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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Military unions'
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Pfarr, Mag Dietmar. "Civilian control of armed forces: challenges for the European Union." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/931.
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Approved for public release, distribution is unlimitedSince 1989 the study of democratic civil military relations has undergone a revival of the formation of new theory. These concepts deal with civilian control of armed forces at a national level. Since after the end of the Cold War, the European employment of military forces within a multinational framework became a regularity, it is now pertinent to ask whether and how these concepts fit at the international level. The construction of Europe and the rise of new security challenges raises the issue of democratic civil military relations in the European Union. The present thesis analyses classical and new theories of civil military relations and applies these to the current issue of security policy and the formation of strategy for a supra-national European Union.
Lieutenant Colonel, Austrian Army
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Tarleton, Robert E. "Bolsheviks of military affairs : Stalin's high commands, 1934-40 /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10348.
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Dogan, Turguy. "Turkey's military and the path to the European Union /." abstract and full text PDF (free order & download UNR users only), 2007. http://0-gateway.proquest.com.innopac.library.unr.edu/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:1447809.
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Thesis (M.A.)--University of Nevada, Reno, 2007."May, 2007." Includes bibliographical references (leaves 85-86). Online version available on the World Wide Web. Library also has microfilm. Ann Arbor, Mich. : ProQuest Information and Learning Company, [2007]. 1 microfilm reel ; 35 mm.
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Reinhardt, Markus. "Civil-military relations in the European Union and "Innere Fuehrung"." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2010. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2010/Jun/10Jun%5FReinhardt.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Europe and Eurasia))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2010.Thesis Advisor(s): Abenheim, Donald ; Rogalski, Dirk (German Air Force, Visiting Lecturer). "June 2010." Description based on title screen as viewed on July 14, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Civil-military relations, European Union, Innere Fuehrung, European Security and Defense Policy, ESDP, Common Security and Defense Policy, CSDP, citizen in uniform, EU Military Integration. Includes bibliographical references (p. 57-69). Also available in print.
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Ziebarth, Kurt W. "Civil-military relations in the Soviet Union : poised for conflict." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/28029.
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Thomas, Jordan K. "The European Union's Impact on Turkey's pattern of civil-military relations." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Jun%5FThomas.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs (Civil-Military Relations))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2005.Thesis Advisor(s): John C. Leslie, Barak A. Salmoni. Includes bibliographical references (p. 61-67). Also available online.
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Lagerström, de Jong Gabriel. "“Normative Military Power Europe”: a contradiction in terms? : En fallstudie av EU:s militära insats i Somalia i förhållande till Normative Power Europe." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-5248.
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This thesis paper is based on Ian Manners Normative Power Europe-theory with a focus on EU’s military operation in Somalia. By examining documents from EU institutions in the form of reports concerning EU NAVFOR – Operation ATALANTA – EUTM Somalia – EUCAP NESTOR. This study shows that the Normative Power Europe-theory can get expressed and that the EU continues its normative statements in Somalia. This result is an interesting contribution to the theory of Normative Power Europe witch have gotten a lot of critic about how a military operation should effect and diminish the theory.
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Nováky, Niklas I. M. "The deployment of European Union military operations : a collective action perspective." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2016. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=230696.
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The thesis works towards a new theoretically informed framework of analysis for understanding the deployment of military operations launched in the framework of the European Union's (EU) European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP). This multi level collective action approach is based on the assumption that the deployment of those operations is a highly complex process that cuts across different policy making levels from the national to the international and involves multiple actors from within and outside the EU. As a result, the thesis argues that we cannot understand the reasons behind their deployment adequately by focusing only on a single level of analysis. The thesis then develops a more holistic approach for understanding the deployment of ESDP military operations based on three different levels of analysis: firstly, the international level, where the emergence of events that threaten certain values catalyses the process leading to an operation; secondly, the national level, where EU member states formulate their national preferences towards prospective deployments based on utility expectations; and thirdly, the EU level, where the member states come to negotiate and seek compromises to accommodate their different national preferences towards a deployment. The strength of the framework is demonstrated through four case studies. These are EUFOR Althea in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Operation Artemis and EUFOR RD Congo in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and the anti-piracy naval operation EUNAVFOR Atalanta off the coast of Somalia. The thesis will also provide an overview and critique of the existing theoretical literature on the deployment of ESDP military operations.
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Milani, Lívia Peres. "A Argentina e o Brasil frente aos Estados Unidos : clientelismo e autonomia no campo da segurança internacional /." Marília, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/191151.
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Orientador: Sebastião Carlos Velasco e CruzResumo: O tema abordado nessa tese corresponde às relações entre os Estados Unidos e América Latina no início do século XXI, tendo como foco os casos de Brasil e Argentina e os temas atinentes à área de Segurança Internacional. As relações interamericanas são marcadas por intensa assimetria de poder, portanto, podem ser enquadradas no âmbito mais geral das dinâmicas entre grandes potências e países periféricos. Todavia, possuem importantes particularidades e entender o desenvolvimento histórico torna-se essencial para explicar as dinâmicas hemisféricas. Embora as relações Estados Unidos-América Latina tenham se desenvolvido com base em um paradigma de clientelismo – de cooperação assimétrica no campo militar – e de dependência econômica – de produção nacional condicionada por decisões externas – esses dois fatores foram questionados em alguns períodos, quando houve busca de autonomia por parte de governos latino-americanos. Considerando-se esse contexto, questiona-se: por que houve, no Brasil e na Argentina, uma retomada dos projetos de autonomia com relação aos Estados Unidos no início do século XXI e como ela expressou-se no campo da segurança internacional? Como hipótese, entende-se que a retomada dos projetos de autonomia foi provocada pelas mudanças nas coalizões politicamente predominantes na Argentina e no Brasil e pelas mudanças no cenário internacional, com o aumento da atuação chinesa na América Latina. Não houve negligência dos EUA em relação à região e, apesar dos desafio... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo)
Abstract: The thesis’ main subject is the relationship between the United States and Latin America, at the beginning of the 21st century, focusing on the Brazilian and Argentinean cases and security issues. Intense asymmetry of power is the main feature of the Inter-American relations and, therefore, they denote relations between great powers and peripheral countries. Nevertheless, they are also specific, and it is essential to analyze the historical developments to understand the Western Hemisphere international dynamics. The inter-American relations are marked by clientelism – meaning asymmetrical military cooperation - and economic dependency – meaning that the national economies’ dynamics are influenced by external factors. However, this reality was disputed by Latin American governments in different historical conjunctures. Guided by these assumptions, the main question is: why there was, in the Brazilian and Argentina cases, an autonomy project resumption at the beginning of the 21st century and how was it expressed on security issues? As a hypothesis, I argue that the sources of the autonomy projects were the changes in domestic politics and the China inroads in the Western Hemisphere. There was no U.S. negligence towards the region, but the challenges imposed by China were growing, and the United States maintained its capacity to impose costs and incentives to the Latin American governments. Moreover, security cooperation was a source of U.S. influence. The thesis has five chap... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)
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Storie, Melanie. "The Dreaded Thirteenth Tennessee Union Cavalry : Marauding Mountain Men." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2013. http://amzn.com/1626191123.
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Farley, Robert M. "Transnational determinants of military doctrine /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10753.
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Hale, Carol Anne. "German-Soviet military relations in the era of Rapallo." Thesis, McGill University, 1989. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=59388.
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This study examines German-Soviet military relations between 1917 and 1922 and demonstrates the involvement of the Reichswehr in the Treaty of Rapallo. Since early 1919, the Reichswehr cultivated entente with the Soviet Union in opposition to the German government and in violation of the Treaty of Versailles, both to regain its military preeminence and to recapture Germany's power-political position in Europe. The Reichswehr attempted to draw German industry into relations with the Soviet state in order to secure the manufacture of military machinery and support troop training. By 1922, the foundation for collaboration between German industry, the Reichswehr and the Soviet Union/Red Army had been laid. The Treaty of Rapallo, concluded by government officials that were privy to the activities of the Reichswehr, removed the threat of a western consortium against the Soviet Union, and ensured the growth of the Reichswehr's alliance with the Soviet state.
