of empire, pressure from commercial interest groups and the activities of the men on the spot are notable.Indeed, the work of the military personnel on the outposts of empire was instrumental to British territorial annexations. As officers and non-commissioned officers to the colonial army of the West African Frontier Force (WAFF), the British personnel hailed from all rungs of society, and seconded from metropolitan regiments into active service in West Africa. Their motivations largely included economic interests, sport and adventure, while the African auxiliaries enlisted out of economic considerations. Naturally, the men on the spot were indispensable to British expansion, as they particularly constituted a reliable source of information for policymakers at home. They also subscribed with their superiors to the use of force to maintain political supremacy on the frontiers of empire. The men on the spot controlled the timing, pace, and extent of British military imperialism. However, they had to reckon with indigenous response, as their prerogatives met challenges in African interests and concerns, such as territorial inviolability and non-interference in their internal affairs. This interplay of military imperialism and African response is aptly demonstrated in the British encounter with the Semolika in Northern Nigeria.
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Sankey, Kyla. "Extractive Capital, Imperialism, and the Colombian State." Latin American Perspectives 45, no. 5 (June 15, 2018): 52–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x18782982.
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Since the turn of the century, Colombia has become increasingly dependent on mining exports to drive economic growth. While the surge in mining investments in Colombia and the problems associated with this form of economic development have received much attention from scholars and policy analysts, the common explanation is that the state has been undermined or eroded by emergent global forces. However, nation-states should be seen not as victims but as authors and enforcers of new processes of capital accumulation. The Colombian state has acted as the principal guarantor of the political and territorial conditions necessary for this form of extractive capitalism by reconstituting property and contract laws, signing free-trade agreements, reconfiguring the internal state apparatus. and expanding military forces. Desde el principio del siglo, Colombia se ha vuelto cada vez más dependiente de las exportaciones mineras para impulsar el crecimiento económico. Si bien el aumento de las inversiones mineras en Colombia y los problemas asociados con esta forma de desarrollo económico han recibido mucha atención por parte de académicos y analistas de políticas, la explicación común es que el estado ha sido socavado o erosionado por las fuerzas globales emergentes. Sin embargo, los Estados-nación deberían ser vistos no como víctimas sino como autores y ejecutores de nuevos procesos de acumulación de capital. El estado colombiano ha actuado como el principal garante de las condiciones políticas y territoriales necesarias para esta forma de capitalismo extractivo mediante la reconstitución de las leyes de propiedad y contratos, la firma de acuerdos de libre comercio, la reconfiguración del aparato estatal interno, y la expansión de fuerzas militares.
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Uysal, Gönenç. "Turkey’s Sub-imperialism in Sub-Saharan Africa." Review of Radical Political Economics 53, no. 3 (June 24, 2021): 442–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/04866134211003995.
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The growing economic and political roles of the so-called emerging powers in sub-Saharan Africa have attracted particular attention following the apparent decline of Western powers in the face of the global economic crisis of 2007–2008. The AKP’s “proactive” foreign policy has manifested Turkey’s burgeoning role in the region. This paper draws upon Marxism to explore the diffusion of Turkish capital and the enhancement of military relations in the region in harmony and in contradistinction with Western and Gulf countries. It discusses the AKP’s proactive foreign policy vis-à-vis sub-Saharan Africa as a particular sociohistorical form of sub-imperialism that is characterized by and reproduces economic and geopolitical rivalries and alliances among Turkey and Western and Gulf countries. JEL Classification: F5, P1, O1
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Veltmeyer, Henry. "US imperialism in Latin America: then and now, here and there." Estudios Críticos del Desarrollo 1, no. 1 (July 29, 2011): 89–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.35533/ecd.hv.
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This article examines the global political actions undertaken by the United States and its allies since the Second World War toward the establishment and fortification of US dominance in geopolitical/economic spheres. It views the Bretton Woods institutions (World Bank, IMF, GATT-WTO), the United Nations System and military alliances (exempli gratia, NATO) as key mechanisms for the protection of US imperial interests. The post-war preoccupation with «development» is viewed as less altruistic than opportunistic, with the Western powers concerned that newly-independent developing nations would otherwise be attracted to the Soviet sphere of influence. Development, therefore, would place a «human face» on capitalism, making it acceptable as a socio-economic system. The author examines free trade deals, military cooperation and political actions undertaken by the US as it solidified its dominance of Latin American countries.
