To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Military Public opinion.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Military Public opinion'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 39 dissertations / theses for your research on the topic 'Military Public opinion.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse dissertations / theses on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Cicek, Edvin. "Framing the public opinion on military conflict." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-10140.
Full textAbstract:
In many cases, an effective method used by political elites to influence public opinion is throughframing strategies. The use of frames by political elites has the power to change the opinion of agreat mass of people. On October 9, 2019, Turkey launched the military operation Peace Spring.Despite being criticized internationally, the Turkish president managed through framing of theoperation, gaining public approval in its domestic sphere. The purpose of this article is to analysehow president Recep Tayyip Erdoğan frames Operation Peace Spring through Twitter as primarysource. The results show that Erdoğan uses a complex framing that contains several recurringsegments that build on each other and enhances the overall effect.
2
Banister, Julia Alyson. "Military masculinity and public opinion in the eighteenth century." Thesis, University of Southampton, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.538957.
Full text
3
Bly, Theresa. "Impact of public perception on US national policy : a study of media influence in military and government decision making /." Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2002. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/02sep%5FBly.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (M.S. in Information Systems and Operations)--Naval Postgraduate School, September 2002.Thesis advisor(s): Steven J. Iatrou, Anthony Pratkanis. Includes bibliographical references (p. 143-144). Also available online.
4
Reitzig, Andreas, and n/a. "Trans-Tasman defence perceptions in the post-ANZUS era." University of Otago. Department of Political Studies, 2009. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20091105.131723.
Full textAbstract:
Throughout history, Australia and New Zealand have developed a special relationship due to their close geographic proximity and their similar cultural and colonial backgrounds. Ever since 1986, when New Zealand was suspended from the trilateral Security Treaty Between Australia, New Zealand, and the United States of America (ANZUS), Australia has been New Zealand's closest ally. As a result, the thesis specifically focuses on trans-Tasman defence relations after 1986, with a particular emphasis on attitude trends towards the bilateral defence relationship. Overall, the thesis aims to find out whether there has been a drift in the bilateral defence relationship between Australia and New Zealand since 1986. In this regard, it examines two main questions: first, is the Australian-New Zealand defence relationship is less close today than it was in 1986? The thesis findings show that there has indeed been a visible drift in trans-Tasman defence relations. In both countries, the relationship is much less talked about today than it was in 1986. Second, do Australians and New Zealanders view the bilateral defence relationship any more negatively today than they did in 1986? As the results show, the disagreement over defence spending, New Zealand's decision to restructure the New Zealand Defence Force (NZDF) as well as the ANZUS split were the main factors that have brought about some distance between both countries' defence policies and priorities. However, beside the downs in the bilateral defence relationship, there have also been ups embodied by the sometimes rather elusive Anzac spirit, the optimism that surrounded the creation of Closer Defence Relations (CDR) in the 1990s and, most notably, enhanced trans-Tasman cooperation in peacekeeping, primarily in the immediate regional neighbourhood. Importantly, Australians and New Zealanders do not see the defence relationship any more negatively today than they did in 1986. Indeed, opinion trends at all societal levels have been remarkably constant over the last two decades. Based on these findings, the thesis concludes that the bilateral defence relationship may well become closer again in the future, especially if both countries continue their close cooperation in regional peacekeeping. This appears to be the most promising way ahead for the Anzac defence relationship in the 21st century.
5
James, Richard 1949. "Public opinion and the British Legion in Spain, 1835-1838." Thesis, McGill University, 1996. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=23848.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines public opinion towards the participation opinion of the British Auxiliary Legion in the Spanish Civil War. It is based on an analysis of British newspapers, periodicals and political discussion between 1835 and 1838. It suggests that, although there was some degree of support for the foreign policy of Lord Palmerston in sending the legion to aid liberalism in the Peninsula, yet that support declined rapidly. In spite of Palmerston's eventual claim that intervention in Spain had been worthwhile, public opinion was not to reflect the view that his policy had been a right one, or that the British Auxiliaries had been indispensable to the cause of Spanish constitutionalism.
6
Dieck, Hélène. "The influence of American public opinion on US military interventions after the Cold War." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014IEPP0014.
Full textAbstract:
Les études académiques récentes sur l'influence de l'opinion publique sur les interventions militaires dans les démocraties occidentales concluent pour la plupart que l’opposition du public n’a pas empêché le président de faire usage de la force. Ces études se concentrent souvent sur le choix d'intervenir dans un conflit donné et omettent d'analyser les ajustements apportés à l'intervention elle-même du fait de l'opinion publique. Cette étude tente au contraire de montrer qu'on ne peut comprendre l’influence de l'opinion publique si l'on se limite à la décision d'intervenir et n’étudie pas les décisions connexes liées à la conduite et à la réussite d'une intervention: le choix des moyens humains et financiers, les objectifs, la stratégie de communication. La littérature scientifique actuelle omet également de dévoiler la manière dont l'exécutif tente de gérer la contrainte de l'opinion publique et comprendre ainsi quelle est sa véritable marge de manœuvre vis-à-vis de celle-ci. En effet, l’opinion publique et la présidence s’influencent mutuellement : le président est souvent contraint de trouver un compromis entre les objectifs politiques et militaires désirés et ce que le public est prêt à accepter. En incluant l'impact de l'opinion publique sur la mise en œuvre des opérations militaires, cette recherche conclut que le public américain a eu une influence majeure sur le degré d'engagement, les objectifs et la durée des interventions militaires de l'après Guerre froide. Notre étude s’appuie principalement sur des entretiens avec des responsables politiques impliqués dans le processus décisionnel ayant conduit à l’usage de la force après la Guerre froide. Ce processus décisionnel sera analysé à travers cinq études de casRecent qualitative studies of the relationship between public opinion and U.S. foreign policy put decisions into the following two categories: the President tends to lead or to follow public opinion; public opinion influences decision-making, constrains the decision, or has no impact. These studies typically research the initial decision to intervene, but fail to examine the subsequent decisions to sustain and win a war: financial and human means, conduct, objectives, duration, and communication. I argue that these elements of a winning strategy are impacted by concerns with public support at home. The impact of public opinion on the decision whether to use force is better understood when analyzing the compromise between the perception of anticipated public opinion and the necessities of a military campaign. Public opinion impacts the strategy, the timing, and length of an intervention, and inversely, those elements impact the anticipated public opinion and ultimately the decision to use force or choose a different course of action. The president can expect to influence public opinion and raise the acceptability of an intervention through various means. As a consequence, there is a back-and-forth process between anticipated public support for a given intervention and the consideration of the use of force. Contrary to the current literature, which tends to conclude that the president enjoys a substantial margin for maneuver, an analysis of post Cold War cases of interventions, limited interventions, and military escalations shows that anticipated public opinion limited the president's margin for maneuver and influenced not only the decision to intervene but also the military strategy and in the end, the result of the intervention. These findings contradict the realist paradigm for which only the structure of the international system matters and domestic politics are irrelevant in the study of international relations
7
Bohrer, Shawn A. "Military-media relationships : identifying and mitigating military-media biases to improve future military operations." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Mar%5FBohrer.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (M.S. in Information Systems and Operations)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2003.Thesis advisor(s): Steven J. Iatrou, Karen Guttieri. Includes bibliographical references (p. 67-68). Also available online.