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PFARR, Mag Dietmar. "Civilian control of armed forces : challenges for the European Union /." Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Jun%5FPFARR.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2003.Thesis advisor(s): Donald Abenheim, Hans-Eberhard Peters. Includes bibliographical references (p. 51-56). Also available online.
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SILVEIRA, Lorenna Burjack da. "Ditadura e desterro: trajetórias de exilados brasileiros do golpe de 1964 nos Estados Unidos (1964-1979)." Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2011. http://repositorio.bc.ufg.br/tede/handle/tde/2315.
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Previous issue date: 2011-02-25This thesis aims at analyzing the trajectory of Brazilian exile victims of the 1964 military coup that opted for the United States as a place of exile in that country or were there denouncing the repressive character of the Brazilian military dictatorship. In order to more appropriately approach and understand that issue, the study presents a reflection on the characteristics of the exile as a major concern, before addressing what happened to Brazilian exile victims. Thus, this is a multidisciplinary study, developed to understand how people who have been exiled can be framed in International Law, the difficulties imposed to individuals and yet the possibilities that arise from this situation for those who experience it. Eventually, the pathological aspects of exile and torture are also discussed. The main places where Brazilian exiles were found are traced in this research, among them the United States are highlighted. This country was also responsible for granting weapons as well as logistical and financial support to the military government that overthrew late president Goulart. The relations between Brazil and the United States in the 1960s and 1970s were prioritized in this study, in an attempt to signal how the American society during this period questioned the foreign policy adopted by their country, especially with regard to Latin America. Finally, this study examines closely the link between Brazilian exiles and American intellectuals, activists and religious leaders whose purpose was to publish in the American press reports about repression and torture practiced by Brazilian military.
Esta dissertação tem como objeto de estudo a trajetória de exilados brasileiros vítimas do golpe de 1964 que optaram pelos Estados Unidos como local de desterro ou estiveram naquele país denunciando o caráter repressivo da ditadura militar brasileira. Para melhor compreensão do tema, a dissertação foi iniciada com ampla reflexão sobre o exílio, para então adentrar no tema proposto. A proposta é de um estudo multidisciplinar, procurando conhecer como o exilado é enquadrado no Direito Internacional, as dificuldades e possibilidades que essa situação implica para os indivíduos que a vivenciam, os aspectos patológicos do exílio e da tortura. Foram destacados, ainda, os principais locais de desterro dos brasileiros e entre os que receberam exilados brasileiros constam os Estados Unidos, país responsável pelo suporte bélico, logístico e financeiro concedido aos militares que derrubaram o governo João Goulart. Foram priorizadas nesta reflexão as relações entre Brasil e Estados Unidos nas décadas de 1960 e 1970, buscando assinalar como a sociedade norteamericana nesse período questionava a política externa adotada pelo seu país, principalmente no que se refere à América Latina. Enfatizou-se a articulação entre exilados brasileiros, e intelectuais, ativistas e religiosos norte americanos, cujo propósito era publicar na imprensa norte-americana denúncias sobre a repressão e a tortura praticada pelos militares brasileiros.
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Wietchikoski, Luciana. "O pensamento militar brasileiro e os Estados Unidos : a revista A Defesa Nacional no final do regime militar (1979 a 1985)." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/114435.
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O presente trabalho dedica-se a compreender as percepções dos militares brasileiros a respeito dos Estados Unidos no último período do regime militar. Com base na análise do conteúdo dos artigos da revista A Defesa Nacional o principal argumento do trabalho é que nos discursos houve pouca convergência de interesses do Brasil com a potência hegemônica no sistema internacional, regional e nas relações bilaterais. Com base no conteúdo dos artigos, identificamos que enquanto no sistema internacional o Brasil se inseria como país em desenvolvimento, os Estados Unidos procuraram limitar a emergência e participação desses países, bem como reativou o embate Leste-Oeste, no âmbito regional os interesses norte-americanos eram de combate à expansão da influência comunista e manutenção da inércia dos órgãos de segurança e defesa regionais, sendo que para o Brasil, inserido no seu projeto de inserção internacional o comunismo não era mais a prioridade e buscou criticar essas ações norte-americanas. Já as relações bilaterais seguiam essa falta de pontos em comum, destacando-se principalmente questões referentes à tecnologia.This work is dedicated to understanding the perceptions of Brazilian military in regard to the United States in the last period of the military regime (1979-1985), which is characterized by a context of systemic change, by the pattern of bilateral relations and by the process political transition in Brazil. Based on the analysis of the content of articles in the magazine "A Defesa Nacional", the main argument of the paper is that, in the speeches, there was little convergence of interests between Brazil and the hegemonic power in the international system, both regionally and bilaterally. This is because while Brazil inserted itself in the international system as a developing country, the United States sought to limit the emergence and participation of these countries, as well as reactivated the East-West confrontation. Regionally, the U.S. interests were fighting the expansion of the communist influence and maintaining the inertia of the safety and regional defense organisms, in a way that, for Brazil, communism was no longer the priority and, inserted in its project of international insertion, sought to criticize these U.S. actions. In regard to bilateral relations, this lack of common points also took places, with special highlight to issues related to technology.
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Rundvalt, Douglas. "COMPLEXO INDUSTRIAL MILITAR BIOTECNOLÓGICO E REESTRUTURAÇÃO ECONÔMICA E HEGEMÔNICA DOS ESTADOS UNIDOS." UNIVERSIDADE ESTADUAL DE PONTA GROSSA, 2013. http://tede2.uepg.br/jspui/handle/prefix/614.
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Previous issue date: 2013-07-02The geo-historical importance of the Cold War to the present comes in the form of arms race generating dual technologies under the so-called military-industrial complex. Innovations in the U.S have provided the recovery of economic growth and hegemony in the decades of 1980-90. One of the ramifications of this militaryindustrial complex in the current times deal with the manipulation of biological beings to serve as weapons of war. At the beginning of the century. XXI, are witnessing the creation of a new enemy without a defined territory and no address to attack,international terrorism, elected as justification for continued investment in new military technologies. In this present study we demonstrate these new tactics developed within the National Security, which many private interests converged in the creation of Bioshield. Thence we define this new ramification of the MIC - complex militaryindustrial-biotech (CMIB), enabler of new profits from partnerships between military and civilians, and already tested in the case of global flu like pandemics.
A importância geohistórica da Guerra Fria nos chega até o presente na forma da corrida armamentista geradora de tecnologias duais no âmbito do que se convencionou chamar de complexo industrial-militar (CIM). As inovações no campo militar proporcionaram aos Estados Unidos a retomada do crescimento econômico e da hegemonia nas décadas de 1980-90. Uma das ramificações desse CIM nos tempos atuais lidam com a manipulação de seres biológicos para servirem como armas de guerra. No início do séc. XXI, presenciamos a criação de um novo inimigo sem território definido e sem endereço para atacar, o terrorismo internacional, eleito como justificativa para a continuidade de investimentos em novas tecnologias militares. Neste trabalho demonstramos essas novas táticas desenvolvidas no âmbito da Segurança Nacional, que convergiram diversos interesses privados na criação do Escudo de Biodefesa. Daí que definimos essa nova ramificação do CIM de complexo-industrial-militar-biotecnológico (CIMB), iabilizadora de novos lucros a partir de parcerias entre militares e civis, e já testada no caso das pandemias gripais globais.
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Rossi, Levano Giancarlo. "Ejercicios militares conjuntos en Sudamérica : AMAZONLOG17 como nueva alternativa frente a la histórica influencia militar de Estados Unidos en la región." Bachelor's thesis, Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12404/15739.
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Morash, Brett. "The rise and fall of the Union of Islamic Courts." Thesis, Salve Regina University, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3725275.
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This dissertation examines the reasons behind the rise and fall of the Union of Islamic Courts (UIC) in Somalia. The UIC was born out of the chaos of the Warlord Era in Southern Somalia from within the fabric of Somali Society. The peace and stability that the UIC brought to the region had not been seen since before the fall of Said Barre's regime. However, the rapid martial expansion of the UIC and the perceived threat caused by their success resulted in Ethiopia invading Somalia thereby destroying the UIC and spawning the al-Shabaab movement. .
