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Journal articles on the topic 'Military unions'
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1
Heinecken, Lindy. "Military Unionism and the Management of Employee Relations within the Armed Forces: A Comparative Perspective." International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 26, Issue 4 (December 1, 2010): 401–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2010025.
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Many find the prospect of military unions totally inimical to the nature and functioning of the armed forces. Yet, a number of countries allow some form of military unionism, while others vehemently resist any form of independent union based on the premise that this undermines discipline, cohesion, and loyalty. This article examines how four different countries – the United Kingdom, Canada, South Africa, and Germany – have dealt with the issue of military unionism. The British Armed Forces, like many other English-speaking countries, have tended to approach employee relations from a typically unitarist position, which translates into union suppression or avoidance. The Canadian Armed Forces opted to circumvent the need for a military union by adopting a more human relations or neo-unitarist approach to employee relations. In South Africa, the military has been obliged by legal decree to accept a more pluralist dispensation, which has led to an overtly confrontational employment relationship. In Germany, where a union-like professional association exists, the approach has been more cooperative, even corporatist, typifying the European experience and philosophy towards unions, even in the military. In analysing the management of employee relations from these different typologies, the implications of union avoidance and acceptance within the armed forces are evaluated.
2
Gołaś, Jakub. "Military Unionism from the Perspective of International Law: Between National Security and Freedom of Association." International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 38, Issue 3 (September 1, 2022): 299–330. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2022014.
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This article conducts a critical analysis of the issue of the access of military personnel to the legal guarantees of the freedom to associate in trade unions from the perspective of international legal standards. Despite the consistently freedom-oriented evolution of international standards which have become applicable to union freedoms in recent decades, many states still uphold sweeping statutory bans on the unionization of military personnel. The potential engagement of members of the armed forces in any union activity is a contentious issue suspended between the requirement to protect the very essence of the freedom of association (FoA), the practices and traditions established in many states, and the need to maintain the effective security of the state against external threats. The analysis considers the evolution of perspectives presented by competent international supervisory and interpretative bodies which have substantially revised their views in recent years on the extent of necessary legal guarantees and acceptable restrictions on freedom of association with respect to military personnel. The analysis leads to the conclusion that a complete and absolute statutory ban on the unionization of military personnel may be incompatible with current international standards. The absolute requirement to respect the fundamental essence of freedom of association as an unquestionable and universal standard of human rights means that national legislators should guarantee military personnel at least the minimum level of freedom to associate in trade unions. Military Unionism, Freedom of Association, National Security, International Law, Human Rights, Members Of Armed Forces, Trade Union Freedoms, International law
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Mittelstadt, Jennifer. "“The Army is a Service, Not a Job”: Unionization, Employment, and the Meaning of Military Service in the Late-Twentieth Century United States." International Labor and Working-Class History 80, no. 1 (2011): 29–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547911000068.
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AbstractThis article tells the story of an often-forgotten attempt to unionize the United States armed forces in the 1970s. The American Federation of Government Employees (AFGE), an AFL-CIO-affiliated union representing federal employees, voted to allow military personnel to join its union in 1976. Military personnel proved far more open to the bid than expected. Nursing grievances from threatened congressional cuts to their institutional benefits, between one-third and one-half welcomed the union. Though a worried Congress, a powerful military leadership, and skeptical public opinion quashed unionization within the year, the brief episode nevertheless left an influential legacy. Coming just after the difficult transition from the draft to the volunteer force, the union bid forced military leaders, soldiers, and supporters in Congress to defend both military service and military benefits from encroachments of an “occupational” model symbolized by unionization. Their successful distinction between military service and employment elevated the former as uniquely honorable and arduous—and thus deserving of unwavering congressional support. Public unions, the embodiment of the occupational threat to military service, emerged bruised by the comparisons to vaunted military service and endured a decades-long decline in membership and congressional protection.
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RENDLE, MATTHEW. "THE OFFICER CORPS, PROFESSIONALISM, AND DEMOCRACY IN THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION." Historical Journal 51, no. 4 (November 18, 2008): 921–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x08007139.
