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Workman, Patrick E. "Optimizing security force generation." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2009. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2009/Jun/09Jun%5FWorkman.pdf.
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Thesis (M.S. in Operations Research)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2009.<br>Thesis Advisor(s): Dell, Robert F. "June 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on July 13, 2009. Author(s) subject terms: manpower planning, optimization, infinite horizon, variable time model, officer management, enlisted management. Includes bibliographical references (p. 61-64). Also available in print.
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de, Mesa Winell. "Downsizing the United States Air Force Security Forces: A Phenomenological Investigation." ScholarWorks, 2015. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/351.
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The United States Air Force (USAF) has downsized an average of 10,000 active duty personnel each year from 1990 to 2010. Despite this downsizing, the mission remains the same, which increases the workload on the remaining airmen, lowers morale, decreases specialization, changes the mindset/culture, accelerates promotion rates, and shifts the dependence on technology in the Security Forces career field. The USAF needs adequately sized and proficient members to meet its mission. This phenomenological study examined the effects of USAF downsizing on the USAF Security Forces career field. The great man theory, social learning theory, theory of expertise, and Maslow's hierarchy of needs provided the conceptual framework. Semistructured interviews were gathered with a purposeful sample of 24 retired Security Forces members, near Air Combat Command bases; data were then analyzed through the Moustaukas modified van Kaam technique. The themes from this study were the cycle of downsizing; increased workload despite decreased number of personnel, also known as "more with less"; an accelerated promotion rate; and dependence on technology. The primary finding suggested the need for specialization and consistency of technology used. Further research on downsizing based on budgetary constraints, awareness of the loss of specializations after downsizing, and communication while downsizing could expand the findings of this study. The results of this study can be used by all leadership facing budgetary constraints and technology upgrades. Social change could ensue if leadership observes the cultural changes that occur when choosing to downsize and merge.
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Kemp, Richard. "A Sub-Sahara African Army's Perspectives of Security Force Assistance Training Effectiveness." ScholarWorks, 2020. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/7934.
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Past research and government reports document that Security Force Assistance (SFA) provided by the United States to partner nations often failed to achieve the desired impact of developing the capacity and capability of the partner to defeat an insurgency and maintain security. A lack of research and available data inhibit the identification of reasons SFA programs fail. In this qualitative phenomenological study, the perspectives of recipients of training were explored to understand the factors that impact the development of capability and capacity as a result of SFA training. The agency theory was applied as the theoretical framework in the study to examine possible conflicting objectives between the United States and the partner nation. The research questions addressed the training effectiveness by exploring the perspectives of Sub-Sahara African soldiers that received training and senior leaders of their army that was engaged in counterinsurgency operations. Data from interviews with 17 soldiers that received training and 5 senior leaders were coded and compared to developed major themes. The results showed evidence of limited capability development but no capacity development as a result of SFA training. The primary reason for the lack of development was that the training provided skills the recipient army was not able to incorporate in its operations or sustain. The results of this study indicated issues that practitioners could address to improve SFA programs and achieve the desired impact. Creating more effective SFA programs will help develop partner nation security forces that can maintain security for their civilian populations in which human development can thrive and eliminate safe havens for terrorist organizations that threaten the United States and its allies.
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Stanley, Bruce Edwin. "Selective privatization of security: why American strategic leaders choose to substitute private security contractors for national military force." Diss., Kansas State University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/13610.
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Doctor of Philosophy<br>Security Studies Program<br>Jeffrey Pickering<br>Ideas about why US foreign policy actors have turned ever more frequently to private military contractors (PMCs) and private security contractors (PSCs) over the past decade and a half abound. Descriptive accounts of the rise of these corporations have become something of a cottage industry over the past decade or so. The various ideas advanced have yet to be placed under rigorous empirical scrutiny, however. This dissertation builds from the existing descriptive literature to advance a new theoretical framework to explain the rise of private contractors. It analyzes this framework as well as alternative ideas using both quantitative and qualitative analysis, marking the first time this important subject has been systematically examined with both social science methods.
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Cleveland, Clayton. "Storming the Security Council: The Revolution in UNSC Authority Over the Projection of Military Force." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/12971.
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Why have states requested international authorization for their projections of military force more after 1989? One perspective suggests powerful states should not make such requests. Rather, they should look to their own power instead of international organizations. Another view suggests international authorization is a way to provide credible signals about state intentions. A third perspective suggests states view international authorization of military force as appropriate. I establish that states have changed their behavior, requesting international authorization more often after 1989. Then, I develop hypotheses involving material power, burden-sharing, informational signaling, and international norms. I assess their ability to explain the increase in authorization requests through evidence from over 150 military force projections by a wide range of states and through a detailed evaluation of United States behavior. The U.S. provides a strong test case for the theories evaluated, since powerful states should be least susceptible to pressures for requesting authorization, and yet it does so more frequently after 1989. I find the expectation that states should request international authorization emerged after the U.S. set a precedent during the Persian Gulf War. The end of the Cold War changed the perceived "viability" of different strategies for projecting military force for U.S. policy-makers. Requesting authorization from the UN became a plausible alternative. The decision to request international authorization--and the justifications U.S. decision makers offered for doing so--led to the expectation by other states that the U.S. would do so for future projections of military force. This international norm helps explain the politics of international authorization for the airstrikes on Iraq (1998), the Iraq War (2003) and the Libyan intervention (2011). The response of other countries to the Clinton Administration's failure to request authorization for airstrikes on Iraq in 1998 demonstrates that expectations regarding whether the U.S. should request authorization had shifted. The subsequent consolidation of the norm helps explain the requests for authorization by the Bush Administration for the Iraq War in 2003 and by the Obama Administration for Libya in 2011. The dissertation increases our understanding of the relationship, and the role of authority, between states and international organizations.
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DuMond, John D. "Changes in the security environment of Europe and their implications for Czech military force structure /." (Requires Adobe Acrobat Reader), 2001. http://stinet.dtic.mil/str/tr4%5Ffields.html.
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Engberg, Katarina. "The EU´s Collective Use of Force : Exploring the Factors behind its First Military Operations." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-152038.
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The EU has since 2003 carried out six military operations. This thesis seeks to determine the circumstances under which the EU will, or will not, undertake military operations. It does so through the study of two main cases of EU military operations: the case when an operation was planned in the Lebanon war 2006 but did not occur, and the positive case of EUFOR RD Congo that same year which did occur. Three additional cases are presented. An analytical tool built on the techniques of defence planning and concepts derived from the scholarly literature is applied to the cases for the purpose of identifying the main driving and inhibiting factors behind the operations. The functional theme of the use of force and the organizational theme of the multilateralisation of intervention serve as the main scholarly concepts. The interaction between the intervener and the local actors, as well as between political and resource factors, is introduced in order to create an integrated framework for the analysis of the dynamics at play in the EU’s use of force. The limitations to the "jus bellum" tradition is noted in the analysis of the EU´s operations that have situated themselves in a low-to-middle bandwidth in terms of interests and risks at stake. Among the findings, the growing importance of local actors in shaping the room for the EU´s deployment of military force stands out, as do resource constraints, in the EU´s case primarily in the form of its limited command and control structures but also through the overstretch of the global pool of expeditionary forces felt around 2006. As seen from the organizational perspective, the EU´s first military operations can best be understood in the context of the increasing role of regional security providers in an unofficial division of labour with regard to the multilateralisation of intervention.<br><p>Avaliable in revised and extended version: "The EU and Military Operations. A comparative analysis".</p><p>http://www.routledge.com/books/details/9780415821360</p><p> </p>
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Shackelford, Philip Clayton. "Fighting for Air: Cold War Reorganization and the U.S. Air Force Security Service, 1945-1952." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1461432022.
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Street, Daniel. "Opening Pandora's Box? : theorising the commercialisation of military force in the post-Cold War world." Thesis, University of Bath, 2016. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.690740.
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The commercialisation of military services has increased in importance since the end of the Cold War. Commercial Military Service Providers (CMSPs) have found increased respectability and worked in states on every continent. Writing on CMSPs has similarly increased. Several high profile incidents have come under intense scrutiny, and has led to some portions of the literature demonising their use. However, there are still conceptual and theoretical issues which have been under explored. This thesis contributes to the literature which has sought to address this theoretical lacuna. Historical Sociology and comparative analysis are employed to analyse the implications of CMSP use on the state. A modified version of the Ideological, Economic, Military and Political (IEMP) model developed by Michael Mann, is used to theorise the impact of commercial security providers on existing sources of power within the state, and the relationship between them. The thesis uses two case studies which are representative of the use of CMSPs during this time period. The Sierra Leone Civil War and the invasion and reconstruction of Iraq since 2003. It will be argued that CMSPs alter the balance between power structures within the state, positively and negatively affecting the power of the state. The short term use of CMSPs has proven to be useful and of increasing importance; especially when military weakness is an urgent problem. However, although there has been no example of CMSPs intentionally threatening state stability, they can also subvert the power of the state. CMSPs, particularly when used for an extended period, have undermined the relationship between the sources of power, undermining political stability. Most significantly they weakened the state by undermining the strength it gains from its embeddedness in society.