8
Brule, David J. "Public attitudes toward the use of force and presidential crisis responses." Texas A&M University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1969.1/4408.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation explores the role of public opinion in U.S. presidential decisions
to employ various alternatives in response to an international crisis. Presidents may
choose from a range of force alternatives, including non-force alternatives, troop
mobilizations, air strikes or ground assaults. Using the Poliheuristic Theory, I argue that
public attitudes toward the use of force in a given crisis play a key role in the decision
making process leading to such choices. The direction and intensity of public opinion is
driven by a relative value assessment by which the public determines whether the
benefits of a use of force are worth the costs. Presidents are aware of this relative value
assessment and rule out crisis responses that are likely to violate the public's preferences
in the first stage of the decision making process. In the second stage, presidents choose
among the remaining alternatives by weighing the relative merits of each with respect to
military and international-strategic implications.
To test hypotheses following from this theoretical argument, I employ two
methodological approaches. The first is statistical analysis. I develop a new data set of
presidential crisis response choices and expand an existing data set on U.S. public
attitudes toward the use of force, from 1949 to 2001. Using two extant data collections
identifying international crises, I conduct Ordered Logit analyses, which produce results
that are largely supportive of the hypotheses. The second methodological approach is the case study method. I conduct two detailed case studies of decisions to use force in
Bosnia (1995) and Afghanistan (2001). These analyses are also supportive of the
theoretical argument. I conclude that presidents are largely responsive to public opinion
in the selection of crisis responses.
9
Bendiksen, Stian Carstens. "The Dynamics of Public Opinion and Military Alliances : Japan’s Role in the Gulf War and Iraq Invasion." Thesis, Norges teknisk-naturvitenskapelige universitet, Institutt for sosiologi og statsvitenskap, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:no:ntnu:diva-17220.
Full text
10
Judikis-Preller, Juan C. "The impact of the military government on higher education in Chile : 1973-1990." Virtual Press, 1999. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1137604.
Full textAbstract:
The general purpose of this study completed in 1999 was to create an accurate, documented description of the experiences of nine students, three faculty members and two administrators in higher education in Chile during the military government 1973 - 1990.A qualitative approach was selected as the most appropriate methodology to' complete the study. A variety of methods and data collection strategies were used. The major data collection strategies were interviews and reviewing of primary and secondary written sources. The interviews were used to collect evidence concerning interviewees' experiences, as well as their attitudes, and perceptions regarding the events that occurred in higher education during the rule of the military government 1973 - 1990.The researcher decided to use a judgment sample of interviewees from the population based on their knowledge about the topic and their willingness to share their knowledge and experiences. Geographical representation, position within the institutions, kind of institution represented, and gender were major the considerations at the moment of selecting the sample too.Thanks to the U.S.A. Freedom of Information Act, which established an effective statutory right to access by any person or organization to federal government information, the researcher found official information that allowed for triangulation of evidence.The findings showed that the changes the military government implemented through their modernization of the educational system did not follow the historical trend of educational development in Chile. Furthermore, under the military government, policymaking in higher education was circumscribed to autocratic arenas, which usually coincided with government policy. Education was utilized to serve the purpose of the government. The educational system 1973 - 1990 failed to serve those with special needs. Free-market policies profoundly transformed education from a right available to all, to a commodity available in varying quantity and quality according to purchasing power of individuals.The impact of military government on higher education during the military rule was notorious and huge. Even though they were destructive in some aspects the military government did good things for the educational system. The issue in discussion is the price that was paid.Department of Educational Leadership
11
Tollefson, Julie Jo. "Japan's Article 9 and Japanese Public Opinion: Implications for Japanese Defense Policy and Security in the Asia Pacific." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1526812071227061.
Full text
12
Burchert, Thomas H. "From Apartheid to Democracy : the Civil-Military Relations in the Republic of South Africa /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Jun%5FBurchert.pdf.
Full text
13
Thurwanger, Michael L. "Comparative research into credibility attributed to uniformed versus non-uniformed defense sources." Virtual Press, 1996. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1033638.
Full textAbstract:
The U.S. Department of Defense employs both uniformed military personnel and non-uniformed civilian employees as information sources. The objectives of this study was to determine whether students, acting in the role of journalists, attributed greater credibility to uniformed or non-uniformed spokespersons and whether a difference in attribution could be measured when the topic being briefed was more specifically related to the military mission.Seventy undergraduate journalism students were randomly assigned to four groups and exposed to one of four videotaped press briefings. Two briefings announced the outbreak of hostilities involving U.S. forces or award of a major construction contract. Each of the announcements was delivered by a uniformed military public affairs officer or by a spokesperson in civilian business suit.Following the briefings, students evaluated the source using semantic differentials first developed by Berlo, Lemert and Mertz (1969) and prepared questions exactly as they would ask them following the spokesperson's prepared statement. The semantic differentials were analyzed using ANOVA. The follow-on questions were coded using methodology similar to that used by Einsiedel (1974) and evaluated using the "Coefficient of Imbalance" proposed by Janis and Fadner (1949). This second method was employed to determine whether data obtained and analyzed using the Coefficient of Imbalance would validate results obtained through the use of more traditional semantic differentials.Neither method resulted in findings which would suggest a statistically significant difference in the credibility attributed to the defense source by the student-journalists in any of the four treatments.Department of Journalism
14
Callister, Graeme. "Compliance, compulsion and contest : aspects of military conscription in South Africa, 1952-1992." Thesis, Link to the online version, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10019/596.