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Silva, Fabricio Padilha Pereira da [UNESP]. "Novas missões e novas tecnologias: o papel do governo federal e a criação da DARPA na construção da estratégia de supremacia em ciência e tecnologia e defesa dos Estados Unidos na Guerra Fria." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/134095.
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000857107.pdf: 1225137 bytes, checksum: b401ddb2d8ec5c960c985b5db8eb4a4f (MD5)Durante a Guerra Fria, houve nos Estados Unidos três distintas estratégias de superioridade científico-tecnológico-militar, cujo denominador comum entre elas foi o massivo investimento público em Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento (P&D) destinado à Defesa. Em resposta às ações da União Soviética, o Governo Federal dos Estados Unidos rigorosamente articulou e financiou tais estratégias. Em especial, criou a Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA) para desenvolver a Ciência & Tecnologia & Defesa (C&T&D) norte-americana através de estudos novos, revolucionários e de risco, tais como foram os casos da pesquisa e desenvolvimento em internet, defesa de míssil balístico, testes de banimento nuclear, armas de precisão guiada, veículos não tripulados, satélites, e tecnologia stealth. Portanto, o objetivo desta pesquisa é investigar o papel que o Governo Federal e a DARPA desempenharam na construção das estratégias de supremacia em C&T&D dos Estados Unidos na Guerra Fria.
In the Cold War, there were three strategies of superiority in Military Science & Technology in the United States, whose common denominator was the massive public investment on Research and Development (R&D) for Defense. In response to the actions of the Soviet Union, the Federal Government of the United States rigorously articulated and funded such strategies. In particular, it created the Advanced Research Projects Agency Defense (DARPA) to develop the U.S. Science & Technology & Defense (S&T&D) through new, revolutionary and risk studies, such as the research and development on the internet, ballistic missile defense, precision guided munitions, unmanned aerial vehicles, satellites, and stealth technology. Therefore, the aim of this research is to investigate the role that the Federal Government and the DARPA played in building strategies for supremacy on C&T&D in the United States in the Cold War.
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Silva, Fabricio Padilha Pereira da. "Novas missões e novas tecnologias : o papel do governo federal e a criação da DARPA na construção da estratégia de supremacia em ciência e tecnologia e defesa dos Estados Unidos na Guerra Fria /." Campinas, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/134095.
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Orientador: Reginaldo Carmello Correa de MoraesBanca: Samuel Alves Soares
Banca: Henrique Zeferino de Menezes
O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas"
Resumo: Durante a Guerra Fria, houve nos Estados Unidos três distintas estratégias de superioridade científico-tecnológico-militar, cujo denominador comum entre elas foi o massivo investimento público em Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento (P&D) destinado à Defesa. Em resposta às ações da União Soviética, o Governo Federal dos Estados Unidos rigorosamente articulou e financiou tais estratégias. Em especial, criou a Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA) para desenvolver a Ciência & Tecnologia & Defesa (C&T&D) norte-americana através de estudos novos, revolucionários e de risco, tais como foram os casos da pesquisa e desenvolvimento em internet, defesa de míssil balístico, testes de banimento nuclear, armas de precisão guiada, veículos não tripulados, satélites, e tecnologia stealth. Portanto, o objetivo desta pesquisa é investigar o papel que o Governo Federal e a DARPA desempenharam na construção das estratégias de supremacia em C&T&D dos Estados Unidos na Guerra Fria.
Abstract: In the Cold War, there were three strategies of superiority in Military Science & Technology in the United States, whose common denominator was the massive public investment on Research and Development (R&D) for Defense. In response to the actions of the Soviet Union, the Federal Government of the United States rigorously articulated and funded such strategies. In particular, it created the Advanced Research Projects Agency Defense (DARPA) to develop the U.S. Science & Technology & Defense (S&T&D) through new, revolutionary and risk studies, such as the research and development on the internet, ballistic missile defense, precision guided munitions, unmanned aerial vehicles, satellites, and stealth technology. Therefore, the aim of this research is to investigate the role that the Federal Government and the DARPA played in building strategies for supremacy on C&T&D in the United States in the Cold War.
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Zimmermann, Lars. "Britain, France and Germany priorities for the European Union's security and defense policy." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2009. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2009/Dec/09Dec%5FZimmermann.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Europe and Eurasia))--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2009.Thesis Advisor(s): Yost, David S. Second Reader: Moran, Daniel. "December 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 28, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Britain, United Kingdom, France, Germany, ESDP, ESVP, European Security and Defense Policy, European Security and Defence Policy, European Union, Foreign policy, St. Malo, National interest, Priorities. Includes bibliographical references (p. 89-94). Also available in print.
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Houenou, Seminakpon Arnaud. "Les nouveaux accords de défense franco-africains et la politique de sécurité de la France." Thesis, Lyon 3, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014LYO30060.
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Initiée dans les années 1960 avec les indépendances des territoires de l’ancien empire français, la coopération de défense a permis à la France ancienne puissance coloniale de continuer à maintenir son influence en Afrique tout en participant à la construction d’armées nationales africaines autonomes. Malheureusement, certains choix politiques et militaires de la France, les risques d’instrumentalisation d’un engagement strictement bilatéral, ont révélé l’archaïsme des relations France-Afrique et engendré la crise de la coopération. Devenue inadaptée en raison des bouleversements du champ politique international intervenus dans les années 1990 caractérisé par la fin de la bipolarisation, la coopération de défense France-Afrique a souffert de la compétition internationale, de l’adhésion de l’Afrique à la mondialisation et à de nouvelles solidarités internationales, et de la menace terroriste.En souscrivant à l’approche réaliste de sécurité, en considérant la théorie politico-sociologique constructiviste de l’intérêt national défendue par Alexander Wendt d’une part, et le concept de complexe régional de sécurité de Barry Buzan d’autre, cette étude se propose de montrer comment la France met en oeuvre une nouvelle politique de sécurité et de défense sur la base de nouveaux accords de défense en Afrique, continent le plus proche de l’Europe dans un contexte de rupture stratégique avérée et de menace contre la sécurité. Après avoir défini celle-ci dans un contexte régional global, cette étude démontre les stratégies de la France et des puissances internationales dans la gestion des conflits et la prévention des crises en Afrique dans un partenariat qui soit à la fois transparent et efficaceEstablished in the 1960s with the independence of territories of the former French empire, the defense cooperation allowed the old French, colonial power to continue to maintain its influence in Africa, while at the same time establishing autonomous national African armies. Unfortunately some of the political and military choices made by France and the instrumentalization risks of a strictly bilateral involvement, have revealed the archaism of French – African relations, and have generated a crisis in cooperation. Having become inadequate due to changes in the international political arena that occurred in the 1990s characterized by the end of bipolarity, the French defense cooperation African has suffered from international competition from the commitment of African States to the effective exercise of their sovereignty as well as their full involvement in globalization and in new areas of solidarity and international cooperation, and from terrorist threats.In subscribing to the realist security approach, and considering the political-sociological constructivist theory of national interest defended by Alexander Wendt on the one hand, and on the other hand the regional security complex concept by Barry Buzan, this study proposes to show how France has put in place a new security policy based on new defense agreements in Africa, the continent closest to Europe in a context of proven strategic breakdown and security threats. Defined in a global regional context, this study demonstrates the strategy of France for security in Africa in a partnership that should be both transparent and efficient
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Kennedy-Pipe, Caroline M. "The Soviet Union and the United States military presence in Europe : 1943 - 1956." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.239447.
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Sule, Attila. "The European Union in peace operations : limits of policy-making and military implementation." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/1061.
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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimitedThe 1992 European Union (EU) Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP, Maastricht Treaty) marked a turning point in the trans-Atlantic relationship. The Balkan conflicts and broader political changes in the 1990s compelled the EU to assume more responsibility in peace operations. The EU's 60,000 strong Rapid Reaction Force (RRF) is planned to be operational in 2003. Will the EU be able to conduct Petersberg-type peace operations? This thesis analyzes policy and military shortfalls of the Balkan peacekeeping effort. Questions about the legitimacy of armed humanitarian interventions, about difficulties in common policy formulation and translation to sound military objectives are the core problems of civil-military relations in European peace operations. The case studies focus on the EU failure to resolve the Bosnian crises between 1992-95, and on the gaps between NATO policies and military objectives in the operations of 'Implementation Force' in Bosnia and 'Allied Force' in Kosovo. The thesis considers developments in EU CFSP institutions and EU-NATO relationship as well as the EU's response to terrorist attacks on September 11 2001. The thesis argues that the difficulty in EU CFSP formulation limits the effective use of RRF in military operations.