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Hancock, R. M. "Task Force 1/6 in Ramadi a successful tactical-level counterinsurgency campaign /." Quantico, VA : Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA491157.
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Schmidt, Julia Ruth. "European Union as an emerging international military actor and its legal relationship with UN Security Council resolutions." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/7973.
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The thesis results from a research project, combining elements of European law and public international law. The project focuses on the different forms of the use of force by the European Union in the sphere of the Common Security and Defence Policy as an integral part of the EU’s common foreign and security policy. It examines the conditions under which the European Union can engage in military crisis management missions from the perspective of European Union law as well as from the perspective of public international law. The main emphasis of the thesis is put on the former, analysing the EU’s ambitions to become an international security actor from an inside-out perspective. When addressing the vertical dimension of the EU and the use of force in more detail, the thesis analyses the extent to which the Member States are constrained in the conduct of their national foreign and security policy through decisions by the European Union in the sphere of the Common Foreign and Security Policy. With regards to the EU’s legal relationship with the United Nations, the thesis examines whether and if so to what extent the European Union, although not a member of the United Nations, is bound by UN Security Council resolutions in respect of the use of force. Based on the assumption that the EU is bound by UN Security Council resolutions imposing economic sanctions, the thesis uses a comparative method in order to show that the EU as an international organisation is bound by decisions of the UN Security Council in the sense that the EU is obliged to respect the wording and limits of a UN Security Council mandate to use force once it decides to contribute with an EU mission. If the EU decides not to accept a UN Security Council mandate, the thesis argues that the EU is under the obligation not to undermine the success of a UN authorised military intervention, in the spirit of a loyalty obligation. Apart from analyzing the interaction of the EU and the international legal framework, the thesis also uses a speculative approach in order to examine the implications of silence in the context of the use of force.
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Smith, Andrew Humanities & Social Sciences Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. "The factors influencing the employment of the Australian Defence Organisation in homeland security roles since 11 September 2001." Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy. School of Humanities and Social Sciences, 2007. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/38735.
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This thesis makes an assessment of the factors influencing the involvement of the Australian Defence Organisation (ADO) in homeland security roles since 11 September 2001 (9/11). This is approached on a largely empirical basis, using document analysis and case studies supported with interviews with key individuals and experts. The thesis commences with an Introduction that provides brief context for the thesis and specifies its central question as ???what factors have shaped the role of the ADO in Australia's response to the homeland security environment that has emerged since 11 September 2001.??? Chapter One provides an historical and theoretical context for the key concepts of homeland security and the challenges confronting Western governments in the homeland security arena. Chapter Two explores the implications of those challenges for Australia, before outlining the research method and providing a literature review. Chapter Three is an historical exposition of homeland security in Australia from British settlement in 1788 until 2001. The Chapter examines events in increasing detail in the 30 years immediately prior to 2001, including a detailed case study of ADO support to the Sydney 2000 Olympic and Paralympic Games, before drawing some broad conclusions on the Australian experience of the involvement of its Defence Organisation in homeland security pre-9/11. Chapter Four establishes the pre-9/11 status quo in relation to the ADO???s involvement in homeland security role before analysing the general pattern of those roles. Chapter Five analyses and draws conclusions about the reasons for the ADO???s pre-9/11 involvement in homeland security roles, introducing an hypothetical construct to explain causal factors. Chapter Six examines the ADO???s involvement in homeland security roles post-9/11, including cases studies of ADO support to the conduct of the 2002 Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting and the Melbourne 2006 Commonwealth Games. Chapter Seven analyses and identifies the factors led to the ADO???s pattern of involvement in homeland security post-9/11, further developing the hypothetical construct introduced in Chapter 5. Chapter Seven also contains supporting case studies on the ADO???s contribution to Australia???s national chemical, biological, radiological and nuclear response capability and on the state of New South Wales??? homeland security capabilities. Chapter Eight draws overall conclusions, including recommendations for Australian policy development and areas for further research. The essential conclusion reached is that the ADO???s involvement in homeland security roles, both before and since 9/11, has been shaped mostly by pragmatic political and managerial considerations of governments. Developments have normally occurred in an episodic and incremental fashion in response to ???trigger events,??? although 9/11 altered this pattern somewhat by acting as a ???threshold??? event that re-calibrated demands and expectations for ADO involvement. Supporting Appendices provide detail on the Australian Government???s strategic guidance on ADO involvement in homeland security since 1973; on Australia???s policy for Defence Assistance to the Civilian Community and Defence Force Aid to the Civil Authorities; and on the involvement of former Department of Defence employees in non-Defence homeland-security related roles. A Bibliography provides details of sources used.
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Ziegler, Thomas. "The long war concept using the security cooperation Marine Air Ground Task Force to address irregular threats through shaping and deterrence /." Quantico, VA : Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA490846.
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Shackelford, Philip Clayton. "On the Wings of the Wind: The United States Air Force Security Service and Its Impact on Signals Intelligence in the Cold War." Kent State University Honors College / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ksuhonors1399284818.
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Valdevino, Deisiane da Conceição Viana de Santana. "O paradoxo da desumanização no Afeganistão: um estudo de caso do papel desumanizador da International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) no período de 2003-2014." Universidade Estadual da Paraíba, 2017. http://tede.bc.uepb.edu.br/jspui/handle/tede/2959.
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Previous issue date: 2017-09-05<br>CAPES<br>This study on dehumanization seeks to shed light on a subject little studied in the area of International Relations. The theoretical model on dehumanization encompasses two concepts of humanity – human nature and human uniqueness. Those two concepts represent two forms of humanity denial – the animalistic and the mechanistic forms. In the Afghan scenario of prolonged violence, over decades of war, destructive human relations become an exemplification of dehumanizing processes. The case study focuses on the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF), a multinational mission authorized by the UN Security Council to be the first operation to support peace building under the NATO command. Elements of the military discourse and practices provide a basis for characterizing ISAF’s role in Afghanistan as a dehumanizing agent. The dehumanization paradox exposes forms of prejudice, stereotyping, discrimination, delegitimization and objectification that interrelate and destructively impact the lives of the Afghan people.<br>Este estudo sobre desumanização busca dar luz a uma temática pouco estudada na área de Relações Internacionais. O modelo teórico sobre desumanização engloba dois conceitos de humanidade - natureza humana e singularidade humana. Os dois conceitos representam duas formas de negação da humanidade - as formas animalista e mecanicista. No cenário afegão de violência prolongada, ao longo de décadas de guerra, as relações humanas destrutivas se tornam uma exemplificação de processos desumanizantes. O estudo de caso se concentra na International Security Assistance Force (ISAF), que corresponde a uma missão multinacional autorizada pelo Conselho de Segurança da ONU, sendo a primeira operação de apoio à construção de paz sob o comando da OTAN. Elementos do discurso e da prática militar fornecem embasamento para caracterizar o papel da ISAF no Afeganistão como o de um agente desumanizador. O paradoxo da desumanização retrata formas de preconceito, estereótipos, discriminação, deslegitimação e objetificação que se inter-relacionam e afetam destrutivamente a vida de afegãos e afegãs.
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Leunis, Jelle. "The Road to Regulation of Private Military and Security Companies: An Analysis of the (Re-)Articulation of the Norms Governing the Legitimate Use of Force." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/13740.
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Since the end of the Cold War, private military and security companies have gained a prominent place on the international battlefield. In an attempt to reduce monetary and political costs, states have not only outsourced some of the defense functions previously performed by uniformed personnel; they have also partly privatised the provision of security. Traditional accounts of the rise of private military and security companies have explained this evolution in terms of changing demand and supply of military force after the Cold War, in a neoliberal ideological environment. This rationalist account, however, overlooks the role of norms, which, as the constructivist research tradition has demonstrated, constrain state behaviour even in the domain of national security. From this constructivist point of view, the rise of private military and security companies is surprising given the existence of an anti-mercenary norm and a norm on the state monopoly on violence, both of which have precluded the private exercise of violence. How, then, should the rise of private military and security companies be understood in light of this hostile normative environment? Against a realist-constructivist background, this text draws upon models of norm change and epistemic communities to show that private military and security companies have used their pragmatic legitimacy and epistemic power to decisively shape the discursive construction of a new regulatory framework that legitimises the exercise of non-state violence.