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Chesnais, François. "The Economic Foundations of Contemporary Imperialism." Historical Materialism 15, no. 3 (2007): 121–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920607x225906.
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AbstractThis paper argues that present-day imperialism is strongly related to the domination of a precise form of capital, namely highly concentrated interest- and dividend-bearing money-capital which operates in financial markets, breeds today's pervasive fetishism of money, but is totally dependent on surplus-value and production. Two mechanisms ensure the appropriation and/or production of surplus-product and its centralisation to the world system's financial hubs. In the 1980s, foreign debt prevailed. Foreign production and profit repatriation by TNCs now represent the main channel. Following the transfer abroad of part of its production by US TNCs, the issue for the US in their relations with the rest of the world is not the commercialisation of surplus through exports, but dependency on imports and, more crucially, on large inflows of money-capital to support the stock market, buy T-bonds and refinance mortgage. This new dependency helps to explain the 'paradox' that US imperialism is increasingly forced to try and offset this through extra-economic and even military coercion where it can.
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Tasrif, Muh. "DIMENSI SPIRITUAL KEBUDAYAAN DI TENGAH RELASI YANG TIMPANG ANTARA UTARA DAN SELATAN." El-HARAKAH (TERAKREDITASI) 10, no. 2 (August 10, 2008): 107. http://dx.doi.org/10.18860/el.v10i2.4429.
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<p>Moslem society as a part of the population of the south world, culturally, is in the influence of the hegemony of non-moslem culture, mainly, European, American, and Australian as parts of the north world population. Until the mid twentieth century, the hegemony existed in the form of military imperialism. Meanwhile, in the post mid twentieth century the hegemony changed into cultural imperialism in many areas, such as social, economic, social and even art. The countries of the south world have really done some efforts to face the neo imperialism, but have not suceeded well. Therefore, more serious effort should be done to face the neo imperialism, that is the creativity to make the European and American cultural products as materials that can be creatively rearranged and matched with the local culture. In the creative process the spiritual dimension of culture should become the basis of cultural production process at present and in the future to create a fair relation. The use of spiritual dimension of culture can create new cultural products. In turn, the cultural products of the south world will exist, and finally they can be exchanged with the products of the north world. This is what China is doing with its developing economic power to balance out the domination of Europe and America. The same hopefully appears from the Islam world although it needs more serious cultural works. According to Faisal Ismail, the awakening of Islam and its culture depend on the moslem themselves and their cultural works.</p><p> </p><p>Masyarakat Muslim sebagai bagian dari populasi dunia selatan, secara kultural, berada dalam pengaruh hegemoni budaya non-muslim, terutama Eropa, Amerika, dan Australia sebagai bagian dari populasi dunia utara. Sampai pertengahan abad ke-20, hegemoni itu ada dalam bentuk imperialisme militer. Sementara itu, pada pertengahan abad ke-20 hegemoni berubah menjadi imperialisme budaya di banyak bidang, seperti sosial, ekonomi, sosial dan bahkan kesenian. Negara-negara di dunia selatan telah benar-benar melakukan beberapa upaya untuk menghadapi imperialisme neo, namun belum berhasil dengan baik. Karena itu, usaha yang lebih serius harus dilakukan untuk menghadapi neo imperialisme, yaitu kreativitas membuat produk budaya Eropa dan Amerika sebagai bahan yang bisa ditata ulang secara kreatif dan disesuaikan dengan budaya lokal. Dalam proses kreatif dimensi spiritual budaya harus menjadi dasar proses produksi budaya saat ini dan di masa depan untuk menciptakan hubungan yang adil. Penggunaan dimensi spiritual budaya bisa menciptakan produk budaya baru. Pada gilirannya, produk budaya dunia selatan akan ada, dan akhirnya mereka bisa dipertukarkan dengan produk-produk dari dunia utara. Inilah yang dilakukan China dengan kekuatan ekonomi yang berkembang untuk mengimbangi dominasi Eropa dan Amerika. Hal yang sama semoga muncul dari dunia Islam meski membutuhkan karya budaya yang lebih serius. Menurut Faisal Ismail, kebangkitan Islam dan budayanya bergantung pada umat Islam sendiri dan karya budaya mereka.</p>
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FitzSimons, William. "Sizing Up the “Small Wars” of African Empire." Journal of African Military History 2, no. 1 (June 22, 2018): 63–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24680966-00201005.