Major, Hungarian Army
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Sul̈e, Attila. "The European Union in peace operations : limits of policy-making and military implementation /." Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Mar%5FSule.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in International Security and Civil-Military Relations)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2003.Thesis advisor(s): Donald Abenheim, Karen Guttieri. Includes bibliographical references. Also available online.
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Panagopoulos, Ilias. "Electronic warfare : a critical military and technological asset for the improvement of the Common European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP) /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Sep%5FPanagoloulos.pdf.
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Thesis (M.S. in Systems Engineering)--Naval Postgraduate School, Sept. 2004.Thesis Advisor(s): Donald Wadsworth, Robert Looney. Includes bibliographical references (p. 137-144). Also available online.
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Sharyi, Oleksandr. "Civil-Military relations in Ukraine, during the transition from the Soviet Union to the independent Ukranian Republic /." Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Mar%5FSharyi.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Civil-Military Relations))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2004.Thesis advisor(s): Thomas Bruneau. Includes bibliographical references (p. 65-67). Also available online.
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Gwozdziowski, Joanna Monica. "Soviet doctrine justifying military intervention from 1945 to 1989." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1994. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:90e7a6c9-6f60-4e9f-8e75-2df68a018e03.
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This thesis is about the Soviet doctrine used to justify or threaten military intervention since 1945. This interventionist doctrine achieved greater currency in 1968 in the form of the "Brezhnev Doctrine". This doctrine, generally associated with the 1968 Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia, stipulated that Moscow reserved the right to intervene militarily or otherwise if developments in any given socialist country inflicted damage on socialism within that country or the basic interests of other socialist states. The ideological justification for the Soviet invasion was assumed by many observers to have been a quickly engineered reaction to the crisis, rather than a long-standing doctrine. This thesis suggests, however, that the "Brezhnev Doctrine" was not an original formula, but a newer version of a previous doctrine. The thesis traces the origins of the "Brezhnev Doctrine". It examines four crises in Soviet-East European relations for evidence of the doctrine. The thesis looks at how the effectiveness of the doctrine as a tool of Soviet foreign policy began to decline in the mid-1970s. While the doctrine appeared to be extended to the Third World - Afghanistan 1979 - and was "self-administered" by an East European country - Poland 1981 - it proved far less successful than in the past in suppressing opposition. Finally, the thesis examines the demise of the doctrine under Mikhail Gorbachev. The conclusions drawn by this thesis are: that the Soviet interventionist doctrine was not a new phenomenon; that it contained political, ideological, and military components; and, that it served a number of functions within the socialist community.
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Demirci, Berat. "Impact Of European Unioin On Civil - Military Relations In Greece And Turkey." Master's thesis, METU, 2010. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/2/12611433/index.pdf.
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Studying on civil-military relations requires a multi-dimensional approach that analyzes both domestic and external factors. In this study which aims to compare the civil-military relations in Greece and Turkey and to indicate how European Union re-shapes the nature of these relations, the emphasis will be given to two important factors. The domestic factor is democratization processes of the states in question, that depend not only on domestic politics, but also the international environment. The other factor is an external one: the EU as a promoter of democracy through civilianization in politics. The general picture of the nature of civil-military relations in Greece and Turkey indicates a parallelism during 1950s and 60s. However, the 1970s, characterized by centrifugal tendencies of states in Cold War conditions as well as the EU accession perspective, has brought about an alteration in the role of military in politics in Greece, whereas Turkey did not do much towards reducing the role of army. Since late 1990s, EU has been the prominent goal in Turkish Foreign Policy. The conditions for membership include democratization through civilianization and declination of military&rsquos role in policy making. Making a projection of how EU will influence civil-military relations in Turkey might be possible in the light of the outcome of this study that utilizes the Greek case as an example.
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Hagemann, Frank. "Strategic planning for comprehensive security in the European Union's military operations EUROFOR RD Congo, EUROF Tchad/RCA, and EUNAVFOR Somalia /." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2010. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2010/Jun/10Jun%5FHagemann.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Europe and Eurasia))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2010.Thesis Advisor(s): Abenheim, Donald ; Yost, David S. "June 2010." Description based on title screen as viewed on July 14, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: European Union, comprehensive security, strategic planning, European security and defense policy, ESDP, common security and defense policy, CSDP, military operations, crisis management, EUFOR RD Congo, EUFOR Tchad/RCA, EUNAVFOR Somalia Includes bibliographical references (p. 83-98). Also available in print.
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Kelemen, Tas. "Defense planning and NATO-European Union relations." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2002. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/02Jun%5FKelemen.pdf.
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Silva, Fabricio Padilha Pereira da 1989. "Novas missões e novas tecnologias : o papel do Governo Federal e a criação da DARPA na construção da estratégia de supremacia em Ciência & Tecnologia & Defesa dos Estados Unidos na Guerra Fria." [s.n.], 2014. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279735.
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Orientador: Reginaldo Carmello Corrêa de MoraesDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-24T23:08:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Silva_FabricioPadilhaPereirada_M.pdf: 1660009 bytes, checksum: 50a34c29475f6ec52232c5f3ef9fd61c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014
Resumo: Durante a Guerra Fria, houve nos Estados Unidos três distintas estratégias de superioridade científico-tecnológico-militar, cujo denominador comum entre elas foi o massivo investimento público em Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento (P&D) destinado à Defesa. Em resposta às ações da União Soviética, o Governo Federal dos Estados Unidos rigorosamente articulou e financiou tais estratégias. Em especial, criou a Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA) para desenvolver a Ciência & Tecnologia & Defesa (C&T&D) norte-americana através de estudos novos, revolucionários e de risco, tais como foram os casos da pesquisa e desenvolvimento em internet, defesa de míssil balístico, testes de banimento nuclear, armas de precisão guiada, veículos não tripulados, satélites, e tecnologia stealth. Portanto, o objetivo desta pesquisa é investigar o papel que o Governo Federal e a DARPA desempenharam na construção das estratégias de supremacia em C&T&D dos Estados Unidos na Guerra Fria
Abstract: In the Cold War, there were three strategies of superiority in Military Science & Technology in the United States, whose common denominator was the massive public investment on Research and Development (R&D) for Defense. In response to the actions of the Soviet Union, the Federal Government of the United States rigorously articulated and funded such strategies. In particular, it created the Advanced Research Projects Agency Defense (DARPA) to develop the U.S. Science & Technology & Defense (S&T&D) through new, revolutionary and risk studies, such as the research and development on the internet, ballistic missile defense, precision guided munitions, unmanned aerial vehicles, satellites, and stealth technology. Therefore, the aim of this research is to investigate the role that the Federal Government and the DARPA played in building strategies for supremacy on C&T&D in the United States in the Cold War
Mestrado
Política Externa
Mestre em Relações Internacionais
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Sharyi, Oleksandr. "Civil-Military relations in Ukraine, during the transition from the Soviet Union to the independent Ukrainian Republic." Thesis, Monterey California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/1633.
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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimitedThis thesis analyzes three case studies that chronologically review the main factors that influence the creation of the system of civil control over the Armed Forces of Ukraine. The first case analyzes the period of time before the collapse of the Soviet Union. The second case examines the creation of the Armed Forces of Ukraine from 1991 until 2000. The third case reviews the present system of civil-military relations in Ukraine. The conclusion summarize all findings of the three case studies and states that neglect of the defense issues today will lead to the risk of losing statehood tomorrow or shifting responsibility and financial burden to the future generations. Only a well funded and well-defined program of reform can help to build modern, highly capable, professional western type Armed Forces with good quality civil control over the military. Ukraine has great experience of building and reforming its military structure and system of civil control. The best proof of this is that Ukraine prevented involvement of the army in politics.