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Esteves, Jorge Manuel Gaspar. "Guarda Nacional Republicana: tendências da profissão de oficial num tempo de transição." Master's thesis, Universidade de Évora, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10174/15732.
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A dissertação que se apresenta para efeito de candidatura ao mestrado em Sociologia na variante Poder e Sistemas Políticos, pretende num primeiro momento, contribuir para a caracterização da instituição Guarda Nacional Republicana (GNR), no que concerne às suas origens e natureza estatutária, assim como reflectir sobre a qualificação dos seus elementos. Num segundo momento, tem como objectivo analisar a forma como se distribuem os seus oficiais relativamente às variáveis constantes no modelo Institucional/Ocupacional de Charles Moskos (197 7, 1986). Relativamente às origens têm estado em confronto duas posições teóricas que privilegiam abordagens distintas. Neste trabalho optamos por considerar como mais adequada a posição que tem em consideração a estrutura orgânica sem, contudo, menosprezar a necessidade funcional, pelo que apesar de ter nascido com a República, a GNR é herdeira de uma longa tradição de instituições militares de segurança que remonta ao ano de 1801. No que concerne à natureza, decidimos efectuar a análise do percurso da organização GNR desde a sua génese até aos nossos dias, assim como das instituições militares de segurança que a antecederam, colocando a ênfase na compreensão dos aspectos organizativos, missões, competências, dependência institucional, enquadramento, regime disciplinar e qualificação dos seus profissionais. Na realização deste exame crítico procurámos não apenas assinalar o que é uniforme e repetível mas também as principais rupturas surgidas durante este percurso, considerando que a GNR deve hoje em dia ser definida como uma força de segurança de natureza militar e os seus elementos como militares. Caracterizada a instituição e os seus profissionais, partimos para a análise da distribuição dos oficiais relativamente ao modelo Institucional/Ocupacional_ Para este efeito foi inquirida a população de oficiais da Guarda Nacional Republicana no activo em Março de 2004. No inicio do ano lectivo de 2003/2004 tinha sido efectuado o pré-teste do instrumento, tendo sido inquiridos os cadetes dos 1.° e 4.° anos da Academia Militar do Curso da GNR. Os resultados da pesquisa revelam que tanto os oficiais como os cadetes registam posições mais próximas do modelo institucional do que do ocupacional. A introdução dos desenvolvimentos teóricos propostos por Cotton relativamente à adesão aos diferentes tipos de papel, sugerem que os papeis que prevalecem são o de ambivalente entre oficiais e o de soldado entre os cadetes. ***/Abstract - The dissertation which is presented for the purpose of a candidacy for a Master’s Degree in Sociology, in the specialised area of Power and Political Systems, initially intends to contribute to the characterization of the Guarda Nacional Republicana as an institution, in what concerns to its origins and statutory nature, as well as reflect on the qualification of its elements. Secondly, its objective is to analyse the manner in which its officers are distributed in regard to the constant variables in the Institutional/Occupational model of Charles Moskos3 (1977, 1986). In regard to the origins, two theoretical positions which privilege distinct approaches have been in confrontation. In this work, we opted to consider how the position that has the organic structure in consideration is more adequate, however, without underestimating the fiinctional necessity, for which in spite of having originated with the Republic, the GNR is heir to a long tradition of military security institutions that remount to the year 1801. In what concerns to the nature, we have decided to carry out an analysis of the course of the GNR organization, since its genesis up until present days, as well as that of the military security institutions that preceded it, putting emphasis on the comprehension of the organizational aspects, missions, competences, institutional dependency, framework, disciplinary regime and qualification of its professionals. In the realization of this critical exam, we tried not only to point out what is uniform and recurrent, but also the main ruptures which emerged during this course, considering that the GNR must currently be defined as a security force of a military nature and its elements as military elements. Having characterized the institution and its professionals, we head towards the analysis of the distribution of the oficers relating to the Institutional/Occupational model. For this purpose, the population of officers of the Guarda Nacional Republicana on active duty in March of 2004 was questioned. A pre-test was carried out at the beginning of the 2003/2004 school year, in which the cadets of the first and fourth years of the GNR Course of the Military Academy Were enquired. The results of the study revealed that both the officers and the cadets registered positions that were closer to the institutional model than to the occupational model. The foreword of the theoretical developments that were proposed by Cotton concerning the adhesion to the different types of role, suggest that the roles that prevail are that of ambivalent among officers and soldier amongst the cadets.
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Wright, Timothy H. "How can the DOD minimize the impact on the reservist/National Guardsman's civilian employer while transforming to an operational force?" View report via DTIC View report via CGSC website, 2008. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA482989.
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Thesis (Master of Military Art and Science)--Command and General Staff College, Fort Leavenworth, 2008.<br>Title from title screen (viewed June 16, 2009). "ADA482989"-DTIC URL. Includes bibliographical references (p. 77-81).
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Esterhuyse, Abel Jacobus. "Die militêre betrokkenheid van die Verenigde State van Amerika in Sub-Sahara Afrika : 1993-2001 (Afrikaans)." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/28172.
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The aim of this study is to investigate and analyse the military involvement of the USA in the security of sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) during the era of the Clinton administration (1993-2001). The study is based on the assumption that the US did not have that much interest in the security of SSA during the Clinton era and that it did not want to become militarily involved in SSA. Its position as the only remaining superpower in the post-Cold War era, however placed a responsibility on the US to be militarily involved in the creation of a more secure SSA. The study relies on two theoretical constructs. On the one hand the changing nature of security in the post-Cold War world in general, but specifically in SSA, serves as a theoretical starting point. This is, on the other hand, supported by a theoretical focus on the nature of military involvement globally, but also specifically in SSA in the era after the Cold War. The latter is to a large extent related to the changing nature of military force and the use thereof in the post-Cold War era. The military involvement of the US in the management of the security of SSA during the Clinton era is analysed against the background of the US interests, policy, and strategy – specifically its security strategy – in SSA. The reality of the absence of concrete US interests in SSA is highlighted. This lack of interest led to a situation whereby SSA could not be a priority in US foreign policy. The US policy objectives in SSA were nevertheless aimed at the promotion of democracy, the improvement of the security situation and the support of economic progress. The reluctance of the US to deploy military forces in SSA underpins its security strategy and military involvement in SSA. The security strategy of the US was in essence preventive in nature since it aimed at preventing the manifestation of threats from SSA against the US by promoting the stability of SSA. However, the US was still militarily involved in SSA in a variety of ways, from the provision of military training and the conduct of military exercises to military operations. Military involvement centred around the empowerment of armed forces in SSA. It was argued that the capacity of the armed forces of SSA should be developed to support democratic governance and economic progress. The capacity building programmes of the US armed forces in SSA concentrated on defence reform, military professionalism, the creation of indigenous conflict resolution and peace support capabilities, the provision of equipment, and the improvement of health and environmental conditions.<br>Dissertation (MA (Security Studies))--University of Pretoria, 2005.<br>Political Sciences<br>unrestricted
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Harrison, Jessica. "The Experiences of Sailors with Antiterrorism Force Protection Training at Off-Installation Sites." ScholarWorks, 2018. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/4856.
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Enhancing antiterrorism force protection (ATFP) training at off-installation sites to allow employees to survive a life threatening situation is a necessity after recent events at such military installations. However, little is known about how service members perceive their current ATFP training experiences and how those experiences impact their self-confidence for responding to a threat. The purpose of this qualitative study was to explore how current training experiences impact confidence levels in learning basic security fundamentals to respond to a threat, as well as possible training changes that might improve confidence levels. This study used social constructivism, andragogy theory, heutagogy, and problem-based learning as the conceptual frameworks. Participants were 15 sailors from 5 off-site locations. Data sources were semistructured interviews. Data were analyzed using provisional and open coding strategies to identify themes of supports and barriers to learning ATFP concepts. Results indicated that existing instruction resulted in sailors engaging in supplemental self-training activities to reach what they believed were strong preparedness levels. They also indicated that instruction that emphasizes authentic adult education practices such as learner-center instruction and hands-on drills under the framework of problem-based learning and heutagogy were necessary to increase self-reported levels of confidence in responding to a threat. This study impacts positive social change by providing guidelines for effective terrorist and threat preparedness instruction, regardless of organization, institution, or location that can be used by administrators to improve their confidence and ability to deal with terrorist actions.