Full text
15
Mathieu, Ilinca. "La question du sens de l'action dans les opérations extérieures : décision politique, soutien public et motivation militaire dans le cadre de la participation française à la FIAS et à la FINUL renforcée." Thesis, Clermont-Ferrand 1, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014CLF10452.
Full textAbstract:
De nombreuses études concluent à la supériorité des démocraties dans la guerre. A travers notre analyse des relations unissant aujourd’hui les piliers de la trinité clausewitzienne classique – pouvoir politique, peuple et armée – notre recherche s’attache à mettre en évidence l’importance, à cet égard, de la définition du « sens de l’action ». Complexe à conceptualiser, cet objet naît de l’interaction des trois piliers de la trinité qui contribuent à le construire. Cette dynamique prend son origine dans le sens conféré, par le discours politique,à la décision de recourir à la force. Ce sens politique repose sur les intérêts nationaux tels qu’appréhendés par les décideurs, mais également, du fait de la contrainte démocratique, sur les préférences de l’opinion publique telles que perçues par le politique. Le soutien public apparaît essentiel pour alimenter la volonté politique dans le conflit, mais influence aussi le moral des militaires déployés en opérations. Notre étude s’attache donc, en second lieu, à analyser les composantes du sens conféré par les militaires à la mission qu’ils exécutent, afin de déterminer dans quelle mesure un sens politique insuffisamment clair peut influencer le soutien public et, in fine, une éventuelle perte de sens chez les soldats. Cette analyse multiscalaire cherche en définitive à répondre à la question de savoir pourquoi l’on se bat, en approfondissant deux cas d’étude : la participation de l’Armée de terre française à la FIAS, en Afghanistan, et à la FINUL renforcée, au Liban. Elle peut s’inscrire, plus largement, dans le courant d’analyse cherchant à déterminer les facteurs d’efficacité dans la guerre, en esquissant l’idée que les démocraties peuvent, du fait des contraintes qui leur sont propres, présenter une faiblesse à cet égardMany studies have determined that democracies perform better in war. Through our analysis of the relationship that links the pillars of today’s clasewitzian trinity – political leaders, people and soldiers – our study seeks to highlight the importance, to this regard, of defining the « meaning of the action ». In spite of a complex conceptualization, this object can be apprehended by analyzing the interactions of the three pillars, within the frame of a military intervention abroad. This interactional dynamic’s origin lies in the meaning given by the political discourse to the decision to use force. This political meaning leans on national interests (as perceived by policymakers), but also on public preferences (as perceived by policymakers), due to democratic constraint. Public support appears essential to underpin the political will during a conflict, but it also affects soldiers’ morale in the field. Secondly, our study thus seeks to analyse the components of the meaning given by soldiers to their mission,in order to determine to what extent an uncleared or blurred political meaning might affect public support and ultimately provoke a loss of meaning among the military. This multiscale approach aims to answer to the ultimate question of knowing why are we fighting, by deepening two case studies : the French Army contribution to ISAF (in Afghanistan) and UNIFIL II (in Lebanon). It can more broadly come within the framework of previous researchs studying strategic and battlefield effectiveness, by underlying that democracies might have a weakness in this regard
16
Seelinger, Matthew J. "Breaking ranks : veterans' opposition to universal military training, 1943-1948." Virtual Press, 1996. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1033637.
Full textAbstract:
From the colonial period to the present, Americans have debated the role of the military and its place in American society. One important part of this debate is the issue of compulsory military service and whether it is consistent with the ideals of a democratic state. Although Americans have generally accepted compulsory service in times of national emergency, they have often expressed great reservations to it in times of peace. In their view, compulsory military service raises fundamental questions about the responsibilities of citizens to the state.Following World War II, proponents of compulsory military service campaigned for implementation of Universal Military Training (UMT) as a method of insuring manpower for a potential national emergency. By stressing the universal aspect of the program, supporters hoped to demonstrate the democratic qualities of UMT and its compatibility with traditional American ideals. Ultimately, however, they were unable to convince Congress and the general public of the program's merits. Some opposed the program because of its questionable military value in the atomic age. Many others voiced their disapproval of UMT largely because of a longstanding American sentiment against peacetime compulsory service. As a result, UMT was never implemented.This thesis will explore a neglected aspect of the UMT debate and examine the opposition of veterans to UMT. Veterans generally, and veterans organizations in particular, have traditionally advocated military preparedness. Not surprisingly, the American Legion was the primary nongovernmental organization to spearhead the effort to adopt UMT. Yet significant opposition to UMT existed even within the Legion's ranks. Similarly, the American Veterans Committee (AVC), a newly formed organization comprised of World War II veterans, announced its opposition to military training. With uncertain support from a segment of American society that would normally be expected to back preparedness programs, the government's plan for military training had little chance for adoption. With the resumption of selective service in 1948, the importance of UMT to U.S. military policy greatly diminished, and UMT virtually disappeared from the political forefront.Through the use of archival sources at the American Legion National Headquarters, the records of the American Veterans Committee, congressional testimony by representatives of both organizations, and various secondary sources, this thesis demonstrates that some veterans, like many Americans, viewed peacetime compulsory military service with great ambivalence and not an obligation of citizenship in a democratic state.Department of History
17
Kertzer, Joshua David. "Resolve in International Politics." The Ohio State University, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1373028838.