Captain, Ukrainian Army
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Dini, Cassiana Borilli. "Uma análise das possibilidades de estabilização do Afeganistão : os projetos regionais de Estados Unidos, China e Rússia." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/77670.
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Esta dissertação realiza uma análise prospectiva das possibilidades de estabilização do Afeganistão a partir dos projetos regionais de Estados Unidos, China e Rússia, através das teorias da mudança política internacional e da estabilidade hegemônica, do realismo neoclássico, do realismo ofensivo e do neofuncionalismo. Após o anúncio de 2009 de retirada das tropas dos Estados Unidos do Afeganistão para 2014, a região vem apresentando modificações nos padrões de relações de poder. Há evidências de uma competição em curso pelo controle das rotas de escoamento, linhas de transmissão de energia, recursos e mercados afegãos entre os atores citados, sendo também demonstrada pelos diferentes projetos de reconstrução que esses três países propõem ao Afeganistão. O objetivo é melhor entender como a competição pela liderança política regional ocorre entre esses atores através dos diferentes projetos de reconstrução e integração do Afeganistão na região e qual é a importância deste país no jogo de poder regional. Para isso, a análise realiza inferências descritivas. Em primeiro lugar, a medida de presença militar desses três países no Afeganistão. Num segundo momento, a dimensão técnica dos projetos, especialmente de infraestrutura (implicações para a segurança, permeabilidade social e política; e os aspectos técnicos e estratégicos). E em terceiro, a importância das elites e a fragmentação étnica no Afeganistão são consideradas como fatores essenciais para entender a aceitação e a viabilidade política dos projetos. Nesse aspecto, a pesquisa também avalia como a criação de agências para atender esses projetos favorece o conjunto de burocracias e influência institucional de cada um dos três concorrentes regionais. Por fim, nessas variáveis são consideradas as decisões de política externa de Estados Unidos, China e Rússia para o Afeganistão, assim como o modo com que países vizinhos (Irã, Paquistão e Índia) servem como fatores de influência na política doméstica afegã. A pesquisa tem caráter qualitativo, é de tipo exploratório-descritivo e se utiliza do método hipotético-dedutivo e do rastreamento de processo para expor ao máximo o estudo de caso escolhido. Como resultado, é oferecida uma melhor contextualização da atual competição regional; e as relações de poder manifestas no caso afegão sugerem a proeminência da liderança regional dos Estados Unidos a partir do Afeganistão, devido à presença militar norte-americana no país, inibindo as tentativas de China e Rússia de aumentar sua influência na região.This thesis undertakes a prospective analysis of the possibilities for stabilization of Afghanistan from the regional projects of the United States, China and Russia through the lens of the theories of international political change, hegemonic stability, neoclassical realism, offensive realism and neofunctionalism. After the 2009 announcement of withdrawal of the United States troops from Afghanistan by 2014, the region has been showing modifications in its patterns of power relations. There are evidences of an ongoing competition for control of Afghan flow routes, energy transmission lines, resources and markets between the aforementioned actors, also demonstrated by the different reconstruction projects that these three countries offer to Afghanistan. The aim is to better understand how the competition for regional political leadership occurs among these actors through their different projects for reconstruction and integration of Afghanistan in the region, and what is the importance of the country in the regional power competition. For that, the analysis conducts descriptive inferences. First, it studies the measure of military presence of these three countries in Afghanistan. Second, it analyzes the technical dimensions of the projects, especially of infrastructure (and its implications towards security, social and political permeability, and the technical and strategic aspects). And third, the importance of elites and ethnic fragmentation within Afghanistan are considered as essential factors to understand the acceptance and political feasibility of the projects. In this respect, the research assesses how the creation of agencies to attend these projects favors the set of bureaucracies and institutional leverage for each of the three regional contenders. Finally, in these variables are considered the foreign policy decisions of the United States, China and Russia to Afghanistan, as well as the manner in which neighboring countries (India, Pakistan and Iran) serve as factors of influence in the Afghan domestic politics. So this is a qualitative and also exploratory and descriptive research that uses the hypothetical-deductive method and process tracing technique to expose the most of the selected case study. As a result, it is offered a better contextualization of the current regional competition; and the power relations expressed in the Afghan case suggest the prominence of the regional leadership of the United States from Afghanistan, due to the U.S. military presence in the country, inhibiting attempts from China and Russia to increase their influence in the region.
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Bastos, Petra Salomé Silva. "A crise Síria : o papel da União Europeia." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Economia e Gestão, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/6903.
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Mestrado em Economia Internacional e Estudos EuropeusEm Dezembro de 2010, começaram as primeiras manifestações na Tunísia no âmbito da Primavera Árabe. Rapidamente estas contestações alargaram-se a outros países do Norte de África e Médio Oriente. As manifestações na Síria despontaram em Janeiro de 2011, mas evoluíram rapidamente para uma guerra civil. A complexidade dos acontecimentos levou a que a comunidade internacional se deparasse com um bloqueio político nas Nações Unidas e, concomitantemente, com uma crise entre as principais potências políticas internacionais. A União Europeia apressou-se a condenar a espiral de violência na Síria. No entanto, ao longo do conflito a União Europeia não conseguiu demonstrar uma acção externa coerente e assertiva, relegando o seu papel para espectador na cena internacional. Deste modo, o presente estudo tem como objectivo analisar criticamente a posição adoptada pela União Europeia e pelos Estados-Membros face aos desenvolvimentos do conflito sírio, tendo em conta a importância geoestratégica da Síria na região do Médio Oriente. A estabilização do território sírio tem influência directa não apenas sobre a região do Médio Oriente, como também tem repercussões no âmbito da segurança e da política externa União Europeia, uma vez que a Síria é fundamental para estabelecer a ligação entre a União Europeia e o Médio Oriente.
In December of 2010, the first protests within the Arab Spring erupted in Tunisia. These protests quickly extended to other countries in North Africa and in the Middle East. Not long after, in January 2011, the protests in Syria emerged, swiftly evolving into a civil war. The complexity of the events forced the international community to endure a political impasse at the United Nations, as well as a major international crisis between the world’s main political powers. The European Union quickly condemned the spiral of violence in Syria. However, the political organization failed to produce an assertive and coherent external answer throughout the conflict, a failure that diminished its role within the international scene. Therefore, this study aims to critically examine the position adopted by the European Union and the Member States regarding the developments in the Syrian conflict, taking into account the geo-strategic importance of Syria in the Middle East region. The stabilization of the Syrian territory has a direct influence not only in the Middle East region, but also impacts the safety and foreign policies forged by the European Union, especially because Syria is still essential to establish the link between the European Union and the Middle East.
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Shepherd, Alistair J. K. "The European Security and Defence Policy : slow march to a military capability for the European Union." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.252136.
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The European Union has declared that its ESDP has an initial operational capability. It has put new institutional structures in place to manage the political aspects of security and defence policy and the member states have pledged a range of military capabilities, which the EU may call upon to undertake a range of crisis management operations - the Petersberg tasks. However, there are a number of significant challenges that need to be overcome for the ESDP to become a fully operational and credible policy. These challenges are institutional, political, financial and military. However, the critical aspect, yet to be significantly enhanced, for a fully operational ESDP is actual military capability. Without investing in a number of critical military capabilities, ESDP risks falling short of the expectations set out at Cologne, Helsinki and beyond. The thesis moves beyond simply describing these shortfalls towards making an assessment of the progress made in the four years since ESDP was launched. This progress is measured at the national level, by examining the defence policies and military capabilities of a range of six EU states to assess their value to ESDP, and at the EU level by detailing the combined progress towards reaching a fully operational ESDP. Signs of convergence within these defence policies are required if a ‘common; EU policy is to be realised. There also needs to be development of a strategic concept, a requirement for an effective ESDP that is not yet acknowledged by the states. The influence of the US is also critical. While, the US supports improved military capabilities, it does so without acknowledging a parallel increase in decision-making and responsibility for the EU in international security. There needs to be clearer and more effective leadership in ESDP to overcome these challenges, particularly the military ones. If the EU does not make sacrifices and provide the resources required for ESDP, it will have created a policy without substance and its credibility as an international actor will be severely damaged.