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McGregor, Otis W. III. "Command and control of Special Operations Forces missions in the US Northern Command Area of Responsibility." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/2198.
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Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited<br>The need for a well thought out, planned, and rehearsed command and control organization to conduct special operations in the US Northern Command Area of Responsibility is vital to success in defending the Homeland. Currently, USNORTHCOM does not have an apportioned or assigned command and control structure for the conduct of special operations. This thesis analyzes three courses of action to fulfill this requirement: use the current USNORTHCOM battle staff command structure including the integration of the Standing Joint Force Headquarters-North; rely on the newly formed US Special Operations Command's Joint Task Force Structures; and establish a Theater Special Operations Command North assigned to USNORTHCOM. Through the conduct of analysis and research this thesis recommends that The Joint Staff direct the reorganization required to establish a Theater Special Operations Command North to exercise command and control of special operations forces conducting operations in the USNORTHCOM AOR.<br>Lieutenant Colonel, United States Army
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Caldwell, Russell J. "Information operations (IO) organizational design and procedures." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Mar%5FCaldwell.pdf.
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Thesis (M.S. in Information Systems and Operations)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2004.<br>Thesis advisor(s): Raymond Buettner, Thomas Moore. Includes bibliographical references (p. 156-161). Also available online.
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Uzel, Meltem. "British Sea Power And Oil Policy In The Persian Gulf 1909-1914." Master's thesis, METU, 2006. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/3/12608056/index.pdf.
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This thesis attempts to describe the role of the British Admiralty&rsquo<br>s oil related naval policies from 1909 to 1914 in the formation of British oil diplomacy in the northern hinterlands of the Persian Gulf. On the basis of this attempt, it examines the precise beginning of oil security concerns of Britain and its articulation on the southwest Persian and Mesopotamian oil basins in light of the transition of the Royal Navy from coal to oil burning internal combustion engines. It delineates the interconnectedness of the issues relating to the significance of oil in British naval developments and naval supremacy and her clash of interests with the other Great Naval Powers, which had significant interest in oil rich Mesopotamia and southern Persia.
By 1914, the Admiralty, through its exceptional relations with the Anglo-Persian Oil Company in the hinterlands of the Persian Gulf became an important actor in the government&rsquo<br>s involvement in the oil industry. This thesis, suggests that the Admiralty was the political demand channel in the processes of British imperial expansion under the spread of new imperialism in general, and in the consolidation of fuel oil security in particular. The study will be a contribution to the academic literature on the history of naval powers in Turkey.
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Frazão, Pedro Gonçalo Matias. "Desporto militar em Portugal: contributos para uma nova visão estratégica." Master's thesis, Universidade de Évora, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10174/17933.
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“Desporto Militar em Portugal: Contributos para uma nova visão estratégica.”
Este estudo pretende contribuir para uma melhor compreensão do Desporto Militar em Portugal e das diversas instituições que integram este subsistema desportivo, tendo como principal objetivo analisar a respetiva estrutura e funcionamento para potenciar o futuro, através de uma nova visão estratégica.
Esta pesquisa é essencialmente de natureza qualitativa e exploratória. Foi realizada uma análise de conteúdos, utilizando como ferramentas o questionário, a análise descritiva e o estudo prospetivo, através do método da análise morfológica (Morfol).
Os resultados sugerem que: existe um desinvestimento na participação portuguesa nos Jogos Mundiais; a Marinha e a Força Aérea foram as forças que perderam mais participantes; os pontos fracos são a divulgação, os recursos financeiros, tecnológicos, informacionais e a preparação dos praticantes; os pontos fortes são os recursos materiais, a organização, os recursos humanos, o controlo e a qualidade dos praticantes.
Concluiu-se que é necessário criar estratégias comuns, para que o Desporto Militar possa ser projetado e integrado na sociedade civil, podendo contribuir muito para o sistema desportivo nacional; ABSTRAT:
"Military Sports in Portugal: Contributions to a new strategic vision."
This research aims to contribute to a greater knowledge regarding military sport in Portugal, and the institutions that support this sport subsystem. The objective of this research is to examine the structure and functioning of these two systems as a way to create a new strategic vision for the future.
This research is qualitative and exploratory. Data analysis was done following a content analysis approach where surveys, descriptive analysis and prospective studies were conducted under Morfol methodology.
The results suggest that there is a disinvestment in the Portuguese participation in the World Games; the Navy and Air Force were the forces that lost most participants; the weakest points are communication, financial resources, technology, information, and the preparation of athletes. The positive aspects that are suggested by our results are the material resources, organization, human resources, control, and participants’ quality.
The research findings from this dissertation suggest that, in order to promote and integrate the Military Sport within the civil society, it is important to create a common strategy that is aligned with national sport.
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Branikas, Spyros. "NATO continuity and change : the Atlantic Alliance as an institution, organization and force by reference to Articles 4, 5, and 6 of the Washington Treaty." Thesis, Monterey California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/1291.
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Approved for public release; distribution in unlimited.<br>This thesis examines the evolution of NATO as an institution in the International System by reference to Articles 4, 5 and 6 of the Washington Treaty of 1949. Initially, the thesis considers NATO from an international relations perspective. It then proceeds to examine the institutional evolutionary process of the Alliance since its inception and implementation in 1949. Furthermore, it explores the significance and the meaning of the aforementioned Articles. This thesis utilizes the case study method and refers to four distinct events that have shaped allied policies and strategies: the Suez Crisis of 1956, the establishment of the politico-military consultation process, the Yom Kippur War (1973), and the end of the Cold War (1989-1991). It also examines the allied policies after the events of September 11, 2001. Moreover, it identifies a general pattern of events pertinent to crisis creation inside NATO when the organization is facing a defense issue outside the Euro-Atlantic area. Finally, the thesis concludes that NATO is more than an ordinary military Alliance, as advocated by its longevity, agility and adaptability, which allows the Alliance to maintain a central position in the International System as a robust politico-military organization.<br>Lieutenant Commander, Hellenic Navy
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Ogilvie, Jaimie S. A. "Enhancing national security in Jamaica through the development and employment of special forces." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Jun%5FOgilvie.pdf.
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Tal, Lawrence. "Politics, the military, and national security in Jordan, 1955-1967." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1997. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:aceb7754-492e-4cbd-bc85-83cb8ed6e0ce.
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This study argues that the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan survived the years between the signing of the Baghdad Pact in 1955 and the outbreak of the June 1967 war due primarily to the cohesion of its National Security Establishment (NSE), a ruling coalition of security and foreign policy professionals from the monarchy, the political elite, and the military. By examining the national security policymaking process in Jordan between 1955 and 1967, this study shows that NSE members often disagreed over the means of protecting Jordanian national security, but agreed on the ultimate end of security policy: the preservation of the Hashemite monarchy and the protection of the territorial integrity of Jordan. This thesis examines in detail the foreign and domestic challenges to Jordanian national security during the kingdom's most turbulent period. The thesis makes extensive use of primary sources from the British, American, and Jordanian archives, Arabic and English language memoirs, and interviews with surviving Jordanian decisionmakers. In addition, the study builds on the work of previous scholars by making use of the published literature on Jordan. The first three chapters are organised thematically, while the remaining chapters are organised chronologically.
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Duncanson, Claire. "Forces for good? : British military masculinities on peace support operations." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/2752.
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This thesis is situated at the intersection of Feminist International Relations, Critical Security Studies and Gender Studies. It takes as its starting point – and offers a challenge to – the feminist contention that soldiers cannot be peacekeepers due to hegemonic constructions of military masculinity associated with the skills and practices of combat. It problematises this assumption by investigating whether involvement in the practices of conflict resolution on Peace Support Operations (PSOs) influences the construction of military masculinities. The thesis also questions the rather monolithic accounts of masculinity which are found in feminist arguments that peacekeeping soldiers reinforce neo-imperial oppression, and argues that such critiques neglect the potentially more progressive aspects of employing soldiers as peacekeepers. Using the British Army as a case study to explore these conceptual issues, the thesis utilises a novel methodological approach derived from R W Connell’s framework of gender relations and social constructivist discourse theory. It analyses both official and unofficial sources of British Army discourse on PSOs, including military doctrine, recruitment material and autobiography, and finds evidence to suggest that ‘peacekeeper masculinity’ offers a challenge, albeit incomplete, to the hegemonic masculinity associated with combat. The thesis argues that, despite the limited nature of this challenge, peacekeeper masculinity represents an important development because the privileging of conflict resolution practices it embodies involves disruptions to traditional gendered dichotomies and the construction of ‘regendered soldiers,’ with important implications for both international peace and security and gender relations. Finding conflict resolution practices such as negotiating and building consent, moderating the use of force and humanitarian activities manly rather than emasculating is crucial if soldiers are to take PSOs as seriously as they do war. Moreover, associating masculinity with practices that require building relations of sensitivity, mutual respect and empathy has implications beyond the success of PSOs. Such associations not only challenge current models of hegemonic masculinity in the military, but – through replacing relations of dominance with more democratic relations – challenge the entire hierarchical structure of gender relations in western culture and language. As such, in exploring the concept of regendered soldiers, this thesis contributes significantly to theories of change in gender relations as well as to feminist International Relations scholarship on military masculinities, peacekeeping and security.
