Academic literature on the topic 'Military Media Unit'

Introduction. In the conditions of external aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine, the source of official information for servicemen of the Armed Forces of Ukraine are the state media which were founded by the Ministry of Defense of Ukraine. In the period since 2014, the system of military media has undergone significant changes, as well as the transformation of the public relations and strategic communicatios in the Ministry of Defense and the Armed Forces of Ukraine has continued. At the present stage, it remains significant to clarify the current position of the military media as a source of information. Relevance of the study. The purpose of the article is to determine the place of military media among the sources of official information for servicemen, as well as the degree of need in specialized media of the Ministry of Defense and the Armed Forces of Ukraine. Methodology, results, conclusions. According to a questionnaire survey of servicemen of one of the units of the Marine Corps of the Naval Forces of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, it was found that at the level of this separate military unit the leading role in informing personnel is played by internal communications. About 40% of servicemen use military media as source of information. The Internet is the most common source of information for military personnel. The military often uses several types of media, but if they use only one source to receive news, it is usually social networks. All military media from which respondents receive information are presented on the Internet. This may indicate the impact of the development of the Internet and information and communication technologies on the functioning of traditional media of the Ministry of Defense and the Armed Forces of Ukraine. The results of the questionnaire indicate the need for structural and functional transformation of the existing system of military media. To confirm this, it is necessary to conduct a comprehensive study on the scale of the Armed Forces of Ukraine. In the future, this will provide an opportunity to develop proposals for improving the processes of socio-communication interaction of the army with society and information and media support of troops (forces).

LAY SUMMARY Canadian military families face distinct challenges due to the military lifestyle, primarily due to relocation, absences and deployments, and risk of injury and death. Tied to these challenges is the intimate partner relationship and the ability of the family unit to thrive. To support families, Military Family Services (MFS) undertook a collaborative process to create a modernized campaign focused on healthy relationships for Canadian Armed Forces (CAF) members, Veterans, and their families. The “Healthy Relationships” campaign is a unique social media campaign centred on positive behaviour change, inspiration, and sharing of real military families’ stories. The campaign sought to shift the narrative from previous anti-family-violence messaging to promoting positive, healthy, and equitable relationships. The campaign was successful in its rollout across bases and wings in Canada, Europe, and the United States.

<p class="Abstract">Due to historical relationships with the military, royalty, landed gentry and upper-class society, equestrian sport faces regular accusations of being elitist and exclusionary. How about in Indonesia? Equestrian clubs are now a lot of popping up and become popular in some of major cities in this country. Even though looks similar, equestrian is totally different from traditional Indonesian horse race: ‘Pacuan Kuda’ that has already existed in this country. After millennium, various discourses in the media about equestrian also forming the discourse of exclusionary in this country. Understand equestrian sport is important to consider how people participate in the sport and the different ways it is represented across countries, in this case is in Indonesia. UGM Equestrian Unit, one of an oldest equestrian club in Yogyakarta<span lang="IN">,</span> Indonesia<span lang="IN">,</span> that consistently stands for UGM students since 1989. Many ways are done by this club in recruiting members every year and present themselves as a humble sport that can be followed by every UGM student in Yogyakarta, but the image of an ‘upper-class’ student activities appears even stronger year after year. Why did it happen?<o:p></o:p></p>

Announcing “war on terrorism” by United States had dire consequences upon independent Pakistani journalists. Pakistan army has carried out several military operations against local and foreign militants those expected to be hidden in these regions. During these operations journalists were restricted from objective and free coverage and therefore they remained embedded with military in FATA. The embedding process created by the Pentagon and implemented for the first time in Iraq, was highly criticized by American citizens for not showing real casualties in Iraq war. Similarly, Pakistani journalists experienced this practice of being embedded in FATA after 9/11 attacks and the coverage went pro-military where civilian casualties were misrepresented. On one side this practice was praised by some journalists for their security and protection while on the other side it was highly criticized by public for violation of human rights. The method of analysis of choice was descriptive and explanatory. For the purpose different journals, research articles, existence literature and books were consulted. This paper shows that in the present age of media galore conflicts are viewed not just from the opposing parties ‘perspective but media is also considered a party to the conflicts. Moreover, the paper finds that it becomes very difficult for a journalist to report independently while staying 24/7 with an army unit in a conflict zone. And if they go against the commandments of army they could be killed, and nobody would report this big tragedy. By considering the above facts it has become crystal clear that media portrayals of conflict all over the world including Pakistan have seen major concern to media professionals, combatants and public.

The aimof the article is to clarify features ofsymbolic comparative resources used in the Ukrainian media to represent conflict and counter propaganda, and to consider how these contribute to decision-making. Historical parallels and intercultural analogies are considered as rhetorical means used bywriters in the Ukrainian mediain analyzing the challenges posed by the Russian-Ukrainian military conflict.Research methods and techniques: critical discourse analysis,«problem-oriented interdisciplinary approach»,which emphasizesidentity and power as factors that contribute to the formation of meaning. The research procedureinvolves the analysis of the linguistic and actual context of tropes, comparison of interpretations, and classification of intertextual patterns.Results: different types of analogies are exploited in media texts, the differentiation of which is based on several functional criteria: eitherthe «script of war»,argumentative purpose, or sources of transposition.Conclusions.1. Analogies in media texts are seen as interpretive frameworks that explain current conflict through references to scenarios of military, political,and cultural histories in the world, including the causes of hostilities and models of negotiation. 2. In media texts dealing with interstate conflict and related geopolitical issues, the analogy is approached as a unit of argumentation and belief that influences the choice, and shapes Ukraine's position in the information war. 3. Analogies used in the process of media persuasion serve the functions of symbolic identification, promotion of values, transfer of experience, and proposing strategies. 4. Collectively, the public debate in Ukraine, which addresses the challenges of resistance, is an example of intercultural intertextuality, revealing the basic principles of conflict resolution and protection of state sovereignty.Keywords:analogies,historicalparallels,discourse,conflict,frames,rhetoric,symbol,context.