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Andy, Joshua Charles. "Politics and the Soviet Army : civil-military relations in Soviet Union the Khrushchev Era, 1953-1964." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2011. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/2929/.
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Structure, organisation, an idea of esprit de corps, and hierarchy characterised the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU). Throughout the history of the Soviet Union only the Soviet Armed Forces had the potential to rival the CPSU in those qualities and were able to be an organised locus for potential opposition. A sense of professionalism was instilled in the Soviet Armed Forces, not only from those ‘Red Commanders’ of the Revolution and Civil War, but also from those junior, noncommissioned officers who were holdovers from the tsarist regime. The primary focus of this study is on the immediate post-Stalinist era while Nikita Khrushchev was First Secretary of the CPSU. Bridled by Stalin’s hold over strategic and armed forces policy, after his death, the Soviet Armed Forces became an institution that illustrated a strong sense of military professionalism, while at the same time serving the Soviet regime. With a focus on five case studies that occurred during the Khrushchev era 1953-1964, this thesis argues that the military attempted to remain apolitical throughout the 1950s and 1960s. Previous studies of Soviet civil-military relations have focused on the levels of cooperation or competition between the CPSU and the Soviet armed forces. This study argues however, that the ebb and flow of that relationship can be explained by the selection of personalities, or agents, by Khrushchev to posts of military command. Officers were promoted based on several factors. However, Khrushchev increasingly promoted officers to positions of command who he deemed were more personally loyal to him and were willing to put that loyalty above their duty to the Soviet armed forces. Khrushchev chose personal loyalty over an officer’s military professionalism and expertise when appointing them to posts at the Ministry of Defence, the Soviet General Staff, and to the command posts in the branches of the Soviet military and key military districts around the Soviet Union.
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Dornelles, Júnior Arthur Coelho. "A questão de Taiwan : suas implicações políticas e militares para as relações entre Estados Unidos -Taiwan - China (1991-2004)." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/10768.
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O objetivo desta dissertação é descrever a disputa territorial entre a República Popular da China (RPC) e a República da China (RC) pelo controle de Taiwan e, analisar as implicações políticas e militares dessa disputa para a relação triangular entre Estados Unidos – RPC – RC. O primeiro capítulo descreve a política interna da RC de 1987 a 2004, abordando o processo de democratização do regime e as características dos novos partidos políticos. O segundo descreve as novas relações políticas entre Taipei e Pequim durante a primeira metade dos anos noventa, quando o governo da RC começou a afastar-se da idéia de reunificação com a China Continental. O capítulo seguinte analisa a crise ocorrida no Estreito de Taiwan em 1995-96, quando a China realizou massivos exercícios militares para forçar o governo norte-americano a mudar sua política diante da RC e, para coagir o eleitorado de Taiwan a votar “contra a independência” nas eleições de 1995 e 1996. O último capítulo analisa o impacto do ataque terrorista de 11 de setembro sobre as relações entre Washington – Pequim – Taipei e, descreve um novo padrão de relacionamento da Casa Branca com as duas partes.The aim of this dissertation is to describe the territorial dispute between the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and the Republic of China (ROC) for the control of Taiwan, and to analyze the political and military implications of this dispute for the triangular relation among United States – PRC – ROC. The first chapter describes the internal politics of the ROC from 1987 to 2004, approaching the process of democratization of the regime and the features of the new political parties. The second describes the new political relations between Taipei and Beijing during the first half of the nineties years, when the government of the ROC began to go away from the idea of reunification with the Mainland China. The next chapter analyzes the crisis occurred on the Taiwan Strait in 1995-96, when the China did massive military exercises to force American government to change its policy toward ROC, and to coerce the electorate of Taiwan to vote “against independence” on the elections of 1995 and 1996. The last chapter analyzes the impact of the terrorist attack of September 11 over the relations among Washington – Beijing – Taipei and describes a new pattern of relationship of the White House with the two parts.
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Schmidt, Julia Ruth. "European Union as an emerging international military actor and its legal relationship with UN Security Council resolutions." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/7973.
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The thesis results from a research project, combining elements of European law and public international law. The project focuses on the different forms of the use of force by the European Union in the sphere of the Common Security and Defence Policy as an integral part of the EU’s common foreign and security policy. It examines the conditions under which the European Union can engage in military crisis management missions from the perspective of European Union law as well as from the perspective of public international law. The main emphasis of the thesis is put on the former, analysing the EU’s ambitions to become an international security actor from an inside-out perspective. When addressing the vertical dimension of the EU and the use of force in more detail, the thesis analyses the extent to which the Member States are constrained in the conduct of their national foreign and security policy through decisions by the European Union in the sphere of the Common Foreign and Security Policy. With regards to the EU’s legal relationship with the United Nations, the thesis examines whether and if so to what extent the European Union, although not a member of the United Nations, is bound by UN Security Council resolutions in respect of the use of force. Based on the assumption that the EU is bound by UN Security Council resolutions imposing economic sanctions, the thesis uses a comparative method in order to show that the EU as an international organisation is bound by decisions of the UN Security Council in the sense that the EU is obliged to respect the wording and limits of a UN Security Council mandate to use force once it decides to contribute with an EU mission. If the EU decides not to accept a UN Security Council mandate, the thesis argues that the EU is under the obligation not to undermine the success of a UN authorised military intervention, in the spirit of a loyalty obligation. Apart from analyzing the interaction of the EU and the international legal framework, the thesis also uses a speculative approach in order to examine the implications of silence in the context of the use of force.
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Lyons, Anthony J. "International relations theory and the end of the Cold War : a retrospective step forwards." Thesis, University of Essex, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.340591.
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Osmar, Christopher M. "Vanguard of Genocide: The Einsatzgruppen in the Soviet Union." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1281029869.
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Tomás, José Baptista Franque. "Cooperação político-militar angolano-cubana." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/12714.
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Dissertação de Mestrado em Relações InternacionaisA presente investigação tem por objectivo conhecer a história militar angolana no período da descolonização e posterior guerra civil angolana, tendo em conta a importância da cooperação e assistência militar de Cuba a Angola (ao MPLA) nestes dois períodos da Guerra Fria. Desta forma procuramos analisar a missão internacionalista de Cuba em Angola, a maior missão militar e civil cubana da sua história, no contexto das rivalidades Leste-Oeste no continente africano e o modo como estas se repercutiu nos equilíbrios regionais em África e contribuiu para o fim do regime do apartheid na África do Sul. Os resultados da investigação mostram que a missão internacionalista em Angola foi uma decisão cubana (e não da URSS) no quadro da afirmação dos laços de solidariedade Sul-Sul no contexto do movimento dos países Não Alinhados do Terceiro Mundo.
This dissertation places Cuban internationalism, specifically its military and civil mission in Angola, as an entry point to explore the Angolan military history in the period of decolonization and later Angolan civil war, taking into account the importance of Cuba’s cooperation and military assistance to Angola (MPLA) in these two periods of the Cold War. Taking in account the internationalist mission of Cuba in Angola, the largest Cuban military and civilian mission in its history in the context of East-West rivalry in Africa, this study examines the mission´s regional consequences in Africa such as the end of the apartheid regime in South Africa. The research results show that the internationalist mission in Angola was a Cuban decision (not the USSR) under the idea of enhancing South-South solidarity between the states of the Third War not aligned with either bloc, the so-called Non-Aligned Movement.
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Fokkens, Andries Marius. "The role and application of the Union Defence Force in the suppression of internal unrest, 1912-1945." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/17352.