Full text
18
Joo, Hyo Sung. "South Korean Men and the Military: The Influence of Conscription on the Political Behavior of South Korean Males." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1048.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis evaluates the effects of compulsory military service in South Korea on the political behavior of men from a public policy standpoint. I take an institutional point of view on conscription, in that conscription forces the military to accept individuals with minimal screening. Given the distinct set of values embodied by the military, I hypothesize that the military would need a powerful, comprehensive, and fast program of indoctrination to re-socialize civilians into military uniform, trustable enough to be entrusted with a gun or a confidential document. Based on the existence of such a program and related academic literature, I go on to look at how a military attitude has political implications, especially for the security-environment of the Korean peninsula. Given the ideological nature of the inter-Korean conflict, the South Korean military was biased against the liberals, as liberals were most likely to generate policies supporting conciliatory and cooperative measures towards North Korea, like the removal of U.S. forces from South Korea and the repeal of the National Security Laws that outlaw discussion of communism. For an empirical evaluation, I pose the hypothesis that this political bias would manifest itself in the male public via the military’s indoctrinative program. With data from the Korean General Social Survey, the Public Opinion and Foreign Policy, and the South Korean General Election Panel Study, I have found that males respond acutely to specific security issues in favor or against according to the military’s point of view. However, the evidence for an overall bias on political parties generally was inconclusive. The uncertainty was mainly rooted in the fact that liberal parties have strategically avoided speaking out on specific policy issues during election.
19
Oldra, Arthur. "Spatialités individuelles et jeux de places dans l'espace public urbain : de quelques perspectives géographiques à propos des militaires en opération Vigipirate/Sentinelle." Thesis, Bordeaux 3, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019BOR30034.
Full textAbstract:
Cette thèse tente de comprendre le régime d'occupation de l'espace public, en s'intéressant à la place des militaires du plan Vigipirate et de l'opération Sentinelle. En partant du postulat que les militaires en patrouille dans l’espace public urbain sont allogènes à l’environnement socio-spatial dans lequel ils interviennent, l’on suggère que les citadins entretiennent avec eux un rapport particulier qui serait révélateur de leur manière d'être et de faire avec les autres par l'espace. Ce rapport entre citadins et militaires se concrétise individuellement par des spatialités (mises à proximité ou à distance, physiques ou symboliques) et collectivement par des jeux de places et de placements c'est-à-dire des logiques d'assignation/désignation ou d'auto-assignation/auto-désignation à être ou non à tel endroit selon une position sociale, des normes spatiales et un emplacement. Cette tension interne de légitimation entre ce "qui est" et "ce qui devrait être" exprime justement ce régime d'occupation de l'espace. Plus encore, parce que les situations d'interactions ou de coprésences perçues/vécues entre citadins et militaires ne sont jamais homogènes et unilatérales, ces jeux de places ne peuvent être considérés comme ayant lieu dans une seule dimension. L'approche défendue ici sera de tenter d'épuiser ces mécanismes de places et de placement en approchant différentes perspectives depuis lesquelles ces places sont appréhendées par les acteurs : en tant que militaire en opération, en tant que réserviste dans l'Armée de terre, en tant que citadin. On espère pouvoir ainsi montrer que, multidimensionnelles et constamment réactualisées, les places occupées ainsi que les rôles tenus donnent à comprendre un espace performatif toujours en tensionThrough the observation of the position/place of Vigipirate plan and Sentinelle operation’s soldiers in the streets of France, this thesis attempts to understand the occupation regime of public space. Starting from the assumption that soldiers patrolling in the urban public space are allogenous with the socio-spatial environment in which they intervene, we suggest that city-dwellers maintain with them a specific relation which could reveal their own way of being and doing with others through space. Individual spatialities (to put near or at a distance, physically or symbolically) and collectives games of places and placements both materialized this relationship between city-dwellers and the military. Those games of places and placements respond to logics of assignment/designation or self-assignment/self-designation to be or not in a given spot according to social position, spatial norms and emplacement. The personal lived tension of legitimation between the "what is" and "what should be" precisely expresses this regime of occupation of space. Moreover, the situations of interactions and perceived/lived co-presences between city-dwellers and the military are never identical and regular, therefore these games of place cannot be considered as occurring in a single dimension. The approach defended here will try to exhaust these mechanisms of places and placement by approaching different perspectives from which these places are apprehended by the actors : soldiers in operation, reservists in the Army, city-dwellers. We intend to show that the occupied places and the held roles are not only multidimensional and constantly updated but are also to be understood as performative space always in tension
20
Linder, Olle. "Social Inclusion Causing Conflict : A Comparative Case Study on the role of Military Integration and Nationalism." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-373496.
Full text
21
Farlow, David C. "An examination of perceptions of credibility : an army installation's command newspaper." Virtual Press, 1998. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1100446.
Full textAbstract:
Most of the research conducted to measure credibility has focused on comparing one type of media with another, i.e., newspaper vs. television. Other research has looked into how different target audiences of corporate or company newspapers perceive the credibility of the publication. To date, there has been little research into how the target audiences perceive the credibility of a military installation's command newspaper. This study examined how active-duty Army personnel perceived the credibility of an Army installation's command newspaper; specifically, The Paraglide from Fort Bragg, North Carolina.The study employed the model developed by Meyer (1988) to measure perceptions of credibility. The study also used a model developed by Surlin and Walker (1975) to measure the respondent's self-agreement with how three hypothetical "bad news" stories should and would be covered by the command newspaper. The independent variables for the study were: civilian education level, years of service in the military, and job level/rank. The data was collected using a survey questionnaire distributed to Army units assigned to the 82nd Infantry Division (Airborne). Respondents were directed by their supervisors to complete the survey.The results indicated education level was not significant in perceptions of credibility; years of service was significant in perceptions of credibility; and job level/rank was significant in perceptions of credibility. Additionally, education level, years of service, and job level/rank were all significant in the respondent's self-agreement with how controversial issues were covered, but the significance appeared to be issue dependent.Department of Journalism
22