The purpose of this study is to suggest the need to strengthen the military police's investigative power for crimes that occur in military units and the direction of legislative and policy revision of the military police's role in protecting crime victims due to the incident. Recently, problems with the investigative power and jurisdiction of the Korean military police have been continuously raised both inside and outside the military, and there have been considerable internal improvement efforts, but it is pointed out that the system has not yet been sufficiently improved. Under the current law, frequent conflicts or inadequate institutional issues have been revealed in the military police investigation process, and these problems have emerged due to the acceleration of the military's civilization, so it is believed that human rights violations of crime victims will become serious. In particular, military police are in charge of investigating civilians with exceptions to most military personnel or military materials for general crimes, so the investigation procedures must be clearly based on laws and minimize possible abuse, but there are insufficient regulations to support them. In addition, the role of a special judicial police officer is also an increasingly important area, but domestic violence crimes and the protection of crime victims in the military unit have become important issues, and the law has been revised. According to the above-mentioned grounds, the enactment of relevant laws and institutional development necessary for the military police to perform their duties for domestic violence crimes (including dating crimes) and crime victims (including soldiers and military family victims) will fall within the scope of military police's important duties in the future. This study examined various related laws such as the Military Court Act and the Judicial Police Management Act, which are the legal basis for the exercise of the military police's investigative power, and derived matters pointed out by the National Human Rights Commission, the National Assembly, and the media regarding the actual effectiveness of the laws. In addition, in the application of various laws and regulations for investigation, military police and general police were compared and analyzed to analyze various disturbances that may cause problems and improvements to overcome them.

The purpose of this study is to suggest the need to strengthen the military police's investigative power for crimes that occur in military units and the direction of legislative and policy revision of the military police's role in protecting crime victims due to the incident. Recently, problems with the investigative power and jurisdiction of the Korean military police have been continuously raised both inside and outside the military, and there have been considerable internal improvement efforts, but it is pointed out that the system has not yet been sufficiently improved. Under the current law, frequent conflicts or inadequate institutional issues have been revealed in the military police investigation process, and these problems have emerged due to the acceleration of the military's civilization, so it is believed that human rights violations of crime victims will become serious. In particular, military police are in charge of investigating civilians with exceptions to most military personnel or military materials for general crimes, so the investigation procedures must be clearly based on laws and minimize possible abuse, but there are insufficient regulations to support them. In addition, the role of a special judicial police officer is also an increasingly important area, but domestic violence crimes and the protection of crime victims in the military unit have become important issues, and the law has been revised. According to the above-mentioned grounds, the enactment of relevant laws and institutional development necessary for the military police to perform their duties for domestic violence crimes (including dating crimes) and crime victims (including soldiers and military family victims) will fall within the scope of military police's important duties in the future. This study examined various related laws such as the Military Court Act and the Judicial Police Management Act, which are the legal basis for the exercise of the military police's investigative power, and derived matters pointed out by the National Human Rights Commission, the National Assembly, and the media regarding the actual effectiveness of the laws. In addition, in the application of various laws and regulations for investigation, military police and general police were compared and analyzed to analyze various disturbances that may cause problems and improvements to overcome them.

Abstract This article investigates the security sector in Somalia, with a focus on the National Intelligence and Security Agency (NISA), a government security unit, involved in the fight against the Al-Shabaab insurgency. This article argues that the historically traumatic legacy of autocratic oppression of the former military regime gives the Somali intelligence agency an infamous reputation that survives today and plays a significant role in the operations of the intelligence agency. Intelligence agents employ tactics from the late Cold War era military regime’s intelligence services, suggesting striking historical continuities of the military regime in practice and performance. The empirical data also shows that NISA is enmeshed in the ‘dirty war’ between the federal government and Al-Shabaab. Not only does the intelligence agency normalize extrajudicial activities to serve the agenda of political authorities and to suppress their critics, but it also financially benefits from arrests without trials. NISA agents harass the public and political opposition groups daily and brutally suppress mass media and freedom of speech, especially in the government-controlled areas in Mogadishu. As the first empirical academic investigation into NISA, the article contributes to broader debates on intelligence, the anthropology of the state, security studies, and institution- and state-building in violent environments.

This manuscript investigates the use of social media, specifically Twitter, during the forest fires in Artenara and Valleseco, Canary Islands, Spain, during summer 2019. The used methodology was big-data analysis through the Union Metrics and Twlets tools, as well as content analysis of posts related to the fires written by seven relevant accounts on the days when the fires were active, which was between 17 August and 26 September, when 9636.40 hectares were burned. The accounts selected for analysis were the following: Ángel Víctor Torres, autonomous president; Canary Islands Government; Civil Protection of Las Palmas; Military Emergency Unit of the Spanish Army; Delegation of the Spanish Government in the Canary Islands; Citizen’s Service of the Canary Islands Government; and the information account of the Security and Emergency area of the Canary Islands Government. The study concludes that the Canary Islands authorities did not use social media as a preventive element, but almost exclusively as a live-information channel. Future recommendations are presented for the management of social media during natural disasters.