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Bari, Gabor, and Imre Porkoláb. "Enhancing national security in Hungary through the development and employment of Special Forces." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/2781.
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This thesis establishes an analytical framework for identifying and discussing strategic factors considered when developing the Hungarian Special Forces (HUNSF) as a new "niche" capability of the Hungarian Defense Forces (HDF). Although the findings have broad application, focus is on the Hungarian Special Forces unit. Key questions are how will factors such as the strategic environment, changes in the nature of war and characteristics of potential adversaries affect the development of a conceptual framework for the Hungarian Special Forces? Should unconventional warfare (which is a capability gap in the HDF at present) be an official task for the future Hungarian military forces and specifically a primary task for the HUNSF? Central to this study are factors found in the strategic environment, such as Hungary's affiliation with NATO and the EU. The thesis concentrates on defining the tasks for HUNSF, and based on these tasks, develops an organizational framework for the HUNSF capability. This framework includes training and command and control. The constantly changing security environment will also call for adjustments to the concept of HUNSF in the future; therefore, a vision for the HUNSF is incorporated into the thesis to provide flexibility and guidance for capability development in the future. A key finding of the thesis is that HUNSF has the potential to contribute to the fight against the many new security challenges and achieve many of the objectives posited in existing military transformation strategies, most importantly an unconventional warfare capability.
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Wunische, Adam. "Forced to Govern: Armed Statebuilding Operations and the Limits of Military Effectiveness." Thesis, Boston College, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:109129.
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Thesis advisor: Gerald Easter<br>The U.S. military is asked to perform statebuilding operations far more often than it engages in conventional warfare against opposing uniformed state militaries. The U.S. military has engaged in 13 major armed statebuilding operations during and since WWII, along with numerous smaller operations throughout the world, and the most optimistic measures of success are less than 50 percent. Why, despite statebuilding being the most common task it is asked to perform, is U.S. military performance in statebuilding operations still so poor. This puzzle cannot be answered by current research on military effectiveness since this body of research focuses exclusively either on a military’s effectiveness in conventional combat, or on a military’s effectiveness in the conventional combat aspects of non-conventional operations. This gap is detrimental since militaries are frequently asked to perform a wide range of missions far beyond conventional operations. The U.S. military consistently resists statebuilding operational tasks when conducting such operations and consistently dismantles what little statebuilding capacity it does build following the statebuilding operation. This dissertation takes a novel approach by disaggregating between the three statebuilding tasks the U.S. military identifies as tasks it should be able to perform in statebuilding operations, building infrastructure, building and training local security forces, and building and supporting local governance. It finds that the military actually performs well in some statebuilding tasks and poorly in others. This dissertation presents the Primary Mission Theory to explain this divergence in effectiveness, which argues that militaries will preference those tasks that contribute to what they consider to be their primary mission, which is almost always conventional combat. Thus, statebuilding tasks will be preferenced only if they can also contribute to conventional combat capabilities. I trace the historical development statebuilding institutions within the U.S. military and conduct case studies on operations in Afghanistan and Vietnam in support of the presented theory<br>Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2021<br>Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences<br>Discipline: Political Science
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Arikan, Mehmet Okan. "Transformation of the Israel Defense Forces : an application of the U.S. Military transformation /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Dec%5FArikan.pdf.
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Kettil, Daniel. "From National Defence to International Operations? : A study on the transformation of Sweden's armed forces between 1989-2009." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, SV, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-21908.
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Since the cold war, most countries have moved on from the classical security perception that all threats are external and aiming to invade the sovereignty of the state, thus leading to military armies fighting each other. Instead as Globalization have become more predominant since the beginning of the 1990’s new threats have also emerged that militaries can’t fight as they used to, thus it has become necessary for a wider view on security which also involves human suffering, and the general trend among armies have been to combat these through international peacekeeping and humanitarian operations. This study aims at showing the change in which the Swedish army have undergone since the end of the cold war and into modern days, both in terms of political decisions and also show how the use of language have been changed throughout the course. The thesis covers a time period between 1989 to 2009 and following the process of change from the Swedish political institution that works with military issues, called the Försvarsutskottet or the FöU and the method applied is process tracing with a detailed narrative. Several important conceptions are also explained such as Globalization, Collective security and Human security, which will make the result chapter more understandable. The results showed that the biggest changes in Sweden’s military policy came in three steps, the beginning of the 1990’s was influenced with economic problems for Sweden which also lead to budget downsizings in the military. The mid-1990’s was the time where there existed no real external threat to Sweden, and hence it came to be dominated by several large reforms which also aimed at lowering the costs of the military and adapt it into becoming rapid response forces. After the 9/11 attacks in 2001 the new threats emerged and the Swedish military focused even more on improving their international and humanitarian operations. The thesis ends by discussing these finding and present some changes in the use of languages in-between the 20 years.
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Erturk, Sait. "Reintegration of the Iraqi military in post-conflict era." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Mar%5FErturk.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2005.<br>Thesis Advisor(s): Vali Nasr, Karen Guttieri. Includes bibliographical references (p. 125-134) Also available online.
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Newell, Thomas. "The use of Special Operations Forces in combating terrorist financing." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA457538.
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Mangone, Jason Albino. "Precise Warriors: The Evolution of Special Operations Forces in U.S. Security Strategy." Thesis, Boston College, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/367.
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Thesis advisor: Timothy W. Crawford<br>Images of burly men painted in green, outfitted in camouflage and a Rambo-esque bandana, donning night-vision goggles, and armed with the newest weaponry are drawn forth when thinking of the phrase "Special Operations." There is a certain myth surrounding the community: Special Operators are the greatest warriors in the world. The use of these warriors is usually only thought of in a tactical context. This thesis, in looking beyond the battlefield adventures of Special Operators, asks the question: "How do these warriors do this job, and what ends do they serve in greater US security strategy?" The thesis discusses the development of the special operations capability since World War II and shows that special operations forces can be precisely tailored by U.S. policy-makers to meet specific high-level strategic objectives<br>Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2006<br>Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences<br>Discipline: Political Science<br>Discipline: College Honors Program
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Szalankiewicz, Dominika. "The responsibility for military support to third party’s armed forces : A case study of MONUC’s support to the Congolese security forces." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Juridiska institutionen, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-225769.
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Fernández, Ossorio Andrés Eduardo. "Los Oficiales de las Fuerzas Militares de Colombia del siglo XXI: un análisis de la identidad militar desde la percepción de sus líderes." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/670827.
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La identidad militar de los miembros de las Fuerzas Militares de Colombia (FFMM) es uno de los aspectos menos explorados en la literatura especializada, en particular, en los campos de la ciencia política, la sociología militar y la ciencia de la administración. Si bien las FFMM se han mantenido como la institución con el índice más alto de favorabilidad en Colombia durante las últimas dos décadas, el desconocimiento de lo que significa ser militar por parte de los ciudadanos ha impedido un mejor entendimiento de las instituciones castrenses y sus integrantes, lo cual ha afectado las relaciones entre civiles y militares, la gobernabilidad del Estado y el robustecimiento de la democracia.
Frente a esta problemática, la presente investigación busca ofrecer ciertas soluciones desde la perspectiva de la ciencia política, a partir del análisis de la identidad militar de los oficiales de las FFMM colombianas del siglo XXI en tres ámbitos: (1) sus rasgos sociodemográficos (su lugar de procedencia, estratificación económica, creencias religiosas y tendencias endogámicas), (2) su visión sobre lo que significa para ellos ser militar (motivos para ingresar a la carrera militar, las cualidades y virtudes castrenses, su posición frente al riesgo de muerte y su opinión sobre los estímulos profesionales, el corporativismo y el prestigio de las FFMM) y (3) su idoneidad profesional (educación militar y educación no castrense, su concepción de la política, las instituciones y movimientos sociales, su tendencia ideológica y su entendimiento de los valores ciudadanos).