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Abstract This short essay makes the case that the theories and practices employed by European armies during the “small wars” of nineteenth-century imperialism were military innovations produced within the distinctly modern and global context of colonial conquest. Colonial military experiences spurred new tactics and strategies which were captured in treatises written by British and French military theorists at the same time that they transformed the nature of warfare in colonized spaces—often with devastating effects. Military approaches developed in response to these “small wars” have important legacies, both in shaping the contours of military operations within postcolonial Africa and contributing to worldwide “counterinsurgency” theories of the twenty-first century. Understanding the specific historical context in which colonial violence was produced can contribute to a fuller understanding of the meaning, impact and multiple legacies of imperial warfare.
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Gartzke, Erik, and Dominic Rohner. "The Political Economy of Imperialism, Decolonization and Development." British Journal of Political Science 41, no. 3 (February 1, 2011): 525–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123410000232.
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Nations have historically sought power and prosperity through control of physical space. In recent decades, however, this has largely ceased. Most states that could do so appear relucant, while the weak cannot expand. This article presents a theory of imperialism and decolonization that explains both historic cycles of expansion and decline and the collective demise of the urge to colonize. Technological shocks enable expansion, while rising labour costs and the dynamics of military technology gradually dilute imperial advantage. Simultaneously, economic development leads to a secular decline in payoffs for appropriating land, minerals and capital. Once conquest no longer pays great powers, the systemic imperative to integrate production vertically also becomes archaic.
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Sablin, Ivan, and Daniel Sukhan. "Regionalisms and Imperialisms in the Making of the Russian Far East, 1903–1926." Slavic Review 77, no. 2 (2018): 333–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/slr.2018.126.
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Tracing the emergence of the Russian Far East as a new region of the Russian Empire, revolutionary Russia, and the Soviet Union through regionalist and imperialist discourses and policies, this article briefly discusses Russian expansion in the Pacific littoral, outlines the history of regionalism in North Asia during the revolutionary and early Soviet periods, and focuses on the activities of the Far Eastern Council of People's Commissars (Dal΄sovnarkom), the Far Eastern Republic (FER), and the Far Eastern Revolutionary Committee (Dal΄'revkom). Inspired by Siberian regionalism and other takes on post-imperial decentralization, the Bolshevik Aleksandr Mikhailovich Krasnoshchekov and other regional politicians became the makers of the new region from within. Meanwhile, the legacies of the empire's expansionism, the Bolshevik “new imperialism” in Asia, and the Japanese military presence in the region during the Russian Civil War accompanied the consolidation of the Russian Far East.
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Bieler, Andreas, and Adam David Morton. "Axis of Evil or Access to Diesel?" Historical Materialism 23, no. 2 (June 10, 2015): 94–130. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341412.
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This article examines how the Iraq War was a space in the ongoing geographical extension of global capitalism linked tousforeign policy. Was it simply the decision by a unitary, hegemonic actor in the inter-state system overriding concerns from other states? Was it an imperialist move to secure the ‘global oil spigot’? Alternatively, did the use of military force reflect the interests and emergence of a transnational state apparatus? We argue that theusimperium needs to be conceptualised as a specific form of state, within which and through which fractions of national and transnational capital operate. In so doing, the Iraq War is assessed as a moment in the extension of global capitalism in which the interests of a national fraction of capital within theusstate form was dominant, thereby placing processes of class struggle and their relation to wider spaces of imperialism at the centre of analysis.