In recent years, the development of the Armed Forces of Ukraine has become an extremely important issue for Ukraine. Among the many important areas in ensuring the country's defense capabilities was the issue of the actual revival of the Marines of the Ukrainian Navy after the annexation of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea by the Russian Federation. Within the framework of our work the system of state guarantees of service by servicemen of the Marines of the Navy of the Armed Forces of Ukraine is analyzed and the prospects of further improvement of administrative and legal bases of this direction of activity of public authorities are singled out. Analyzing the historical aspects of the formation of the Marines, we can state that this is a relatively separate unit of the armed forces, aimed at performing special tasks and functions in both offensive and defensive military operations. Nowadays, there is an active development of special units of different purpose and functionality - this is primarily due to socio-political domestic and geopolitical processes. Informatization of society, development of technologies, finds its application in the military sphere. Today, the processes of modernization of the Ukrainian army with the help of modern telecommunication capabilities are actively reflected. To increase the level of awareness of both the general public and the military, official websites, Facebook pages, military leadership at various levels have been created, and the media, in turn, pay special attention to the country's defense capabilities.

In the context of the Arab-Israeli conflict, Islamic Resistance, the military arm of Hezbollah, was an early guerrilla movement, which established a military media unit in 1984. This unit developed its work to specialise in the following procedures: issuing statements about the activities of Islamic Resistance and its fighters' obituaries; filming the military operations initiated by Islamic Resistance against the Israeli army in Southern Lebanon; and, producing videos of fighters' testaments, video songs and flashes. This unit uses the official website of Islamic Resistance and cooperates with media outlets established and operated by Hezbollah, particularly Al-Manar satellite station, to transmit its messages. However, the success of this unit has demonstrated, particularly the significance of media units, to the Palestinian military arms in the Gaza Strip in the context of psychological warfare against Israel, as shown in the recent war with Israel in 2014. The establishment of media units by military arms of many militant organisations in the Middle East has promoted new forms of discourse. These forms, when accompanied with developments in communication technologies, have allowed the military arms to develop their media platforms by which they freely convey their discourse; the latter forms are embedded with signs and frames, and have objectives aimed at a wider audience. This thesis identifies and analyses the media discourse of Hezbollah's military arm, contextualised by reviewing the use of media by militant organisations in the Middle East and the spawning of military media units. The point of departure in this thesis resides in identifying the media discourse of Islamic Resistance. Thus, the thesis critically reviews the current literature and the organisational structure of Hezbollah; in doing so, it reaches the conclusion that such media discourse is comprised of the output of the military media unit and the speeches of Resistance of Hezbollah's Secretary-General, who is also the leader of its military arm. In contrast to previous studies, the present review explores that the establishment of Hezbollah's military arm, Islamic Resistance, is likely to have occurred before that of its parent organisation. This thesis bridges the gaps in the studies existing in the literature, which have never identified the media discourse of Islamic Resistance, nor analysed the total output of the military media unit of Islamic Resistance. Thus, there is a dearth of studies relating to the following outputs: the written statements, fighters' testaments, video songs and flashes, and the footage of the capturing of Israeli soldiers. However, this thesis analyses the media discourse of Islamic Resistance. It analyses samples of archival data representing the total output of the military media unit, as well as the speeches of Resistance of Hezbollah's Secretary-General, Sayyed Hassan Nasrullah. Under its aim and sub-aims, it explores the embedded signs, codes, frames and objectives of the discourse. To achieve its aim, this thesis has developed a critical discourse analysis (CDA) model, utilising tools from the fields of (critical) linguistics and (social) semiotics, and guided by framing theory. The findings of this thesis bridge a gap in the current studies relating to the media discourse of Islamic Resistance. In addition, the theoretical foundations and the approach utilised here can be replicated in future studies of the media discourses of other guerrilla groups in the Middle East, particularly the Palestinian military arms.