Para tal fin, se examinaron las opiniones de 273 oficiales del Ejército, la Armada y la Fuerza Aérea que adelantaron el Curso de Estado Mayor en la Escuela Superior de Guerra “General Rafael Reyes Prieto” como requisito para ser promovidos al grado de Teniente Coronel o Capitán de Fragata. La información obtenida también se cotejó en ciertos aspectos con las percepciones de 1.120 cadetes, futuros oficiales del Ejército, de la Escuela Militar de Cadetes “General José María Córdova”. Además de permitir la identificación, en mayor profundidad, de los orígenes y perspectivas de los oficiales, este trabajo contribuye al fortalecimiento del vínculo entre civiles y militares, así como a fortalecer la democracia en un país largamente afectado por un conflicto armado interno.<br>La identitat militar dels membres de les Forces Militars de Colòmbia (FFMM) és un dels aspectes menys explorats en la literatura especialitzada, en particular, en els camps de la ciència política, la sociologia militar i la ciència de l'administració. Si bé les FFMM s'han mantingut com la institució amb l'índex més alt de favorabilitat a Colòmbia durant les últimes dues dècades, el desconeixement del que significa ser militar per part dels ciutadans ha impedit un millor enteniment de les institucions castrenses i els seus integrants, la qual cosa ha afectat les relacions entre civils i militars, la governabilitat de l'Estat i l'enfortiment de la democràcia.
Davant d'aquesta problemàtica, la present investigació busca oferir certes solucions des de la perspectiva de la ciència política, a partir de l’anàlisi de la identitat militar dels oficials de les FFMM colombianes de segle XXI en tres àmbits: (1) els seus trets sociodemogràfics (el seu lloc de procedència, estratificació econòmica, creences religioses i tendències endogàmiques), (2) la seva visió sobre el que significa per a ells ser militar (motius per ingressar a la carrera militar, les qualitats i virtuts castrenses, la seva posició davant el risc de mort i la seva opinió sobre els estímuls professionals, el corporativisme i el prestigi de les FFMM) i (3) la seva idoneïtat professional (formació militar i formació no castrense, la seva concepció de la política, les institucions i moviments socials, la seva tendència ideològica i el seu enteniment de els
valors ciutadans).
Per a tal fi, es van examinar les opinions de 273 oficials de l'Exèrcit, l'Armada i la Força Aèria que van avançar el Curs d'Estat Major a l'Escola Superior de Guerra "General Rafael Reis Prieto" com a requisit per ser promoguts a el grau de tinent coronel o capità de Fragata. La informació obtinguda també es va confrontar en certs aspectes amb les percepcions de
1.120 cadets, futurs oficials de l'Exèrcit, de l'Escola Militar de Cadets "General José María Córdova". A més de permetre la identificació, en major profunditat, dels orígens i perspectives dels oficials, aquest treball contribueix a l'enfortiment de l'enllaç harmònic entre civils i militars, així com a enfortir la democràcia en un país llargament afectat per un conflicte armat intern.<br>The military identity of the members of the Colombian Armed Forces (FFMM) is one of the least studied aspects in academic literature, especially, in the fields of political science, military sociology and management science. Although, during the past two decades, the FFMM have maintained their status as an institution with the highest degree of approval in Colombia, the citizens’ lack of knowledge as far as the meaning of being a military woman/man is concerned has precluded the society from gaining a better understanding of the military institutions and its members. This, therefore, had a negative impact on the civil-military relations as well as the governance of the State and strengthening of democracy.
In light of this problem, this research seeks to offer specific solution from the political science perspective by analyzing the military identity of the 21st century Colombian FFMM officers with an emphasis on three areas: (1) their sociodemographic features (their place of origin, economic stratification, religious beliefs and endogamic patterns); (2) their view of what it means for them to be a military woman/man (reasons to join the military, military qualities and virtues, their position in relation to the risk of death and their opinion on professional stimuli, corporatism and prestige of the FFMM); and (3) their professional suitability (military and non-military training, their perception of politics, institutions and social movements, their ideological orientation and their understanding of citizen values).
To this end, the thesis examines 273 opinions pertaining to the officers from the Army, Navy and Air Force who completed the General Staff Course at the Colombian War College (Escuela Superior de Guerra “General Rafael Reyes Prieto”) as a requirement for promotion to the rank of Lieutenant Colonel or Navy Commander. The data obtained was also verified to a certain degree with the perceptions of 1.120 cadets, future officers of the Army, from the Colombian Army Military Academy (Escuela Militar de Cadetes “General José María Córdova”). In addition to identifying with greater depth the origins and perspectives of the officers, this thesis contributes to strengthening both the link between the civilians and the military and democracy in a country largely affected by an internal armed conflict.
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Bonnardot, Delphine. "Causes et conséquences de la sous-représentation des femmes dans les opérations de paix et de sécurité : analyse du narratif stratégique des femmes dans les Forces armées canadiennes." Thesis, Montpellier 3, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019MON30008.
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Projet international portant sur l'intégration des diversités au sein des Forces armées canadiennes, notamment la place de la femme et l'évolution de son intégration. 1914-1945: Les femmes dans l'armée canadienne pendant la première et la seconde guerre mondiale Années 1970-1980: L'ouverture des métiers de combats aux femmes dans les Forces armées canadiennes 2014 à nos jours: Basculement sur les politiques de harcèlement dans les FAC<br>International project on the integration of diversity within the Canadian Armed Forces, including the role of women and the evolution of their integration. 1914-1945: Women in the Canadian Army during the First and Second World War 1970-1980: Access of women in combat jobs 2014 to present: Harassment policies in the CAF
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Meyer, Ross H. "SOF regional engagement : an analysis of the effectiveness of current attempts to shape future battlefields /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Jun%5FMeyer.pdf.
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Lewis, Olivier Rémy Tristan David. "Explaining military, law enforcement and intelligence cooperation between Western states." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/16419.
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This thesis answers the question “Why does security cooperation occur between Western states?”. The basic answer is: “Because most state actors do not want their states to integrate”. In other words, cooperation occurs as a coping mechanism, as an imperfect substitute for integration. But the thesis does not only investigate the reasons for cooperation, what Aristotle called the final cause. The thesis also examines the material, formal and efficient causes of cooperation. Such an unorthodox causal explanation of cooperation is based on a Critical Realist philosophy of social science. The application of this philosophy to the empirical study of International Relation is rare, making this thesis original. Beyond the philosophy of social science, the thesis' research design, many of the cases, and much of the data are also rarely used. The research design is an embedded multiple-case study. The states studied are the United States of America, France and Luxembourg. Within each state, the embedded subcases are three types of state security organisations: the armed forces, law enforcement and intelligence agencies. Rarely have these three types of security organisations been compared. Similarly, Luxembourg is seldom studied. Comparing different types of states and different types of state security organisations has not only allowed the main research question to be answered. It has also allowed temporal, spatial, national, and functional variation in cooperation to be identified and theorised. The empirical evidence studied includes participant observation (at the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation) and documents (e.g. state policy documents, annual reports by organisations, reports by parliaments and non-governmental organisations, autobiographies, books by investigative journalists, articles by newspapers and magazines). The thesis is also based on a score of elite interviews (e.g. with ambassadors, diplomatic liaisons, ministerial advisors, foreign ministry officers, military commanders, etc.), and the careful study of both declassified and classified archival records.
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Hasler, Jeffrey L. "Rethinking global engagement : the requirement for knowledge before action /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Jun%5FHasler.pdf.
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Schmidlin, Marco. "Swiss Armed Forces XXI - the answer to current or future threats." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Jun%5FSchmidlin.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Defense Decision Making and Planning))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2004.<br>Thesis advisor(s): Donald Abenheim. Includes bibliographical references (p. 107-115). Also available online.
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Um, Juhyeong. "Roles and missions for ROK and U.S. combined Marine Corps forces in a new era." Quantico, VA : Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA490903.
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Olivier, Laetitia. "Pursuing human security in Africa through developmental peace missions : ambitious construct or feasible ideal?" Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/4080.
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Thesis (MMil (Military Sciences. School for Security and Africa Studies))--Stellenbosch University, 2008.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis explores the feasibility of the concept Developmental Peace Missions (DPMs). It
seeks to answer the question whether DPMs is an ambitious construct or a feasible ideal and
whether DPMs could be effectively applied during peace missions. The study takes the form of a
descriptive analysis of the theoretical underpinnings of the concept of DPMs, and includes the
analysis of various relevant case studies in terms of the application of the concept of DPMs.