Smith, Megan. "A clash of cultures : exploring the perceptions and experiences of South African youth towards the military as an employer of choice." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/96851.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2015.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: With the shift to an all-volunteer force and the end of the Cold War, armed forces across the globe are finding it increasingly difficult to attract, recruit and retain the right quantity and quality of recruits in the ranks. Similarly, the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) has expressed difficulties with recruitment but more so with the ability to attract ‘high calibre’ recruits in order to staff a defence force that is disciplined and technologically advanced. Although this is a consequence of various economic, social and political factors, one of the greatest challenges facing recruiters is the changing work values and preferences of the new millennial generation. As the title of this thesis postulates, evidence from the West suggests a ‘clash’ in values between millennials, who are individualistic, protected, ambitious and self-centred, and the military, which requires conformity, obedience and structure. While there is a vast amount of literature regarding the all-volunteer force and youth values of military service in the West, there is no study of this kind in South Africa. In this study, I aim to fill this void by exploring young South Africans’ perceptions and experiences of military service. As there is no existing literature on the propensity to enlist in South Africa, focus groups and interviews were conducted with high school learners, Military Skills Development System (MSDS) members who have completed one year of military service and recruitment officers who come into contact with school-leavers from across South Africa. These discussions were framed around two broad questions, namely what are the work values of young South Africans and what factors attract young people to or deter them from the military job. The conclusion is reached that the SANDF is not an employer of choice because of various institutional and societal factors. The military job is largely unappealing to young South Africans, who are risk-averse, individualistic and wish to be in close proximity to their families. The culture of the military is also unattractive to the majority who are not receptive to authoritarian regimes that expect unquestioning obedience and discipline and emphasise hegemonic masculine ideals. Besides this, two societal forces have a significant impact on the ability of the ability of the SANDF to attract recruits. The decline in the prestige of the military job and the presence of an ever-growing civilmilitary gap indicate that youth are neither informed about the military nor see the military as a high status job in society. Consequently, the inability of the SANDF to meet recruitment targets can be detrimental to the ability of the SANDF to fulfil its mandate.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Sedert die verskuiwing na weermagte wat geheel en al uit vrywilligers bestaan en die einde van die Koue Oorlog vind gewapende magte wêreldwyd dit steeds moeiliker om voldoende rekrute van die regte kwaliteit te lok, te werf en te behou. Ook die Suid-Afrikaanse Nasionale Weermag (SANW) ervaar probleme met werwing, maar veral met die vermoë om ‘hoëkaliber’-rekrute te lok na ’n weermag wat gedissiplineer en tegnologies gevorderd is. Hoewel dit die gevolg van verskeie ekonomiese, sosiale en politieke faktore is, is een van die grootste uitdagings vir werwingspersoneel die veranderende werkwaardes en werkvoorkeure van die nuwe milenniumgenerasie. Soos die titel dit stel, dui getuienis uit die Weste op ’n ‘waardekonflik’ tussen hierdie generasie, wat individualisties, beskut, ambisieus en selfgesentreerd is, en die militêr, wat konformiteit, gehoorsaamheid en struktuur vereis. Hoewel daar ’n magdom literatuur oor vrywilligersmagte en jeugwaardes van militêre diens in die Weste bestaan, is geen studie van hierdie aard nog in SuidAfrika onderneem nie. Met hierdie studie wil ek hierdie leemte vul deur jong Suid-Afrikaners se persepsies en ervarings van militêre diens te verken. Aangesien daar geen literatuur bestaan oor geneigdheid om by die weermag in Suid-Afrka aan te sluit nie, is fokusgroepe gehou en onderhoude gevoer met hoërskoolleerders, MSDS-lede wat hul eerste diensjaar voltooi het en werwingsoffisiere wat met landwyd met skoolverlaters in aanraking kom. Hierdie gesprekke is afgegrens deur twee breë vrae, naamlik wat die werkwaardes van jong Suid-Afrikaners is en watter faktore jong mense na of van die militêre werk lok of afstoot. Die gevolgtrekking is dat die SANW om verskeie institusionele en maatskaplike redes nie ’n voorkeurwerkgewer is nie. Jong Suid-Afrikaners, wat risikoweersinnig en individualisties is en naby hulle familie wil bly, vind ʼn militêre loopbaan breedweg onaantreklik. Die militêre kultuur spreek ook nie die meerderheid aan nie, wat nie ontvanklik is vir outoritêre regimes wat onverbiddelike gehoorsaamheid en dissipline eis en hegemoniese manlike ideale beklemtoon nie. Hierbenewens is daar twee samelewingsfaktore wat ʼn beduidende impak het op die SANW se vermoë om rekrute te werf. Die kwynende prestige van ʼn militêre loopbaan en die teenwoordigheid van ʼn steeds groeiende kloof tussen siviel en militêr dui daarop dat jongmense nóg oor die militêr ingelig is nóg dit as ’n werk met status in die samelewing beskou. Gevolglik kan die SANW se onvermoë om werwingsteikens te behaal sy vermoë om sy mandaat uit te voer nadelig beïnvloed.
23
Whelan, Dana L. "Predictive factors of the promotion of physical activity by Air Force squadron commanders." Virtual Press, 2001. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1221286.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of this investigation was to examine the effects of vitamin E supplementation on lipid peroxidation, muscle damage, muscle soreness and physical performance following repeated bouts of whole body resistance exercise. Eighteen active males were randomly assigned to receive either vitamin E (1200 IU per day) or placebo for 31 days. Following 21 days of supplementation, subjects engaged in 3 resistance exercise sessions, separated by 3 days rest (EX-1, EX-2 and EX-3 on days 22, 25 and 28, respectively). Plasma malondialdehyde concentrations did not peak until the morning prior to EX-3 in the vitamin E (VE) group (10.0 ± 0.6 µmol/L) and the day following EX3 in the placebo (P) group (9.6 ± 0.9 µmol/L), with no significant differences between groups. Creatine kinase activity was significantly elevated the day following EX-1 in both groups. The VE group had a near 2-fold greater CK peak as compared to the P group the day following EX-1 (404 ± 49 and 214 ± 60 U/L, respectively), but the two groups had similar CK values by day 31 (113 ± 35 and 107 ± 36 U/L, respectively). Muscle soreness was significantly increased for each group the day after EX-1 with no significant differences between groups.Furthermore, there were no significant differences between groups in muscle strength, power or endurance. The results of the present study do not indicate any positive effect of vitamin E supplementation against lipid peroxidation, muscle damage or muscle soreness as a result of repeated days of resistance exercise. In addition, vitamin E did not have an effect on muscular performance.Fisher Institute for Wellness and Gerontology
24
Bernth, Brian D. "Selective intervention rethinking America's strategic employment of force /." Quantico, VA : Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA490873.
Full text
25
Pugh, Randolph G. "Refocusing intelligence support to counterinsurgency operations." Quantico, VA : Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA491196.
Full text
26
Phares, Matthew H. "Combating insurgency can lessons from the Huk Rebellion apply to Iraq? /." Quantico, VA : Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA490910.