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Buenavista, Tracy. "Citizenship at a Cost: Undocumented Asian Youth Perceptions and the Militarization of Immigration." AAPI Nexus Journal: Policy, Practice, and Community 10, no. 1 (2012): 101–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.36650/nexus10.1_101-124_buenavista.
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Two federal policies, the Military Accessions Vital to National Interest (MAVNI) program and the proposed federal Development, Relief, and Education for Alien Minors (DREAM) Act, represent the militarization of immigration. Critical Race Theory is used to analyze MAVNI, the DREAM Act, and semi-structured interviews with fourteen undocumented Asian immigrant youth who believe these policies provide viable pathways to citizenship through military enlistment. The project explores the recurring pattern of militarized immigration reform in the United States and challenges scholars, policy makers, and activists to understand the relationship between immigration and legacies of American imperialism.
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Fiaschetti, Francesca. "Mongol Imperialism in the Southeast: Uriyangqadai (1201–1272) and Aju (1127–1287)." Asiatische Studien - Études Asiatiques 71, no. 4 (February 23, 2018): 1119–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/asia-2017-0008.
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Abstract Son of the famous general Sübe’edei, Uriyanqadai followed in his father’s footsteps into the highest ranks of the Mongol military. Placed in charge of the keshig, or imperial bodyguard, under Möngke (r. 1251–1259), his fame was mostly due to his involvement—along with prince Qubilai (r. 1260–1294)— in the Mongol campaigns in Tibet, Yunnan and Đại Việt. Some of these campaigns are thoroughly described in his Yuanshi and other biographies. Other sources reflect the political relevance of this general as well. The same goes for Uriyangqadai’s son Aju, who accompanied him on campaigns in the South and built upon Uriyangqadai’s legacy after his death. An analysis of the various texts reporting the careers of the two generals provides important material regarding a decisive moment in the Mongol conquest of China, as well as information on numerous aspects of the military and political structures of the Mongol empire. Uriyangqadai’s and Aju’s lives provide an important case study of the role of political alliances and family relations in the formation of the military elite under Mongol rule. Furthermore, their careers depict an important moment of change in Mongol warfare. The campaigns in Yunnan and Đại Việt proved a challenge to Mongol strategies, leading to important innovations, changes which ultimately facilitated creation of a Yuan land –and maritime Empire.
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Dosal, Paul. "Taking Haiti: Military Occupation and the Culture of U.S. Imperialism, 1915-1940." Hispanic American Historical Review 84, no. 1 (February 1, 2004): 153–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-84-1-153.
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Plummer, Brenda Gayle, and Mary A. Renda. "Taking Haiti: Military Occupation and the Culture of U.S. Imperialism, 1915-1940." Journal of American History 89, no. 2 (September 2002): 671. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3092259.
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Ulbrich, David J., and Mary A. Renda. "Taking Haiti: Military Occupation and the Culture of U.S. Imperialism, 1915-1940." Journal of Military History 66, no. 2 (April 2002): 595. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3093118.
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Spade, Dean, and Aaron Belkin. "Queer Militarism?!" GLQ: A Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies 27, no. 2 (April 1, 2021): 281–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10642684-8871705.
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Does advocating for queer and trans people to serve in the US military move the struggle for queer and trans justice forward toward liberation by improving the lives of queer and trans soldiers and increasing societal acceptance of queer and trans people? Or does it legitimize US military imperialism and increase the likelihood of more queer and trans people being abused and traumatized in the US military? This article consists of a conversation between Aaron Belkin, director of the Palm Center, who has spent decades advocating for queer and trans military inclusion, and Dean Spade, a trans racial- and- economic- justice–focused activist and scholar who opposes military inclusion advocacy. The conversation examines fundamental debates about the possibilities and limits of legal equality for marginalized and stigmatized groups, drawing on critical race theory, women of color feminisms, anticolonial critique, and competing theories of queer and trans liberation work.
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Halsey, Stephen R. "Money, Power, and the State: The Origins of the Military-Fiscal State in Modern China." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 56, no. 3 (2013): 392–432. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685209-12341313.