Nationalism: Past as Prologue began as a single volume being compiled by Ad Akande, a scholar from South Africa, who proposed it to me as co-author about two years ago. The original idea was to examine how the damaging roots of nationalism have been corroding political systems around the world, and creating dangerous obstacles for necessary international cooperation. Since I (Bruce E. Johansen) has written profusely about climate change (global warming, a.k.a. infrared forcing), I suggested a concerted effort in that direction. This is a worldwide existential threat that affects every living thing on Earth. It often compounds upon itself, so delays in reducing emissions of fossil fuels are shortening the amount of time remaining to eliminate the use of fossil fuels to preserve a livable planet. Nationalism often impedes solutions to this problem (among many others), as nations place their singular needs above the common good. Our initial proposal got around, and abstracts on many subjects arrived. Within a few weeks, we had enough good material for a 100,000-word book. The book then fattened to two moderate volumes and then to four two very hefty tomes. We tried several different titles as good submissions swelled. We also discovered that our best contributors were experts in their fields, which ranged the world. We settled on three stand-alone books:” 1/ nationalism and racial justice. Our first volume grew as the growth of Black Lives Matter following the brutal killing of George Floyd ignited protests over police brutality and other issues during 2020, following the police assassination of Floyd in Minneapolis. It is estimated that more people took part in protests of police brutality during the summer of 2020 than any other series of marches in United States history. This includes upheavals during the 1960s over racial issues and against the war in Southeast Asia (notably Vietnam). We choose a volume on racism because it is one of nationalism’s main motive forces. This volume provides a worldwide array of work on nationalism’s growth in various countries, usually by authors residing in them, or in the United States with ethnic ties to the nation being examined, often recent immigrants to the United States from them. Our roster of contributors comprises a small United Nations of insightful, well-written research and commentary from Indonesia, New Zealand, Australia, China, India, South Africa, France, Portugal, Estonia, Hungary, Russia, Poland, Kazakhstan, Georgia, and the United States. Volume 2 (this one) describes and analyzes nationalism, by country, around the world, except for the United States; and 3/material directly related to President Donald Trump, and the United States. The first volume is under consideration at the Texas A & M University Press. The other two are under contract to Nova Science Publishers (which includes social sciences). These three volumes may be used individually or as a set. Environmental material is taken up in appropriate places in each of the three books. * * * * * What became the United States of America has been strongly nationalist since the English of present-day Massachusetts and Jamestown first hit North America’s eastern shores. The country propelled itself across North America with the self-serving ideology of “manifest destiny” for four centuries before Donald Trump came along. Anyone who believes that a Trumpian affection for deportation of “illegals” is a new thing ought to take a look at immigration and deportation statistics in Adam Goodman’s The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Deporting Immigrants (Princeton University Press, 2020). Between 1920 and 2018, the United States deported 56.3 million people, compared with 51.7 million who were granted legal immigration status during the same dates. Nearly nine of ten deportees were Mexican (Nolan, 2020, 83). This kind of nationalism, has become an assassin of democracy as well as an impediment to solving global problems. Paul Krugman wrote in the New York Times (2019:A-25): that “In their 2018 book, How Democracies Die, the political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt documented how this process has played out in many countries, from Vladimir Putin’s Russia, to Recep Erdogan’s Turkey, to Viktor Orban’s Hungary. Add to these India’s Narendra Modi, China’s Xi Jinping, and the United States’ Donald Trump, among others. Bit by bit, the guardrails of democracy have been torn down, as institutions meant to serve the public became tools of ruling parties and self-serving ideologies, weaponized to punish and intimidate opposition parties’ opponents. On paper, these countries are still democracies; in practice, they have become one-party regimes….And it’s happening here [the United States] as we speak. If you are not worried about the future of American democracy, you aren’t paying attention” (Krugmam, 2019, A-25). We are reminded continuously that the late Carl Sagan, one of our most insightful scientific public intellectuals, had an interesting theory about highly developed civilizations. Given the number of stars and planets that must exist in the vast reaches of the universe, he said, there must be other highly developed and organized forms of life. Distance may keep us from making physical contact, but Sagan said that another reason we may never be on speaking terms with another intelligent race is (judging from our own example) could be their penchant for destroying themselves in relatively short order after reaching technological complexity. This book’s chapters, introduction, and conclusion examine the worldwide rise of partisan nationalism and the damage it has wrought on the worldwide pursuit of solutions for issues requiring worldwide scope, such scientific co-operation public health and others, mixing analysis of both. We use both historical description and analysis. This analysis concludes with a description of why we must avoid the isolating nature of nationalism that isolates people and encourages separation if we are to deal with issues of world-wide concern, and to maintain a sustainable, survivable Earth, placing the dominant political movement of our time against the Earth’s existential crises. Our contributors, all experts in their fields, each have assumed responsibility for a country, or two if they are related. This work entwines themes of worldwide concern with the political growth of nationalism because leaders with such a worldview are disinclined to co-operate internationally at a time when nations must find ways to solve common problems, such as the climate crisis. Inability to cooperate at this stage may doom everyone, eventually, to an overheated, stormy future plagued by droughts and deluges portending shortages of food and other essential commodities, meanwhile destroying large coastal urban areas because of rising sea levels. Future historians may look back at our time and wonder why as well as how our world succumbed to isolating nationalism at a time when time was so short for cooperative intervention which is crucial for survival of a sustainable earth. Pride in language and culture is salubrious to individuals’ sense of history and identity. Excess nationalism that prevents international co-operation on harmful worldwide maladies is quite another. As Pope Francis has pointed out: For all of our connectivity due to expansion of social media, ability to communicate can breed contempt as well as mutual trust. “For all our hyper-connectivity,” said Francis, “We witnessed a fragmentation that made it more difficult to resolve problems that affect us all” (Horowitz, 2020, A-12). The pope’s encyclical, titled “Brothers All,” also said: “The forces of myopic, extremist, resentful, and aggressive nationalism are on the rise.” The pope’s document also advocates support for migrants, as well as resistance to nationalist and tribal populism. Francis broadened his critique to the role of market capitalism, as well as nationalism has failed the peoples of the world when they need co-operation and solidarity in the face of the world-wide corona virus pandemic. Humankind needs to unite into “a new sense of the human family [Fratelli Tutti, “Brothers All”], that rejects war at all costs” (Pope, 2020, 6-A). Our journey takes us first to Russia, with the able eye and honed expertise of Richard D. Anderson, Jr. who teaches as UCLA and publishes on the subject of his chapter: “Putin, Russian identity, and Russia’s conduct at home and abroad.” Readers should find Dr. Anderson’s analysis fascinating because Vladimir Putin, the singular leader of Russian foreign and domestic policy these days (and perhaps for the rest of his life, given how malleable Russia’s Constitution has become) may be a short man physically, but has high ambitions. One of these involves restoring the old Russian (and Soviet) empire, which would involve re-subjugating a number of nations that broke off as the old order dissolved about 30 years ago. President (shall we say czar?) Putin also has international ambitions, notably by destabilizing the United States, where election meddling has become a specialty. The sight of Putin and U.S. president Donald Trump, two very rich men (Putin $70-$200 billion; Trump $2.5 billion), nuzzling in friendship would probably set Thomas Jefferson and Vladimir Lenin spinning in their graves. The road of history can take some unanticipated twists and turns. Consider Poland, from which we have an expert native analysis in chapter 2, Bartosz Hlebowicz, who is a Polish anthropologist and journalist. His piece is titled “Lawless and Unjust: How to Quickly Make Your Own Country a Puppet State Run by a Group of Hoodlums – the Hopeless Case of Poland (2015–2020).” When I visited Poland to teach and lecture twice between 2006 and 2008, most people seemed to be walking on air induced by freedom to conduct their own affairs to an unusual degree for a state usually squeezed between nationalists in Germany and Russia. What did the Poles then do in a couple of decades? Read Hlebowicz’ chapter and decide. It certainly isn’t soft-bellied liberalism. In Chapter 3, with Bruce E. Johansen, we visit China’s western provinces, the lands of Tibet as well as the Uighurs and other Muslims in the Xinjiang region, who would most assuredly resent being characterized as being possessed by the Chinese of the Han to the east. As a student of Native American history, I had never before thought of the Tibetans and Uighurs as Native peoples struggling against the Independence-minded peoples of a land that is called an adjunct of China on most of our maps. The random act of sitting next to a young woman on an Air India flight out of Hyderabad, bound for New Delhi taught me that the