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Thesis (MMil)--Stellenbosch University, 2006.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The use of military force to suppress internal unrest has been an integral part of South African history. The European colonisation of South Africa from 1652 was facilitated by the use of force. Boer commandos and British military regiments and volunteer units enforced the peace in outlying areas and fought against the indigenous population as did other colonial powers such as France in North Africa and Germany in German South West Africa, to name but a few. The period 1912 to 1945 is no exception, but with the difference that military force was used to suppress uprisings of white citizens as well. White industrial workers experienced this military suppression in 1907, 1913, 1914 and 1922 when they went on strike. Job insecurity and wages were the main causes of the strikes and militant actions from the strikers forced the government to use military force when the police failed to maintain law and order. Public reaction to the use of force was strong and the government, particularly Gen. J.C. Smuts, was severely criticised resulting in a defeat in the 1924 election. Over the period 1921 to 1932 indigenous populations in South Africa and South West Africa such as the Israelites (1921), the Bondelswarts (1922), the Rehoboth Basters (1925) and the Ukuambi (1932), were suppressed through punitive expeditions by the police and military forces of the Union of South Africa. The indigenous populations were a.o. grieved by the government’s implementation of branding laws, enforced indentured labour, dog and hut tax. The government’s prevailing racial policy of that time, manifested in a master and servant attitude towards the indigenous populations, exacerbated an existing grievance of restrictive political rights. The government reacted quickly and economically in suppressing any indigenous population’s protests involving militant action. Although the use of aeroplanes was criticised, it was a force multiplier and greatly assisted the small number of police and military forces deployed in minimising casualties on both sides. The government also had to suppress militant Afrikaner uprisings during the First and Second World Wars. In 1914 and 1915, prominent Afrikaner leaders and veterans of the Anglo-Boer War reacted militantly against the government’s participation in the First World War. Gen. L. Botha and Gen. Smuts were the architects of their suppression through quick mobilisation of the Active Citizen Force, using mostly Afrikaans speaking volunteers. The period between the two world wars saw the growth of the Afrikaners on a political, social and limited economical level. This gave rise to further dispute on political and social levels when the government once again opted to fight alongside Britain in the Second World War. Old animosities between the Afrikaners and British were relived and militant elements within Afrikaner society mobilised to impede this participation. The government resorted to using the Union Defence Forces and SA Police to facilitate internment, for spying and to guard strategic objectives in an effort to prevent sabotage and other serious damage to the war effort. Smuts received severe criticism from mostly Afrikaners who were against participation in the war, and the general public who had to suffer under the conditions of martial law.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die gebruik van militêre mag in die onderdrukking van interne onrus is ‘n algemene verskynsel in die geskiedenis van Suid-Afrika. Sedert 1652 het die Europese koloniale besetting van Suid-Afrika gepaard gegaan met geweld. Boerekommando’s en Britse militêre regimente en vrywilligereenhede het die vrede in verafgeleë gebiede gehandhaaf en die plaaslike bevolkings onderwerp, net soos ander koloniale moondhede, byvoorbeeld, Frankryk in Noord-Afrika en Duitsland in Duits-Suidwes-Afrika gedoen het. Die periode van 1912 tot 1945 was geen uitsondering nie, maar met die verskil dat opstande ook onder die blanke bevolking onderdruk is. In 1907, 1913, 1914 en 1922 het die blanke industriële werkers sodanige onderdrukking ervaar. Werksonsekerheid en loongeskille was die dryfkrag agter die stakings en die stakers se militante optrede het die regering gedwing om militêre mag te gebruik om die opstande te onderdruk, nadat die polisie se pogings om wet en orde te handhaaf, misluk het. Die publiek was sterk gekant teen sulke hardhandige optrede en Genl. J.C. Smuts het veral onder kritiek deurgeloop, wat tot sy politieke nederlaag gelei het. Opstandige inheemse bevolkings in Suid-Afrika en Suidwes-Afrika soos die Israeliete (1921), die Bondelswarts (1922), die Rehoboth Basters (1925) en die Ukuambi (1932) het deurgeloop onder strafekspidisies van elemente van die Unie van Suid-Afrika se polisie en weermag. Die inheemse bevolking is gegrief deur die regering se implimentering van brandmerkwette, geforseerde kontrakarbeid, hut- en hondebelasting. Die regering se rassebeleid van die tyd het ‘n meester-en-onderdaan-houding teenoor die inheemse bevolkings geskep, wat die teer kwessie van beperkte politieke regte vererger het. Opstande deur inheemse bevolkings wat militant van aard was, is op ‘n vinnige en ekonomiese manier onderdruk, dog het skerp kritiek uitgelok. Die benutting van vliegtuie om die opstande te onderdruk was ‘n magsvermenigvuldiger wat die klein polisie- en weermag gehelp het om verliese tydens die onderdukking van opstande aan beide kante te beperk. Die regering het ook opstande van Afrikanergroepe tydens die Eerste en Tweede Wêreldoorlog onderdruk. In 1914-1915 het prominente Afrikanerleiers en veterane van die Anglo-Boereoorlog militant opgeruk teen die regering in verset oor die regering se deelname aan die Eerste Wêreldoorlog. Genl. L. Botha en Genl. Smuts was die argitekte van die vinnige onderdrukking van die opstande deur die Aktiewe Burgermag op te roep en hoofsaaklik Afrikaanssprekende vrywilligers te gebruik. Die periode tussen die twee Wêreldoorloë is gekenmerk deur die groei van die Afrikaner op politieke, sosiale en in ‘n beperkte mate, ook ekonomiese gebied. Hieruit het verdere onenigheid op politieke en sosiale vlak onstaan toe die regering weer besluit het aand die kant van Brittanje tot die Tweede Wêreldoorlog toe te tree. Ou vyandighede tussen Afrikaans- en Engelssprekendes het herleef en militante elemente binne die Afrikanersamelewing het gemobiliseer om die deelname te belemmer. Die regering het die Unieverdedigingsmag en die SA Polisie gebruik vir internering, spioenering en die beveiliging van strategiese doelwitte teen sabotasie en ander aktiwiteite wat die oorlogsdeelname sou belemmer. Smuts het die meeste kritiek ontvang van Afrikaners wat gekant was teen die oorlog, asook die publiek in die algemeen wat gebuk gegaan het onder krygswet.
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Roche, William Kevin. "Social integration, union policies and strategic power : the development of militancy among electricity generating station workers in the Republic of Ireland 1950-1982." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.327996.
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Pennacchi, Andrea Marcia de Toledo [UNESP]. "As influências do realismo político e do complexo industrial-militar no expansionismo norte americano (1990-2004)." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/93449.
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pennacchi_amt_me_assis.pdf: 2409725 bytes, checksum: 627220c3f5a78e455f96e393f16a6e25 (MD5)No final do século 19, nos anos que se sucederam à Guerra Civil, os Estados Unidos se consolidaram como nação industrial e também vivenciaram, como a Europa e o Japão, os problemas causados pela super-produção e pela gradual escassez de recursos naturais. Em busca de uma solução para tais dificuldades e a despeito de seu discurso isolacionista e liberal, os Estados Unidos iniciaram um processo expansionista que gradualmente estendeu sua influência econômica, política e cultural por todos os continentes. Um novo tipo de domínio, esse expansionismo se consolidou como resultado de uma conjuntura histórica, ideológica, tecnológica e religiosa e caracterizou-se por não ter limites, nem fronteiras; por englobar a totalidade do espaço do mundo e por penetrar na vida das populações subjugadas, não apenas nas suas relações com a grande potência, mas também em seus corpos, mentes, ideários e religiosidade. No passado, nenhuma ordem política ocupou tantas dimensões ou exerceu tanto controle sobre o mundo. A velha sociedade disciplinar tradicional e seus valores políticos foram substituídos por uma nova sociedade de controle e a hegemonia norte-americana passou a ser consolidada por uma rede de bases militares espalhadas por todos os continentes e por meio de sofisticados sistemas de comunicação e informações, além de atividades de enquadramento com coerção militar. Este estudo pretende aprofundar o conhecimento sobre essa nova forma de expansão e domínio, concentrando-se na teoria política do realismo, no fortalecimento do militarismo nos Estados Unidos e nas relações existentes entre o governo e o grande conglomerado das industrias da defesa instalado no país.