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Abstract During the late 1800s, internal rebellion and European imperialism transformed existing patterns of taxation, resource distribution, and government spending in China. Continual preparation for war led to an enormous growth in the state’s extractive capacity, and indirect commercial taxes supplanted the system of direct agrarian levies established in the early Qing era. Authorities earmarked the majority of these new resources for military spending in eastern China in an effort to amass the sinews of politico-economic power. Together these changes laid the initial foundation for the military-fiscal state in modern China, a transformation that parallels the experience of early modern Europe.
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Coclanis, Peter. "Military Mortality in Tropical Asia: British Troops in Tenasserim, 1827–36." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 30, no. 1 (March 1999): 22–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463400008006.
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The demographic history of Southeast Asia remains largely uncharted. This is particularly true of mainland Southeast Asia prior to the commencement of the era of high imperialism in the second half of the nineteenth century. To be sure, in recent years scholars have begun to explore certain aspects of the mainland's demographic history during the precolonial and early colonial periods. Nonetheless, we still lack basic information on fertility, mortality, and migration — the three fundamental categories in demographic analysis — for most populations on most parts of the mainland prior to 1850.
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McInnis, Verity G. "Indirect Agents of Empire." Pacific Historical Review 83, no. 3 (November 2012): 378–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2014.83.3.378.
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The experiences of army officers’ wives stationed in British India and the U.S. West during the period 1830–1875 offer a critical dimension to understandings of imperialism. This comparative analysis argues that these women designed a distinct identity that blueprinted, directed, and legitimized the ambitions of empire. In feminizing the Army’s ranking system, officers’ wives appropriated and wielded male authority. Military homes—a space where class, race, ethnicity, and gender intersected—functioned as operational sites of empire, and, in managing household servants, officers’ wives both designed and endorsed the principles of benevolent imperialism. Whether adjudicating local disputes, emasculating soldier-servants of lower rank, or enacting the social norms of the metropole, these women confidently executed their duty as imperial agents.
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Setzekorn, Eric. "Chinese Military History and the Qing Dynasty, 1644–1911: New Perspectives on a Dynamic Empire." International Journal of Military History and Historiography 36, no. 1 (June 28, 2016): 34–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24683302-03601005.
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Over the past twenty years, historical research has re-evaluated Chinese historical use of military power and political control. From 1644 to 1911, the Qing Empire was unquestionably a successful state, ruling a massive area extending from the Sea of Japan to Central Asia and the borders of India. Recent scholarship has focused on the explicitly “imperial” nature of the Qing Empire and the conflicted territorial and ethnic legacies of this last Chinese dynasty. In addition, historians have reevaluated the role of the Qing ruling military elite, drawn from the Manchu people, with tenuous cultural connections to their ethnically Han subjects, in an attempts to clarify patterns of “Chinese” imperialism and determine if the Manchu goals and practices are part of a broader Chinese military tradition. Despite the challenges of understanding the complex nature of the Qing Empire, the undeniable skill in military conquest redrew territorial boundaries, re-located ethnic groups and developed patterns of military and political power that continue to resonate throughout Asia.
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Young, Louise. "When fascism met empire in Japanese-occupied Manchuria." Journal of Global History 12, no. 2 (June 8, 2017): 274–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022817000080.
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AbstractFocusing on the case of Japanese-occupied Manchuria, this article asks what set Japan, Germany, and Italy apart from other empires during the ‘fascist moment’ from the aftermath of the First World War to the defeat of the Axis powers in 1945. While scholars have examined the politics and culture of fascism in metropolitan Japan, there is virtually no literature on fascist imperialism. Indeed, the consensus term is ‘wartime empire’ and the dominant framework is of an empire mobilized for total war. One of the goals is to think through what the concept ‘fascist imperialism’ might mean and what the Japanese case might contribute to its definition. Detailed comparison with Germany and Italy is beyond the scope of this article, which builds a definition of fascism around four core elements drawn from the Japanese case: the ideology of Asianism and its vision for Japanese leadership over a regional movement of anti-colonial nationalisms; hyper-militarism that went well beyond military imperialism pursued since the late nineteenth century and that constituted a new celebration of military action and the aesthetics of violence; red peril thinking that propelled the creation of a police state targeting communist intellectuals, politicians, and labour activists within the archipelago as well as communist nationalists in the empire; and radical statism, which signified the turn to the state as the spear tip and staging ground of action to address the crisis. All four dimensions of fascism in Japan intensified in the process of territorial expansion from 1931 to 1945, and linked transformations across the nation-state-empire.