Tibetans had something to share with the Lakota, the Iroquois, and hundreds of other Native American states and nations in North America. Active resistance to Chinese rule lasted into the mid-nineteenth century, and continues today in a subversive manner, even in song, as I learned in 2018 when I acted as a foreign adjudicator on a Ph.D. dissertation by a Tibetan student at the University of Madras (in what is now in a city called Chennai), in southwestern India on resistance in song during Tibet’s recent history. Tibet is one of very few places on Earth where a young dissident can get shot to death for singing a song that troubles China’s Quest for Lebensraum. The situation in Xinjiang region, where close to a million Muslims have been interned in “reeducation” camps surrounded with brick walls and barbed wire. They sing, too. Come with us and hear the music. Back to Europe now, in Chapter 4, to Portugal and Spain, we find a break in the general pattern of nationalism. Portugal has been more progressive governmentally than most. Spain varies from a liberal majority to military coups, a pattern which has been exported to Latin America. A situation such as this can make use of the term “populism” problematic, because general usage in our time usually ties the word into a right-wing connotative straightjacket. “Populism” can be used to describe progressive (left-wing) insurgencies as well. José Pinto, who is native to Portugal and also researches and writes in Spanish as well as English, in “Populism in Portugal and Spain: a Real Neighbourhood?” provides insight into these historical paradoxes. Hungary shares some historical inclinations with Poland (above). Both emerged from Soviet dominance in an air of developing freedom and multicultural diversity after the Berlin Wall fell and the Soviet Union collapsed. Then, gradually at first, right wing-forces began to tighten up, stripping structures supporting popular freedom, from the courts, mass media, and other institutions. In Chapter 5, Bernard Tamas, in “From Youth Movement to Right-Liberal Wing Authoritarianism: The Rise of Fidesz and the Decline of Hungarian Democracy” puts the renewed growth of political and social repression into a context of worldwide nationalism. Tamas, an associate professor of political science at Valdosta State University, has been a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard University and a Fulbright scholar at the Central European University in Budapest, Hungary. His books include From Dissident to Party Politics: The Struggle for Democracy in Post-Communist Hungary (2007). Bear in mind that not everyone shares Orbán’s vision of what will make this nation great, again. On graffiti-covered walls in Budapest, Runes (traditional Hungarian script) has been found that read “Orbán is a motherfucker” (Mikanowski, 2019, 58). Also in Europe, in Chapter 6, Professor Ronan Le Coadic, of the University of Rennes, Rennes, France, in “Is There a Revival of French Nationalism?” Stating this title in the form of a question is quite appropriate because France’s nationalistic shift has built and ebbed several times during the last few decades. For a time after 2000, it came close to assuming the role of a substantial minority, only to ebb after that. In 2017, the candidate of the National Front reached the second round of the French presidential election. This was the second time this nationalist party reached the second round of the presidential election in the history of the Fifth Republic. In 2002, however, Jean-Marie Le Pen had only obtained 17.79% of the votes, while fifteen years later his daughter, Marine Le Pen, almost doubled her father's record, reaching 33.90% of the votes cast. Moreover, in the 2019 European elections, re-named Rassemblement National obtained the largest number of votes of all French political formations and can therefore boast of being "the leading party in France.” The brutality of oppressive nationalism may be expressed in personal relationships, such as child abuse. While Indonesia and Aotearoa [the Maoris’ name for New Zealand] hold very different ranks in the United Nations Human Development Programme assessments, where Indonesia is classified as a medium development country and Aotearoa New Zealand as a very high development country. In Chapter 7, “Domestic Violence Against Women in Indonesia and Aotearoa New Zealand: Making Sense of Differences and Similarities” co-authors, in Chapter 8, Mandy Morgan and Dr. Elli N. Hayati, from New Zealand and Indonesia respectively, found that despite their socio-economic differences, one in three women in each country experience physical or sexual intimate partner violence over their lifetime. In this chapter ther authors aim to deepen understandings of domestic violence through discussion of the socio-economic and demographic characteristics of theit countries to address domestic violence alongside studies of women’s attitudes to gender norms and experiences of intimate partner violence. One of the most surprising and upsetting scholarly journeys that a North American student may take involves Adolf Hitler’s comments on oppression of American Indians and Blacks as he imagined the construction of the Nazi state, a genesis of nationalism that is all but unknown in the United States of America, traced in this volume (Chapter 8) by co-editor Johansen. Beginning in Mein Kampf, during the 1920s, Hitler explicitly used the westward expansion of the United States across North America as a model and justification for Nazi conquest and anticipated colonization by Germans of what the Nazis called the “wild East” – the Slavic nations of Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, and Russia, most of which were under control of the Soviet Union. The Volga River (in Russia) was styled by Hitler as the Germans’ Mississippi, and covered wagons were readied for the German “manifest destiny” of imprisoning, eradicating, and replacing peoples the Nazis deemed inferior, all with direct references to events in North America during the previous century. At the same time, with no sense of contradiction, the Nazis partook of a long-standing German romanticism of Native Americans. One of Goebbels’ less propitious schemes was to confer honorary Aryan status on Native American tribes, in the hope that they would rise up against their oppressors. U.S. racial attitudes were “evidence [to the Nazis] that America was evolving in the right direction, despite its specious rhetoric about equality.” Ming Xie, originally from Beijing, in the People’s Republic of China, in Chapter 9, “News Coverage and Public Perceptions of the Social Credit System in China,” writes that The State Council of China in 2014 announced “that a nationwide social credit system would be established” in China. “Under this system, individuals, private companies, social organizations, and governmental agencies are assigned a score which will be calculated based on their trustworthiness and daily actions such as transaction history, professional conduct, obedience to law, corruption, tax evasion, and academic plagiarism.” The “nationalism” in this case is that of the state over the individual. China has 1.4 billion people; this system takes their measure for the purpose of state control. Once fully operational, control will be more subtle. People who are subject to it, through modern technology (most often smart phones) will prompt many people to self-censor. Orwell, modernized, might write: “Your smart phone is watching you.” Ming Xie holds two Ph.Ds, one in Public Administration from University of Nebraska at Omaha and another in Cultural Anthropology from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, where she also worked for more than 10 years at a national think tank in the same institution. While there she summarized news from non-Chinese sources for senior members of the Chinese Communist Party. Ming is presently an assistant professor at the Department of Political Science and Criminal Justice, West Texas A&M University. In Chapter 10, analyzing native peoples and nationhood, Barbara Alice Mann, Professor of Honours at the University of Toledo, in “Divide, et Impera: The Self-Genocide Game” details ways in which European-American invaders deprive the conquered of their sense of nationhood as part of a subjugation system that amounts to genocide, rubbing out their languages and cultures -- and ultimately forcing the native peoples to assimilate on their own, for survival in a culture that is foreign to them. Mann is one of Native American Studies’ most acute critics of conquests’ contradictions, and an author who retrieves Native history with a powerful sense of voice and purpose, having authored roughly a dozen books and numerous book chapters, among many other works, who has traveled around the world lecturing and publishing on many subjects. Nalanda Roy and S. Mae Pedron in Chapter 11, “Understanding the Face of Humanity: The Rohingya Genocide.” describe one of the largest forced migrations in the history of the human race, the removal of 700,000 to 800,000 Muslims from Buddhist Myanmar to Bangladesh, which itself is already one of the most crowded and impoverished nations on Earth. With about 150 million people packed into an area the size of Nebraska and Iowa (population less than a tenth that of Bangladesh, a country that is losing land steadily to rising sea levels and erosion of the Ganges river delta. The Rohingyas’ refugee camp has been squeezed onto a gigantic, eroding, muddy slope that contains nearly no vegetation. However, Bangladesh is majority Muslim, so while the Rohingya may starve, they won’t be shot to death by marauding armies. Both authors of this exquisite (and excruciating) account teach at Georgia Southern University in Savannah, Georgia, Roy as an associate professor of International Studies and Asian politics, and Pedron as a graduate student; Roy originally hails from very eastern India, close to both Myanmar and Bangladesh, so he has special insight into the context of one of the most brutal genocides of our time, or any other. This is our case describing the problems that nationalism has and will pose for the sustainability of the Earth as our little blue-and-green orb becomes more crowded over time. The old ways, in which national arguments often end in devastating wars, are obsolete, given that the Earth and all the people, plants, and other animals that it sustains are faced with the existential threat of a climate crisis that within two centuries, more or less, will flood large parts of coastal cities, and endanger many species of plants and animals. To survive, we must listen to the Earth, and observe her travails, because they are increasingly our own.