The study further explores the evolution that has taken place in terms of United Nations peace
missions, in that most modern peace missions include both peacekeeping and peacebuilding
initiatives. The study also illustrates the modern approach to peace missions, based on an
integrated systems-thinking approach by means of which the activities of all relevant role-players
are integrated and fused towards a common end state: that of sustained security and
development. In order to analyse the concept of DPMs, the theoretical underpinnings of the
concept human security, the security-development nexus and peacebuilding were researched in
depth. These concepts were then coupled to the concept of DPMs in terms of their utility during
current complex peace missions, both internationally and on the African continent.
The concept of DPMs was studied in the context of contemporary peacekeeping in terms of three
case studies, namely the peace missions in Kosovo, Sierra Leone and the DRC. The DPMs
concept was applied to these case studies and analysed in terms of the extent to which the peace
interventions in these countries were conducted in accordance with the philosophical and
theoretical underpinnings of DPMs.
The study concludes that DPMs, in terms of its theoretical basis, is indeed a feasible ideal for
peace missions, as it is based on and in line with the approved current UN- and AU-integrated
planning processes. However, in terms of its practical utility in Africa, it currently remains an
ambitious construct, given the limited capacity and resources of the AU and regional
organisations. Therefore, DPMs should not be viewed as a short-term solution to, or panacea for,
all intra-state wars. The study proposes that the UN, the AU, as well as relevant regional
organisations will have to adjust and make changes in terms of their institutions, structures,
funding and the provision of resources in order to operationalise the concept of DPMs
successfully. This is especially true as far as the AU is concerned, as the AU currently
experiences severe limitations in both material and human resources. However, the fact that both
the UN and the AU have adopted the Integrated Mission Planning Process concept as planning
tool for their respective missions is an indication that progress is being made towards the
achievement of establishing a more holistic and integrated approach to finding sustainable
solutions to global conflict. Ultimately, the success of DPMs will be determined by the will and
commitment of all the relevant role-players involved in finding a lasting solution to intra-state
conflicts. The concept itself cannot provide sustainable peace and development.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Dié tesis verken die lewensvatbaarheid van die begrip Ontwikkelingsvredesendings. Daar sal
gepoog word om ‘n antwoord te kry op die vraag of Ontwikkelingsvredesendings ‘n ambisieuse
konstruk of ‘n haalbare ideal is. Verder sal gepoog word om te bepaal of dit effektief tydens
vredesoperasies toegepas kan word. Die studie neem die vorm aan van ‘n beskrywende analise
van die teoretiese grondbeginsels van die begrip Ontwikkelingsvredesendings en sluit die analise
van verskeie relevante gevallestudies ten opsigte van die begrip in.
Die studie ondersoek die evolusie wat plaasgevind het ten opsigte van vredesendings wat deur
die Verenigde Nasies (VN) onderneem word, naamlik dat die meeste moderne vredesendings,
vredesbewarings, sowel as vredesbou (nasiebou) inisiatiewe insluit. Die studie illustreer ook die
moderne benadering wat ten opsigte van vredesendings toegepas word, naamlik dat die
aktiwiteite van al die betrokke rolspelers geïntegreer word en op ‘n gedeelde einddoel gefokus
word. Die teoretiese grondstelllings van die begrippe veiligheid en ontwikkeling, die veiligheid-ensekuriteit-
neksus, sowel as die begrip van vredesbou (nasiebou) is in diepte ondersoek ten einde
die begrip Ontwikkelingsvredesendings te analiseer. Hierdie begrippe is daarna in verband
gebring met die begrip Ontwikkelingsvredesendings soos wat dit tans tydens moderne komplekse
vredesendings toegepas word – beide internasionaal sowel as op die Afrika kontinent.
Die begrip Ontwikkelingsvredesendings is bestudeer teen die agtergrond van eietydse
vredesbewaring ten opsigte van drie gevallestudies, naamlik die intervensies in Kosovo, Sierra
Leone en die Demokratiese Republiek van die Kongo. Hierdie drie gevallestudies is gekies
aangesien dit die eerste sendings was waartydens die VN die nuwe geïntegreerde benadering tot
vredesendings, soos in die Brahimi-verslag aanbeveel, toegepas is.
Die studie het bevind dat Ontwikkelingsvredesendings, wat betref die teoretiese grondstellings
inderdaad uitvoerbaar is, aangesien dit gebaseer is op en in ooreenstemming is met die huidige
aanvaarde beplanninsprosesse van die VN en die AU. Maar, wat betref die praktiese
bruikbaarheid van die begrip in Afrika, bly dit tans ‘n ambisieuse konstruk, gegewe die beperkte
vermoë en hulpbronne van die AU en streeksorganisasies. Die begrip
Ontwikkelingsvredesendings moet dus nie as ‘n korttermynoplossing vir alle interne oorloë
beskou word nie. Die studie het bevind dat die VN, die AU, sowel as die betrokke
streeksorganisasies, ingrypende veranderings sal moet ondergaan ten einde die begrip
Ontwikkelingsvredesendings suksesvol te kan toepas, veral ten opsigte van strukture, befondsing
en die voorsiening van hulpbronne. Dit is veral waar in die geval van die AU, aangesien die AU
tans geweldige uitdagings in die gesig staar wat betref menslike sowel as materiële hulpbronne.
Ten spyte van laasgenoemde uitdagings dui die aanvaarding van die Geïntegreerde
Sendingbeplanningsproses as besluitnemings-meganisme deur beide die VN en die AU op die
vordering wat gemaak word ten opsigte van die daarstelling van ‘n meer holistiese en geïntegreerde benadering vir volhoubare oplossings vir konflik. Die sukses van
Ontwikkelingsvredesendings sal uiteindelik bepaal word deur die wil en toewyding van alle
betrokkenes by die soeke na langdurige vrede – die begrip op sigself kan nie volhoubare vrede
en ontwikkeling bewerkstellig nie.
45
Rossiter, Ash. "Britain and the development of professional security forces in the Gulf Arab States, 1921-71 : local forces and informal empire." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/15039.
Full textAbstract:
Imperial powers have employed a range of strategies to establish and then maintain control over foreign territories and communities. As deploying military forces from the home country is often costly – not to mention logistically stretching when long distances are involved – many imperial powers have used indigenous forces to extend control or protect influence in overseas territories. This study charts the extent to which Britain employed this method in its informal empire among the small states of Eastern Arabia: Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, the seven Trucial States (modern day UAE), and Oman before 1971. Resolved in the defence of its imperial lines of communication to India and the protection of mercantile shipping, Britain first organised and enforced a set of maritime truces with the local Arab coastal shaikhs of Eastern Arabia in order to maintain peace on the sea. Throughout the first part of the nineteenth century, the primary concern in the Gulf for the British, operating through the Government of India, was therefore the cessation of piracy and maritime warfare. Later, British interests were expanded to suppressing the activities of slave traders and arms traffickers. At the end of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth century, Britain also sought to exclude foreign powers from gaining a foothold in the area. It was during this time that the British government assumed full responsibility for the external relations of these shaikhdoms and that Britain conferred the status of ‘protected state’ upon them. Up to this point, when Britain needed to protect these interests or use force to compel local rulers to comply with its wishes, naval power usually sufficed. By the midpoint of the twentieth century, Britain’s interests in the area had swelled and migrated inland – first because of the establishment of air stations servicing the imperial route to India, then as a result of oil exploration and production. At the same time, growing international opposition to colonialism and a steady reduction in Britain’s ability to project military power overseas made it more and more difficult for Britain to discharge it security duties in the Gulf. So how did Britain bridge this gap? Studies of British security policy towards the Gulf have focused almost exclusively on Britain’s formal military architecture. Using India Office records and British Government archival documents, this study provides a reinterpretation of the means by which Britain sought to maintain order, protect its interests in the region and discharge its defence obligations. The records, it will be shown, point to a broad British policy before 1971 of enhancing the coercive instruments available to the local rulers. Rather than having to revert to using its own military forces, Britain wanted the Gulf rulers to acquire a monopoly over the use of force within their territories and to be in a stronger position to defend their own domains against cross-border raiders and covetous neighbours. This policy was not always successful; Britain was progressively drawn into the internal security affairs of a number of ITS protégés, especially after the Second World War. The security forces that emerged – armed police forces, gendarmeries and militaries – varied considerably, as did Britain’s involvement in their establishment and running. Nevertheless, taken as whole, a trend emerges between 1921 and 1971 of Britain pushing the Gulf states to take over more and more of the security burden. Indeed, at a time when its traditional sources of global power were fading, indigenous security forces were an important tool in Britain’s pursuit of its interests before its military withdrawal from the Gulf in December 1971. This aspect of Britain’s approach to security in the Gulf has largely been overlooked.