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Prag, Jonathan R. W. "Auxilia and Gymnasia: A Sicilian Model of Roman Imperialism." Journal of Roman Studies 97 (November 2007): 68–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.3815/000000007784016061.
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This paper examines the evidence for military activity in the Republican provincia of Sicily from the Punic Wars to the Civil Wars, and the implications of this for our understanding of Republican Sicily and Republican imperialism. After the Second Punic War there was very little use of Roman or Italian allied soldiers on the island, but extensive use, by Rome, of local Sicilian soldiers. The rich evidence for gymnasia suggests one way in which this use of local manpower was based upon existing civic structures and encouraged local civic culture and identity. These conclusions prompt a reassessment of the importance of auxilia externa under the Roman Republic and of models for Republican imperial control of provinciae.
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Bland, Yana. "The Economics of Imperialism and Health: Malta's Experience." International Journal of Health Services 24, no. 3 (July 1994): 549–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/7jx4-57vv-622v-jbpf.
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The thesis of this article is that the prevalence of disease and premature death depends more on national, class, and gender relationships than on medical and biological factors. The political and economic realities of life in the British Colony of Malta revealed here clearly determined the severity of both infant mortality rates and the attacks of brucellosis. A brief history sets the background for an in-depth study of the interaction between socioeconomic conditions and disease in the first half of the 20th century. Britain's adherence to imperialist “free” trade policies and refusal to consider Malta's economy beyond its use as a military base had resulted in the “underdevelopment” of Malta's traditional cotton agroindustry and the erosion of household economic stability. Persistently high infant mortality rates and the absence of preventive disease measures were a clear manifestation of continuing exploitative imperialist policies. In this scenario, the devastation of the Second World War became a catalyst for change.
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Belfiglio, Valentine J. "The Expansionist Policies of the Ancient Roman and United States Republics: Military Imperialism." International Journal of Interdisciplinary Civic and Political Studies 10, no. 4 (2015): 39–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.18848/2327-0071/cgp/v10i04/53107.
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Daly, Nicholas. "Nationalism, Imperialism and Identity in Late Victorian Culture: Civil and Military Worlds (review)." Victorian Studies 47, no. 2 (2005): 305–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/vic.2005.0057.
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Gagliano, Joseph A. "Taking Haiti: Military Occupation and the Culture of U. S. Imperialism, 1915–1940." History: Reviews of New Books 30, no. 1 (January 2001): 15–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2001.10525931.
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Marsono, Marsono, Deni D.A.R., and Novky Asmoro. "IMPROVEMENT OF JAPANESE MILITARY CAPABILITIES AND IMPLICATIONS ON INDONESIA’S NATIONAL DEFENSE." Jurnal Pertahanan 4, no. 2 (August 31, 2018): 89. http://dx.doi.org/10.33172/jp.v4i2.286.
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<div class="WordSection1"><p>Abstract - In the historical record, Japan was among the most prominent country in military aspect. Japanese military force at that time was evidenced by the strength of their personnel and equipment. This article aims to explore and analyze the development of Japanese military capabilities and ascertaining its implication on ASEAN and the defense of Indonesia. This study uses data analysis technique and narrative qualitative methods, each data that has been collected and validated will be analyzed through data reduction, data presentation, and conclusion/verification. From this study, it can be concluded that the improvement of Japanese military capabilities is strongly related to the interest and conflict between several countries such as China, Japan and North Korea. Therefore, Indonesia needs to have preventive measure in anticipating the rise or improvement of Japanese military capabilities even if it has a harmonious cooperation with Japan in many aspects. After all, Indonesia was one of the direct victims of Japanese imperialism and militarism.</p></div>