Abstract With the availability of an abundance of data through the Internet, the premises to solve some intelligence analysis tasks have changed for the better. The study presented herein sets out to examine whether and how a data-driven approach can contribute to solve intelligence tasks. During a full day observational study, an ordinary military intelligence unit was divided into two uniform teams. Each team was independently asked to solve the same realistic intelligence analysis task. Both teams were allowed to use their ordinary set of tools, but in addition one team was also given access to a novel text analysis prototype tool specifically designed to support data-driven intelligence analysis of social media data. The results, obtained from the case study with a high ecological validity, suggest that the prototype tool provided valuable insights by bringing forth information from a more diverse set of sources, specifically from private citizens that would not have been easily discovered otherwise. Also, regardless of its objective contribution, the capabilities and the usage of the tool were embraced and subjectively perceived as useful by all involved analysts.

The Department of Army Special Photographic Office (DASPO) was created to document U.S. Army activities during the Cold War, with much of the work centered on the Vietnam War. This chapter, by James Paasche, demonstrates that the production of state and military propaganda required constant negotiations of control between military commanders and the soldiers and media makers on the ground. Further, this chapter attends to the labor practices of an institutional filmmaking unit in the hopes of delineating how the processes of media production must adapt to the fraught contexts of war. In addition, the chapter considers how image making was considered a key component of the U.S. military’s supposed technological superiority during the Vietnam War.