Full text
27
Lovelace, Alexander G. "Total Coverage: How the Media Shaped Command Decisions During World War II." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou158818861294131.
Full text
28
McConnell, James Robert. "Essex under Cromwell: Security and Local Governance in the Interregnum." PDXScholar, 2012. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/686.
Full textAbstract:
In 1655, Lord Protector Oliver Cromwell's Council of State commissioned a group of army officers for the purpose of "securing the peace of the commonwealth." Under the authority of the Instrument of Government, a written constitution not sanctioned by Parliament, the Council sent army major-generals into the counties to raise new horse militias and to support them financially with a tax on Royalists which the army officers would also collect. In counties such as Essex--the focus of this study--the major-generals were assisted in their work by small groups of commissioners, mostly local men "well-affected" to the Interregnum government. In addition to their militia and tax duties, the men were instructed to see to the implementation and furtherance of a variety of central government policies. Barely a year after its inception, a bill sanctioning the scheme was voted down in January 1657 by a Parliament unconvinced that the work done by the major-generals was in the best interests of the nation. This thesis examines the development and inception of the major-generals initiative by the Council of State, the work the major-generals and their commissioners engaged in, and the nature and cause of the reaction to their efforts in the shires. In the years and centuries following the Stuart Restoration, the major-generals were frequently portrayed as agents of Cromwellian tyranny, and more recently scholars have argued that the officers were primarily concerned with the promulgation of a godly reformation. This study looks at the aims and work of the major-generals largely through an analysis of state papers and Essex administrative records, and it concludes that the Council and officers were preoccupied more with threats to order and stability than with morals. Additionally, by examining the court records and work of the justices of the peace in Essex, this study shows that in regard to improving order the major-generals' work was unremarkable for its efficacy and but little different than previous law- and statute-enforcement activity traditionally carried out by local administrators. Based on this assessment of the major-generals' efforts to improve order as both limited and completely un-revolutionary, this thesis argues that the strongly negative reaction to the major-generals by the parliamentary class was due more to the officers' and government's encroachment on gentry power and local privilege than either the abrogation of the liberties of the people or any modest efforts to foist godliness on the shires. Religion was a major issue during the English Civil Wars, but the demise of one of the Interregnum government's most ambitious attempts to improve security in the localities was rooted not in sectarian distempers but rather in the gentry's preoccupation with keeping central government from meddling in local matters or taxing anyone in their class without parliamentary approval.
29
Oschilewski, Lucares Carlos Cristián, and N. Yovanna Antonia Zamora. "El servicio militar obligatorio y el papel de prensa en la formación de la opinion publica: un estudio a través del análisis de contenido." Tesis, Universidad de Chile, 1997. http://repositorio.uchile.cl/handle/2250/138144.
Full textAbstract:
Seminario para optar al grado de Licenciado en Comunicación SocialEl autor no autoriza el acceso a texto completo de su documento
Aplicación del método de análisis de contenido a la información de prensa escrita , recolectada entre el 1º de enero de 1996 y el 30 de diciembre de 1996, con el objetivo de configurar categorías de opinión en relación al servicio militar obligatorio. Nuestro estudio tiene como principal preocupación el análisis de la tendencias generales que se manifestaron durante el período anteriormente señalado - en los medios de comunicación escritos más representativos de la región metropolitana - además de realizar un estudio de carácter descriptivo sobre el origen y la evolución de la institución del servicio militar obligatorio en Chile, hasta nuestros días. Este seminario pretende contribuir a un mayor conocimiento sobre las polémicas que a menudo se originan en torno al servicio militar obligatorio y entender sus modificaciones, alternativas o críticas dentro del contexto de la modernización de las instituciones del estado chileno.
30
Baur, Tobias. "Das ungeliebte Erbe : ein Vergleich der zivilen und militärischen Rezeption des 20. Juli 1944 im Westdeutschland der Nachkriegszeit." Frankfurt am Main [u.a.] Lang, 2007. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&docl̲ibrary=BVB01&docn̲umber=015598772&linen̲umber=0002&funcc̲ode=DBR̲ECORDS&servicet̲ype=MEDIA.
Full text
31
"Morality as Causality: Explaining Public Opinion on US Government Drone Strikes." Doctoral diss., 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/2286/R.I.53500.
Full textAbstract:
abstract: ABSTRACT
Although the US government has been using remotely piloted aircraft (RPA), more commonly referred to as drones, to conduct military strikes against terrorists and insurgents since at least 2001, only around 2011 did media outlets and polling organizations began assessing the attitudes of Americans towards the use of drones as a weapon of war. Initially, public support for drone strikes was robust with nearly 70 percent of Americans expressing approval. As the discussion of drone strikes intensified however, public support declined over 10 percentage points.
Only a handful of studies have examined public opinion and drone strikes, and all have focused exclusively on explaining support. This study seeks to fill this gap in the literature and explain opposition to drone strikes. The primary argument put forth in this dissertation is that people’s beliefs determine their opinions, and their morality determines their beliefs. Although independent opinion formation is often considered a cognitive process, I argue that, at least in the case of drone strikes, the opinion formation process is largely an affective one.
By examining media coverage and elite discourse surrounding drone strikes, I isolate three narratives which I believe communicate certain messages to the public regarding drone strikes. I argue that the messages produced by elite discourse and disseminated by the media to the public are only influential on opinion formation once they have been converted to beliefs. I further argue that conversion of message to belief is largely dependent on individual moral attitudes.
To test my arguments, I conduct a survey-experiment using subjects recruited from Arizona State University’s School of Politics and Global Studies student subject pool. My research findings lead to two key conclusions. First, opposition to drone strikes is largely the product of the belief(s) that drone strikes are not necessary for protecting the United States from terrorist attack, and that drone strikes kill more civilians than do strikes from conventional aircraft. Second, whether an individual expresses support or opposition to drone strikes, moral attitudes are a relatively good predictor of both beliefs and disposition.Dissertation/Thesis
Doctoral Dissertation Political Science 2019
32
Young, Rumanda Kay. "Shared land use impacts between military installations and contiguous communities (post-BRAC) Fact and opinion differences in planning and public policy/." 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10106/944.