46
Jones, D. "Ending the debate: unconventional warfare, foreign internal defense, and why words matter /." Fort Leavenworth, KS : School of Advanced Military Studies, US Army Command and General Staff College, 2006. http://cgsc.cdmhost.com/u?/p4013coll2,554.
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Al, Hadad Ibrahim. "Le droit international à l'épreuve des grandes puissances : légalité et illégalité des interventions militaires." Thesis, Paris 10, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PA100042/document.
Full textAbstract:
La fin de la guerre froide, marquée par l'accord retrouvé des cinq grandes puissances membres permanents au Conseil de sécurité de l'ONU, au lieu de connaître un déclin dans les interventions militaires extérieures de celles-ci, a vu au contraire leur nombre se multiplier, ce qui portait atteinte à la règle générale, considérée comme une norme impérative (de jus cogens), celle de l'interdiction du recours à la force dans les relations internationales. Malgré les tentatives de justification des différentes interventions de grande envergure, menées au nom de la sécurité collective (interventions autorisées par le Conseil de sécurité) ou unilatéralement, celles-ci se sont écartées des prescriptions du droit international et de la Charte des Nations unies. En conséquence, elles s'avèrent à des degrés divers des actions entachées d'illégalité En effet, elles ont été fondées sur des interprétations extensives des dispositions de la Charte ou en violation de celles-ci, voire en violation des résolutions du Conseil de sécurité lui-même, ainsi qu'on peut le percevoir à travers les grandes interventions menées en Irak par les coalisés en 1991, celles de l'OTAN au Kosovo en 1999, des États-Unis en Afghanistan, à travers l'occupation américano-britannique de l'Irak en2003, l'intervention de la Russie en Géorgie (2008), de l'OTAN en Libye (2011) et celle de la France au Mali (2013). Cela n'a pas manqué de relancer le débat, récurrent dans les instances internationales concernées, sur la nécessité de réformer le Conseil de sécurité (élargissement de sa composition et règlementation du veto) ainsi que d'instituer un véritable contrôle de légalité sur ses actes<br>The end of the cold war, marked by the agreement between the five major permanent member states of the United Nations Security Council, instead of a decline in their external military interventions, has, on the contrary, increased in number, which detracted from the general rule, considered as an imperative norm Qus cogens), that of the prohibition of the use of force in international relations. Despite the attempts to justify the various large-scale interventions carried out in the name of collective security (interventions authorized by the Security Council) or unilaterally, they have departed from the requirements of international law and the United Nations Charter. As a result, they appear to be in varying degrees to illegal actions. Indeed, they have been based on extensive interpretations of the Charter or on the breach of it or even in violation of the resolutions of the Council Security itself, as can be seen from the major interventions carried out in IRAK by the allies in 1991, those of NATO in KOSOVO in 1999, the US in AFGHANISTAN, through the US and British occupation of IRAQ in 2003, the intervention of Russia in GEORGIA (2008), NATO in LIBYA (2011) and that of FRANCE in MALI (2013). This did not fail to revive the debate, recurrent in the international bodies concerned, on the need to reform the Security Council (enlargement of its composition and regulation of the veto) as well as to establish a real contrai of legality on its acts
48
Cucu, Dan. "Romanian Special Forces : identifying appropriate missions and organizational structure /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Dec%5FCucu.pdf.
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Ramuhala, Mashudu Godfrey. "Military Intervention in Africa after the Cold War." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/4186.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MMil (Military Strategy))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Military intervention remains controversial when it happens, as well as when it fails to. Since
the end of the Cold War, military intervention has attracted much scholarly interest, and it was
demonstrated that several instances of the use of force or the threat to use force without
Security Council endorsement were acceptable and necessary. Matters of national sovereignty
are the fundamental principle on which the international order was founded since the Treaty of
Westphalia. Territorial integrity of states and non-interference in their domestic affairs, remain
the foundation of international law, codified by the United Nations Charter, and one of the
international community’s decisive factors in choosing between action and non-intervention.
Nonetheless, since the end of the Cold War matters of sovereignty and non-interference have
been challenged by the emergent human rights discourse amidst genocide and war crimes.
The aim of this study is to explain the extent to which military intervention in Africa has
evolved since the end of the Cold War, in terms of theory, practice and how it unfolded upon
the African continent. This will be achieved, by focusing on both successful and unsuccessful
cases of military intervention in Africa. The unsuccessful cases being Somalia in 1992,
Rwanda in 1994, and Darfur in 2003; and the successful cases being Sierra Leone in 2000 and
the Comoros in 2008. The objective of this study is fourfold: firstly it seeks to examine the
theoretical developments underpinning military intervention after the end of the Cold War;
secondly, to describe the evolution of military intervention from a unilateral realist to a more
multilateral idealist profile; thirdly, to demarcate the involvement in military intervention in
Africa by states as well as organisations such as the AU and the UN and finally, discerning the
contributions and the dilemmas presented by interventions in African conflicts and how Africa
can emerge and benefit from military interventions.
The intervention in Somalia produced a litmus test for post-Cold War interventions and the
departure point for their ensuing evolution. Rwanda ensued after Somalia, illustrating the
disinclination to intervene that featured during this episode. Darfur marked the keenness of the
AU to intervene in contrast with the ensuing debates at the Security Council over naming the
crime whether or not “genocide” was unfolding in Darfur. Positively though, the intervention
by Britain in Sierra Leone and the AU intervention in the Comoros are clear illustrations of
how those intervening, were articulate in what they intend to do and their subsequent success.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Militêre intervensie, of die afwesigheid daarvan wanneer nodig, bly ‘n twispunt binne
internasionale verhoudinge. Namate die impak van die Koue Oorlog begin vervaag het, het
militêre intervensie besonder prominent in die literatuur begin figureer en is soms so dringend
geag dat dit soms sonder die goedkeuring van die Veiligheidsraad van die Verenigde Nasies
(VN) kon plaasvind. Aspekte van nasionale soewereiniteit bly nietemin ‘n grondbeginsel van
die internasionale orde soos dit sedert die Verdrag van Wesfale beslag gevind het. Territoriale
integriteit van state en die beginsel van geen-inmenging in die binnelandse aangeleenthede van
‘n staat nie bly ook ‘n grondslag van die Internasionale Reg soos deur die VN erken word en dit
rig steeds standpunte van die internasionale gemeenskap vir of teen intervensie. Sedert die
einde van die Koue Oorlog het soewereiniteit en beginsel van geen-intervensie egter
toenemende druk ervaar met groeiende klem op menseregte midde in ‘n opkomende diskoers
oor volksmoord en oorlogsmisdade.
Die klem van hierdie studie val op militêre intervensie en veral hoe dit na die Koue Oorlog
ontvou het in terme van teorie en praktyk, in die besonder op die Afrikakontinent. Die
bespreking wentel om suksesvolle en onsuksesvolle gevalle van militêre intervensie in Afrika.
Die onsuksesvolle gevalle wat bespreek word is Somalië (1992), Rwanda (1994), en Darfur
(2003). Die meer suksesvolle gevalle wat bespreek word is Sierra Leone (2000) en die Komoro
Eilande in (2008). Die studie omvat vier aspekte van bespreking: eerstens, die teoretiese
ontwikkelinge wat militêre intervensie na die Koue Oorlog onderlê, tweedens, die ewolusie van
militêre intervensie vanaf ‘n eensydige realisme tot ‘n meer multilaterale idealistiese
verskynsel, derdens, die betrokkenheid in militêre intervensie in Afrika deur state en
organisasies soos die VN en Afrika-Unie (AU) en laastens, die bydraes en dilemmas van
intervensies in Afrika.
Die betrokkenheid in Somalië was ‘n kritieke toets vir intervensies na die Koue Oorlog en het
baie stukrag verleen aan die daaropvolgende debat. Rwanda het die huiwerigheid ontbloot om
in te gryp waar dit werklik nodig was. Darfur vertoon weer die gewilligheid van die AU om in
te gryp in weerwil van lang debatte in die VN oor volksmoord en die gebeure in Darfur. Aan
die positiewe kant figureer die Britse optredes in Sierra Leone en optredes deur ‘n AU-mag in
die Komoro Eilande as gevalle wat toon hoe die vasberadenheid van partye om in te gryp en
bedreigings in die kiem te smoor, suksesvolle militêre intervensies kan bevorder.
50
Thompson, Michael A. "Department of Defense involvement in homeland security the militarization of the southwestern border in the U.S. /." Quantico, VA : Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA490850.
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