Smartphones bring major changes to the way people gather information and interact. While smartphone use unleashes productivity it also has worrying implications. This study focused on the most important aspects of user experiences of smartphones in an Army work environment. Theory U and systems theory guided the research. This phenomenological study was based on interviews with soldiers of a variety of ages, ranks, and duty positions. While the findings are consistent with other research, it is clear that smartphone use ties to a number of complex leadership challenges. Paradoxical aspects of smartphone use are apparent as it also fosters stress and anxiety. More concerning, such use jeopardizes the development of the traditional military culture of the unit. Current Army policies do not address the concerns expressed by respondents. The results of the study are a call to action for Army leaders and offer a compelling case for transformative change.

This chapter describes in depth how MBS and MBZ have established their control over most other institutions, the media, and national security. Firstly, their increasing influence over executive and consultative political institutions is considered, including their respective councils of ministers, the Shura Council (in Saudi Arabia), and the Federal National Council (in the UAE). Secondly, their de facto command over the judicial system is discussed, including the ongoing lack of separation of powers in both countries. Thirdly, their extensive efforts to manage, manipulate, and suppress the media (and social media) are explained, including the use of traditional media controls alongside more experimental counter measures. Fourthly, their attempts to re-organize their respective military, security, and intelligence organizations are studied, including key personnel and structural changes, and an emphasis on greater professionalism. Finally, their cultivation of stronger praetorian guards is reflected upon, including an apparent increased willingness to bring in greater numbers of foreign experts, and (in MBZ’s case) an emphasis on creating secretive new units.

The HCAI framework clarifies when computer control for rapid automated action is necessary, when human desire for mastery is paramount, and when there are dangers of excessive automation or excessive human control. It clarifies design choices for (1) consumer and professional applications, such as widely used recommender systems, advertising tools, social media platforms, and search engines, which have brought strong benefits to consumers; (2) consequential applications in medical, legal, environmental, or financial systems that can bring substantial benefits and harms; and (3) life-critical applications such as cars, airplanes, trains, military systems, pacemakers, or intensive care units.

Snake envenomation is a significant global health problem, particularly in tropical and subtropical locations. In this case, a 38-year-old performing military field operations in South America develops systemic symptoms consistent with snake envenomation after falling into brush. His symptoms were recognized by his unit medic who initiated appropriate field care and immediate resuscitation with intravenous fluids. He was rapidly transported to a local hospital. The hospital administered polyvalent snake antivenom given his systemic symptoms while providing continued supportive care. Field care for snake bites includes removal of the patient from the snake’s striking range, immobilization of the affected extremity, and supportive care. Immediate transport to a facility with snake envenomation management capability is crucial for definitive management.

The detailed consideration of lexical processes, structuring of lexical units, study of neologization processes, selection of functional types of neolexes, their classification and systematization provoke the active development of modern linguistics. The purpose of the work is to identify thematic subgroups of socio-political vocabulary, to find out the structural-semantic and functional features of the neolexes of the analyzed vocabulary in the mass media of Mykolayiv region. The object of the work is the vocabulary of the mass media of Mykolayiv region. The subject of research is socio-political vocabulary, neolexes in the mass media space of Mykolayiv region.To solve the above problems used methods of linguistic research, the choice of which depends on the purpose, objectives and collected factual material: the method of observation and the method of continuous sampling (to identify tokens related to the socio-political layer, innovations in publications and broadcasting); method of comparison (to determine the neological nature of the studied units and features of the mass media of Mykolayiv region at the all-Ukrainian level); descriptive (for inventory and classification of empirical material); component analysis (from the study of word semantics), comparable (during the analysis of socio-political vocabulary of the period 2015-2018). In the article the basic modern classifications of social and political vocabulary of language of mass media are considered, the thematic subgroups of tokens of the Nikolaev mass media are analyzed, features of the offered classification are established. Having analyzed the most important thematic subgroups that have been identified in the course of working with factual material, the following thematic subgroups function in the mass media space of Mykolayiv region: nomenclature names in the language of mass media; names of departments, bodies in the structure of the state administrative apparatus; names of political parties, movements, ideological currents and their members; tokens of the military sphere; name of social processes of disorganization of public life. The active use of the names of political parties, movements, ideological currents and their members is observed during the election campaign. In our opinion, due to the negative attitude of the society to the political activity of the majority of the representatives of the People’s Deputies of Ukraine, the affiliation of specific individuals to the respective parties has been silenced lately. But, of course, this subgroup of social and political vocabulary takes place and is actively reflected in the mass media, for example: poroshenkivci, election campaign, coalition government. Words that directly describe the life of society (spiritual life, cultural values, etc.) fully fill the pages of the media of various types, for example: patriotism, national symbols, street art, independence, unemployment, subsistence level. The nature of the information space is to respond quickly to what is happening in people's lives. That is why the vocabulary of the military thematic subgroup is most widely used, as the mass media reacts to the actual news worrying the Ukrainian society in general and Mykolayiv in particular. Other lexical spheres also actively function in mass media space of Mykolayiv region. Words to denote the most important political, economic, religious and other concepts form the basis for articles in newspapers and on the Internet.