Full text
33
Sirin, Villalobos Cigdem. "Public Support for Military Interventions across Levels of Political Information and Phases of Intervention." 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1969.1/ETD-TAMU-2009-05-516.
Full textAbstract:
Scholars widely acknowledge that democratic political leaders seek public
support for their policy endeavors, particularly when conducting costly policies as in the
case of military interventions. A deeper understanding of the factors that affect public
support for military interventions is crucial to explaining more definitively the
determinants of foreign policy decisions regarding military interventions. However, most
studies in this area of research examine the public as an undifferentiated mass that reacts
uniformly to changes in the course of an intervention. In addition, scholars often
overlook the varying dynamics of public support across different phases of a military
intervention. Given these shortcomings in the literature, the objective of this dissertation
is to examine the formation of public support as a function of political information levels
and intervention stages.
This dissertation is important in both methodological and theoretical terms.
Methodologically, the major contribution of my dissertation is the adoption of a multimethod
approach that is almost non-existent in this line of research. By bringing together
a formal framework, experimentation, and statistical analyses of public opinion survey
data, I develop a more refined theory and attain more robust empirical results. Theoretically, the study challenges the dominant mode of research on military
interventions in which public opinion is treated as a homogenous mass. Specifically, I
explore how major factors related to public support for military interventions (such as
casualty rates) play different roles and weigh differently in their impact on the opinions of
politically informed versus less informed individuals across stages of an intervention.
The results of the experiments and survey data analyses demonstrate that
politically informed individuals express less support for a military intervention at the
starting (rally) phase of that intervention compared to the less informed. That said, as the
intervention proceeds and casualties are incurred, support of politically uninformed
individuals decreases at higher rates than does support of politically informed ones. In
other words, politically informed individuals demonstrate more stable levels of support
across intervention stages. In addition, both experimental and survey data analyses show
that policy-specific information is generally a more influential factor on public support for
military interventions compared to general political information.
34
O'Shea, Iain. "The anatomy of panic: the impact of naval scares and public opinion in late nineteenth-century Britain." Thesis, 2017. https://dspace.library.uvic.ca//handle/1828/8497.
Full textAbstract:
Popular navalism in nineteenth-century Britain was a natural but not inevitable outcome of the geographical reality of an island nation possessing a large maritime empire. The long-term evolution of democracy and the rapid growth of the mass-circulation press transformed the civil-military relationship in the last decades of the century, leading to a series of naval scares. These were episodes of intense public interest and engagement in naval affairs, manifested through Parliamentary speeches, newspaper and periodical contributions and in private correspondence. Naval historians have emphasized technological and strategic narratives in the modernization of the Royal Navy, and in the process neglected the dramatic political struggles in 1884–94 that provided the vital precondition for naval reform and expansion — money. The relevant question is not whether the naval scares were objectively justified, but how public discourses were employed by individuals and interest groups to transform the naval political economy by creating a ‘blue-water’ strategic common sense that would support the creation of ocean-going battlefleets designed to win and maintain ‘command of the sea.’ A triangular relationship between the Government, the navy and the public, connected largely through the press, rapidly evolved over the course of three naval scares, in 1884, 1888 and 1893. A pro-navy political equilibrium was constructed that raised peacetime naval expenditure to unprecedented heights and laid the foundations for the more widely known reforms of the twentieth-century ‘Fisher Era.’Graduate
2018-08-21
35
Liao, Chih Hsien, and 廖智賢. "After 911 Events, The Influence of The Media in U.S. upon Overseas Military Operations and Public Opinion -- With The War in Afghanistan and The Iraqi War as an Example." Thesis, 2008. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/37967169198755322728.
Full textAbstract:
碩士中國文化大學
美國研究所
96
The role of mass media in the war has become another kind of warfare outside of military operations. The role of media has transformed from a “bystander” who only report the warfare into “participator” actively involved in the war. As the impact of political system and ideas, most of the media in U.S. were private. Therefore, in the United States, the media with credibility has great influence with the government for policy decision-making, especially during the period of overseas military operations. On the other hand, the United States is a democratic country, which founded on public opinion, so for the implementation of any policy, the U.S. government has to gain the supports from people; furthermore, overseas military operations have become the focus of the people. Hence, there is a close interaction between the media, overseas military operations and public opinion; and the triangular relation even has impact on the winning or losing of overseas military operations. This thesis uses two overseas military operations, the war in Afghanistan and the Iraqi war, as case studies to analyze the influence of the media in U.S. upon overseas military operations and public opinion since 911 events. The cooperation between media and public opinion may subvert people’s concept of factors that determine the winning or losing of military operations. The key point of winning or losing of the military operations is no longer depending on military strength, equipment quantity, staff quality and the level of science and technology or economics but depending on the power of media. This dissertation analyzes the role and influence of media in the war in Afghanistan and the Iraqi war; and tries to generalize a conclusion from similarities and dissimilarities to provide another point of view for the critical influence of the mass media during the period of overseas military operations.
36
Phillips, Merran Willis. "The End Conscription Campaign, 1983-1988: a study of white extra-parliamentary opposition to apartheid." Thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/590.
Full text
37
Alexandre, David. "Looking through ruin : Canadian photography at Ypres and the archive of war." Thesis, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/14446.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines the relationship between the photographic archive of the First World War
and Canadian war memory through an analysis of the production of photographs depicting the
ruins of Ypres, Belgium and their postwar appropriation. Taken by official photographers in the
employment of the Canadian War Records Office, the photographs were intended to act as both
historical documents and, paradoxically, as publicity and propaganda images. Both functions of
the photographs work to construct a unified image of the war and are similarly characterized by a
repressive structure. Ypres, almost entirely destroyed during the war, was both the site of
Canada's first battle and major victory as well as a contentious site connoting military
mismanagement and wasteful loss of life. Resultantly, representations of the city's ruins are
suggestive of a corresponding shift from a mythic to a horrific war in First World War
historiography that took place in the decades proceeding it. Images of Ypres' ruins were filtered
through both material censorship enforced by the military to elicit high morale and psychic
censorship. Photographers made mechanized war conform to their visual expectations.