In the end of the 19th century, after the Civil War and its consolidation as an industrial power, the United States also suffered the consequences caused by overproduction. Looking for a way out of it and in spite of its isolacionism and politicals critics on European imperialism, the United States ingeniously began its own imperial expansion, favored by military events which allowed them to incresase its economical, political and cultural influence all over the world. The expansion performed by the United States is a form of dominance that emerged in the last decades as result of political and military interests, added to all technological transformations that humanity has been through, being quite distict from the political power exercised over men in past eras: it has no limits or frontiers; it comprises all the world and involves the lives of entire populations, affecting their bodies, minds, ideals and religiosity. Never before a political order has taken such a dimension or has exercised such a control over the world. In this context, the old and traditional disciplinary society and its political conventions had to give way to a new society of control, ready to rule all over people through a net of defensive military basis set quietly and regularly over all continents, and through communications systems, high-tech information nets and deadly potent armaments. This work is, therefore, dedicated to collect data and explain the historical evolution of this expansion and is focused in the connection among the political theory of realism, the escalation of militarism in the United States and in the close relations that tie some sectors of the government to the economical conglomerate of defense industries.
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Ferreira, Thiago Borne. "Tecnologia, guerra e capacidades militares : sistemas robóticos e desenho de força no século XXI." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/172458.
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Nunca antes na história os seres humanos conviveram com tantos robôs. Nesse contexto, a intensificação do processo de robotização militar está intimamente relacionada à emergência da Era Digital e à digitalização das forças armadas – entendida como a utilização acelerada de TIC para o desempenho de funções militares tradicionais. Apenas nos Estados Unidos, mais de trinta sistemas estão em desenvolvimento e/ou em operação neste momento. Estima-se que o país detenha mais de vinte mil robôs capazes de operar em terra, no mar e no ar. Este trabalho dedica-se ao estudo amplo do processo de robotização das forças armadas. Mais especificamente, o trabalho busca cumprir dois objetivos principais. O primeiro está relacionado à necessidade de compreender a relação entre guerra e tecnologia na Era Digital. O segundo objetivo da tese é verificar de que forma as forças armadas lidam com a incorporação desses sistemas na atualidade. Para tanto, o trabalho utiliza um modelo desenvolvido para auxiliar no planejamento e na análise de capacidades militares conhecido como “desenho de força”. A pesquisa foi baseada, mas não está restrita, ao estudo de caso dos Estados Unidos, a partir do qual busca-se oferecer ao leitor lições derivadas da experiência estadunidense.Humans have never lived with so many robots. In this context, the intensification of military robotization is closely related to the emergence of the Digital Age and to the digitization of the armed forces – understood as the accelerated use of ICT to perform traditional military functions. In the United States, more than thirty systems are currently under development and/or operating. It is estimated that the country has more than twenty thousand robots capable of operating on land, at sea and in the air. This work is therefore dedicated to the broad study of military robotization. More specifically, it seeks to fulfill two main objectives. The first one is related to the need to understand the relationship between war and technology in the Digital Age. The second objective of the thesis is to verify how the military has been dealing with the incorporation of such systems. In order to do so, the dissertation uses a model developed to aid in the planning and analysis of military capabilities known as “force design”. It draws from, but is not limited to, studying the case of the United States, from which the dissertation intends to derive broader lessons applicable to other contexts.
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Jernigan, Thomas Watson. "Death at Elmira: George W. Jernigan, William Hoffman, and the Union Prison System." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2005. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/1017.
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This thesis examines the interaction between the Union Prison System led by William Hoffman and the Confederate prisoners-of-war, specifically those held at Elmira, New York. By focusing on Hoffman's actions and decisions in the last year of the war, the Confederate death toll can be better understood.
The treatise relies heavily on The War Of The Rebellion: A Compilation Of The Official Records Of The Union And Confederate Armies. Two studies were indispensable for this study: Hesseltine's Civil War Prisons: A Study In War Psychology, and Leslie's Hunter's Ph.D. Disseration, Warden For The Union: William Hoffman (1807-1884).
The conclusions of my research are: (A) William Hoffman developed a change in actions in 1864, and (B) these actions continued in the last year of the war. As a result of his actions and other factors, Elmira had the highest percentage of death of any Union prison camp. Hoffman's actions led to a higher death rate of Confederate prisoners than has been previously recognized.
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Vlachos-Dengler, Katia. "Carry that weight improving European strategic airlift capabilities /." Santa Monica, CA : RAND, 2007. http://www.rand.org/pubs/rgs_dissertations/RGSD219/.
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Costa, Sílvia Cristina Ventura. "A Relação das Nações Unidas com as Empresas Militares Privadas:entre a regulação internacional e a contratualização de serviços militares privados." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/13329.
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Dissertação de Mestrado em Relações Internacionais na Especialidade de Internacionalização EmpresarialOs direitos humanos inquietam a comunidade internacional desde o final do seculo XIX. Com o aumento da influência e poder das empresas, verificado sobretudo na segunda metade do seculo XX, os desafios de DH multiplicaram-se. Desde então a comunidade internacional tem desenvolvido vários esforços no sentido de limitar as violações de DH de empresas. Numa área tão sensível como a indústria militar e de segurança privada (por estar diretamente relacionada com situações de conflito/paz e com o uso da força) os DH são altamente desafiados. A comunidade internacional trabalhado em formas de conter as essas violações, investido em várias iniciativas. Algumas dessas iniciativas são privadas outras são patrocinadas pela ONU. Neste sentido a ONU está numa encruzilhada entre a tentativa de regulação e a utilização dos serviços de EMP. Este estudo visa analisar o que tem sido feito em matérias de responsabilização empresarial, em especial para a EMP (que atuam numa das áreas mais sensíveis das relações internacionais) e no seio da ONU (órgão legitimo de coordenação das relações internacionais), procurando perceber qual o papel que a organização pode desempenhar em matéria de regulação privada das EMP.
Human rights (HR) are a big concern to the international community since the end of the nineteenth century. With the companies power and influence increase, particularly in the second half of the twentieth century, HR challenges have multiplied. Since then, the international community developed several efforts to reduce HR violations by the Private Military Companies (PMC’s). In such a sensitive area as military and private security industry (which are directly related with peace and the use of force) the HR have been highly challenged. The international community worked in different ways to restrain these violations and for that had invested in several initiatives. Some of these initiatives are private others have been developed by United Nations (UN). From this point of view, UN reach a crossroad between the attempt of regulation and contracting private military and security services. This study analyzes what has been done about businesses responsibility with a higher incidence in the private military companies in UN system and try to identify the role of the organization about the private regulation of PMCs.
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Mangabeira, Wilma Colonia. "Union politics and workplace militancy : a case study of Brazilian steelworkers in the 1980s." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1991. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1219/.
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The thesis analyses the relationship between shop-floor militancy and union politics in the period after the birth of "new unionism" in Brazil in the 1980s and addresses the problems and dilemmas faced by this new type of union movement. It is based on a case study of steelworkers at the National Steel Company and their representative union, the Metal workers' Union of Volta Redonda, in the state of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. The research design has emphasised qualitative methods such as in-depth interviewing and field observation. The researcher has also made use of the computer in the analysis of data, through a new type of computer software which is being introduced in sociological research. The objectives of the thesis are two-fold. First, it offers an in-depth study of the relationship between shop-floor politics and union politics in a steel plant. The theoretical framework is based on the concept of "politics of production" introduced by Michael Burawoy, and on the debate around levels of leadership representation of union members, as inaugurated by Robert Michels. The second objective is to assess the developments of "new unionism" in Brazil, ten years after its birth, and to discuss the extent to which it has actually broken with populist and bureaucratic types of unionism and advanced towards more democratic forms of union politics. With the knowledge available today of national level politics, it is possible to argue that in the course of the 1980s the "new unionist" movement developed a significantly more legitimate and democratic relationship between union leaders and their base, and that this helped to break with the "regulated citizenship" of working-class groups in society by expanding their labour rights, by successfully pressing for changes in the Labour Code and by participating in national level politics. The analysis of the case study suggests that the contribution of the new union movement was especially significant in the politicised use of the CIPA (Internal Committee for the Prevention of Accidents) and in the innovative use of the Labour Courts. The significance of these dimensions was that they involved an attempt to expand workers' rights as well as to create new bases under which the rights were granted. On the other hand, the case study suggests that the internal dynamics of the "new union" movement still have elements which may be characterised as non-democratic, and that this generated a new set of problems and dilemmas for organised labour in Brazil for the 1990s.