Libya has not had a functioning central government since the February 17 Revolution ended the Muammar al-Qaddafi regime. From the National Transitional Council (2011-12) to the parallel and competing Government of National Unity (2021-present) and the Government of National Stability (2022-present), attempts by numerous administrations to establish legitimacy and presence throughout the country have all failed. Instead, overlapping circles of power and influence have developed in this fractured country, most of which are authoritarian in spirit and action. These circles include local councils, ethnic groups and tribes, hundreds of militias, and various religious bodies and movements. To stifle dissent, neutralize opponents, and inhibit social mobilization, these circles employ traditional mechanisms of authoritarian control, including brute coercion, elite co-optation, rent distribution, and media control. Innovation in the norms and techniques of authoritarianism is also apparent in post-Qaddafi Libya. Departure from past practice is found in new security laws, expanded social media surveillance, and the employment of modern military technology, notably drones. Much of the change after 2011 is the product of new or expanded alliances with regional and international powers, namely Egypt, Qatar, Russia, Turkey, and the United Arab Emirates (UAE).

To effectively search for and obtain quality historical information, the user has created a system of algorithms in the Internet environment for searching and identifying Internet sources of historical facts. We have presented the results of a research, which revealed the signs of bias based on the use of preconditions that affect the knowledge of the truth of the witness or the author of the source. In particular, the inconsistency of the blocks that indicate the verification of the meaning of logical expressions in the algorithm "Detection of signs of bias or distortion of facts" have been found. As a result of approbation of the systems of algorithms on an example of the found source the unreliable information has been revealed. It has been established that the information provided by the participant of the event contained negative words – markers that purposefully contribute to the formation of contempt, aggression and doubts about the military units of the state. Based on the developed system of algorithms for searching and identifying the Internet source, it is possible to significantly increase the amount of verified historical data on contemporary history by using the social environment of the Internet. In addition, based on the developed algorithms for searching and identifying the Internet source, it is possible to recognize information confrontations and information-psychological influences in the social environment of the Internet.

This chapter traces transformations in Amazigh militancy over the past fifty years. Its engagements have gradually shifted from particular demands for cultural and linguistic recognition toward a broader advocacy for social justice, political transparency, and economic equity that parallel those of student, labor, feminist, and human rights movements. These are demands that congealed in the 2011 mass demonstrations across North Africa and that explicitly sought to transcend extant ethnic and religious divisions within the region. Today, the Amazigh movement’s imagination of a broader cultural-geographic space of Tamazgha (Barbary) stretching from the Canary Islands to the Egyptian Siwa oasis continues to provide an alternate model for thinking beyond the narrow national interests that had sunk previous, official efforts to enact North African unity. Even as Amazigh activists remain fractured along generational, class, and indeed regional/national lines, their efforts at organizing through “world” federations, supranational bodies, diasporic resources, and delocalized social media point to alternative vectors for rethinking North Africa beyond a set of discrete nation-states. The Amazigh movement thus provides a salient lens for examining contemporary social currents in North Africa.

Topics on gas turbine machinery have been successfully integrated into the thermodynamics course at the United States Military Academy (USMA). Because graduating cadets will encounter gas turbines throughout their service in the U.S. Army, it is important for all engineering students, not just mechanical engineering majors, to learn about gas turbines, their operation, and their applications. This is accomplished by four methods, one of which is an experimental analysis of an operational auxiliary power unit (APU) from an Army helicopter. Due to recent building issues, this gas turbine laboratory was improvised and offered as a fully digital virtual laboratory exercise. Since all undergraduate programs do not have the luxury of having a gas turbine laboratory, our experiences with the virtual laboratory are offered as an effective option. By digitally reproducing the laboratory setup, introduction, instrumentation, data collection and analysis, the virtual experience captures the essence of the laboratory. After viewing the web-based laboratory digital media files, students use one of two data sets, recorded from the data display panel in the real laboratory, in order to complete the laboratory report. While the tremendous advantage of actually seeing, testing, and analyzing the real engine cannot be denied, a well-planned and executed virtual laboratory adequately achieves learning objectives and provides students a unique opportunity to apply gas turbine fundamentals. An assessment of the virtual laboratory and results of student feedback are provided.