However, the repressive structure literally contains that which it represses as an uncanny double
and invariably allows for the possibility of its return. I argue that the anodyne and
conventionalized image generated by official photographs of ruins also contains and signifies the
destructive violence of modern warfare. Finally, I examine the construction of these conflicting
narratives as they develop around the simultaneous processes of archivization and circulation
ever-widening circles of mnemonic constructs such as postcards and tourist brochures at the
same time that they were being archived. I argue that rather than contaminating and damaging
the archival meaning of the photographs, the archive is an accumulative institution capable of
incorporating a variety of conflicting narratives without ruining its authority.
38
Racine, Rosalie. "Confronter les crimes nazis : les procès militaires alliés et l'opinion publique en Allemagne occupée." Thesis, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/25462.
Full textAbstract:
Ce mémoire de maîtrise analyse les liens entre les premiers procès militaires alliés en Allemagne occupée et l’opinion publique allemande dans l’après-guerre immédiat. Notre mémoire de maîtrise, à travers la présentation de l’analyse du procès de Belsen, organisé par les forces d’occupation britanniques de septembre à novembre 1945, et du procès de Dachau, tenu par le gouvernement militaire américain entre novembre et décembre 1945, cherche à mettre en lumière l’importance que ces derniers revêtaient dans l’établissement de relations cordiales entre occupants et occupés. Ce mémoire démontre donc, par les exemples de Belsen et Dachau, que les procès se situaient à la croisée entre le besoin des Alliés d’établir des relations positives avec les Allemands et leurs programmes de dénazification et de rééducation. Nous remarquons ainsi que, des premières étapes dans l’organisation de ces tribunaux jusqu’à leur achèvement, les Alliés ont pris en considération les différentes réactions des Allemands face aux procédures judiciaires : d’abord, avec l’ancrage des accusations et des procédures judiciaires dans une législation internationale qui précédait le début de la guerre, puis avec l’autorisation d’une défense pour les accusés qui permettait aux Alliés de revendiquer une autorité morale sur leur zone d’occupation. Ce mémoire de maîtrise, en plus d’examiner les procès d’après-guerre et leurs objectifs, propose également une analyse de la couverture journalistique de ces tribunaux et des sondages d’opinion publique menés après les procédures judiciaires. Notre étude établit ainsi que la couverture journalistique des procès était, souvent, une des premières fois où les Allemands se trouvaient confrontés aux atrocités commises dans les camps de concentration nazis. Finalement, avec l’analyse des sondages d’opinion publique, nous argumentons que les procès, en tant qu’outil politique, ont eu un succès mitigé dans l’établissement de relations positives entre les forces d’occupation britanniques et américaines et les Allemands.This masters’ thesis analyses the connections between the first allied military trials held in postwar Germany and German public opinion toward the British and American occupation forces. Focused on the Belsen trial, held in the British occupation zone from September to November 1945, and the Dachau trial, held by the American military government in the U.S. occupation zone between November and December 1945, this study seeks to highlight the importance both trials held for the British and the Americans in establishing positive relations with the Germans. Using Belsen and Dachau as case studies, it argues that, while they were essential to British and American denazification and re-education programs, they also had to be conducted in a manner that ensured the best possible relationship the German public and the occupation forces in both the American and British occupation zones. I demonstrate that, from the initial steps implemented to set up the trials through their conclusion, both powers took German concerns and reactions to the judiciary procedures into account: first by anchoring the charges and the trials themselves in international law preceding the Second World War; then by providing the right to a defense to the accused. Both factors, the Allies believed, allowed them to claim a moral authority over their occupation zone. The memoir’s examination of the trials and their purpose is complimented by an analysis of the press coverage of the trials and public opinion surveys taken after the trials. This study states that the press coverage was oftentimes one the first instances in which Germans were confronted to the atrocities committed in the concentration camps. Finally, this study argues that, as a part of larger programs, the trials had a limited success as a tool to implement positive relations between the British and American occupation forces and the German population.
39
Teixeira, Antero. "Mediatização de Informação Militar Confidencial - Estudo exploratório a partir das fugas de informação sobre a Guerra no Afeganistão divulgadas pela plataforma WiKiLeaks no âmbito da opinião pública nacional." Master's thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.26/6813.
Full textAbstract:
Numa Era em que a Informação se encontra à distância de um clique e acessível em tempo real através da internet a partir e para qualquer ponto do Mundo, o sítio WikiLeaks através de uma das mais recentes e propaladas revelações globais logrou disponibilizar informação classificada e relativamente recente sobre a Guerra no Afeganistão. Essa divulgação é agora conhecida como Afghan War Logs, constituindo-se como a maior fuga de sempre de informação na História Militar até então. Este caso propôs-se a expor a todo o Mundo o que o WikiLeaks considera ser a indiscutível verdade e como tal visando a alteração da percepção alargada e pública de como se conduzem os conflitos modernos, mediante o livre escrutínio do público.
Acessível a todos, terá produzido um impacto, terá deixado marcas que perdurarão pela
alteração do entendimento que o público tem do conflito no Afeganistão?
Nesta dissertação apresenta-se um estudo exploratório que indicia que este caso despertou pouco interesse no público nacional, não exercendo qualquer influência sobre a sua percepção e interesse no conflito no Afeganistão. Estabelece-se também uma correlação entre o desconhecimento por parte do público com o pouco espaço dedicado a esta temática por parte da imprensa escrita, reforçando a importância dos média convencionais em associação com este tipo de divulgação para aumentar o seu impacto.ABSTRACT In an Age that Information is just a click away andaccessible in real time trough the internet, from and to anywhere in the World, the WikiLeaks site with one of its latest and more debatted global disclosures has came trough with relatively recent classified information concerning the War in Afghanistan. That disclosure is now known as the Afghan War Logs, and represents the largest information leakage ever in the Military History until then. This case proposes to expose to the entire World what is considered by WikiLeaks to be the indisputable truth and so aiming the change in the public and enlarged perception of how modern conflicts are directed, through the public’sfree critical scrutiny. Accesible to all, will it have produced an impact, will it have left marks that’ll last due to the public changes of perception about the case? In this dissertation an exploratory study is presented that indicates that this case has aroused little interest in national public, therefore not exerting any influence on their understanding of and interest about the conflict in Afghanistan. A correlation between the public’s unawareness withthe little space dedicated to this topic by the written press is also established, reinforcing the significance of conventional media in association with this type of disclosure in order to increase its impact.