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ABSTRACTRussia's ‘democratic’ revolution of February 1917 saw all types of professions and social groups mobilize into unions and congresses to articulate their demands. Lower and middle classes dominated, but it is notable how former elite groups were quick to form bodies to defend their interests and to promote their visions of Russia's future. Historians have invariably dismissed these groups as marginal to the revolutionary process and inherently ‘counter-revolutionary’. This article challenges these assumptions, using the Union of Officers, formed across the military in May 1917 to defend officers' professional interests, as a case study. The union spread quickly, published a newspaper, and agitated among politicians for greater discipline in the military. Its activities fuelled popular fears of counter-revolution, but only a few of the union's leaders actively worked against the government. General Kornilov's failed revolt in August demonstrated that most officers had doubts. Nevertheless, the union played a crucial role in mobilizing moderate and conservative forces against further reform. This exacerbated social conflict and political polarization, fatally undermining the Provisional Government and democracy in 1917.
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Anderson, Gary M., Dennis Halcoussis, and Robert D. Tollison. "Drafting the competition: Labor unions and military conscription." Defence and Peace Economics 7, no. 3 (July 1996): 189–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10430719608404852.
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Cao, Shixiong, Xinyi Zheng, and Junze Zhang. "Challenge of political globalization." Time & Society 28, no. 2 (June 28, 2017): 828–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0961463x17716550.
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Globalization represents an intriguing new way to increase global prosperity. However, it represents a dramatic contrast to events in previous centuries, both in the West and in China, when most unions resulted from warfare and conquest rather than from peaceful negotiations. This can be seen in the increase in military conflict and decrease in political stability in many parts of the world in recent years. Therefore, achieving a union of nations through economic methods may reduce the risk of military conflict if nations can find ways to turn conflicts into a mixture of national cooperation and healthy competition (“coopetition”), leading to the evolution of a new world political order. Unlike previous efforts to create peaceful unions, such as the Global League of Nations, the new union of nations may succeed because it emphasizes the political and economic self-interest of each member state, thereby offering the possibility of win–win solutions. Through this process, conflict can become cooperation because the union of political powers with different ideologies under a unified regime will provide a dispute resolution mechanism and mitigate the risk of conflict. To achieve that goal, it will be necessary to develop a new way of thinking that emphasizes peaceful cooperation and competition rather than warfare.
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Mozharovskyi, Volodymyr, and Serhii Hodz. "METHODOLOGICAL APPROACH TO JUSTIFICATION OF THE DISTRIBUTION OF THE ARMED FORCES OF THE STATE IN PEACETIME AND WARTIME MILITARY FOMATIONS TAKING INTO ACCOUNT MILITARY AND ECONOMIC ASPECTS." Baltic Journal of Economic Studies 7, no. 2 (March 26, 2021): 170–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/2256-0742/2021-7-2-170-178.
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The division of the armed forces into peacetime and wartime military formations (MFs) is carried out taking into account a number of aspects, namely military and political, military and strategic, military and economic, physical and geographical, operational (operational and tactical), demographic, regulatory, etc. An important place is given to the military and economic aspects, such as macroeconomic indicators of the condition and development of the national economy, the dynamics of changes in its military budget and the maximum possible degree of military and economic tension (opportunities for the deployment of military organization in a special period); the degree of dispersion, protection and vulnerability of important economic facilities of the country, its transport capabilities (infrastructure); cost indicators for maintaining unions (units) with varying degrees of preparedness for the mission execution for the purpose intended, their mobilization (transition to the wartime table of organization and equipment) and alerting; opportunities for the country's economy to modernize and produce new models of AMH, providing the needs of troops (forces) with the necessary material means (fuel and lubricants, food, property, etc.). Analysis of the problematic issues of organizing the armed forces, in particular their division into peacetime and wartime MFs, reflects the following contradiction: on the one hand, increasing the number of permanent readiness (peacetime) unions (units) involves the growth of the amount of financial costs for their maintenance, but at the same time reduces the time for their alerting; on the other hand, increasing the number of wartime unions (units) that need to be mobilized and alerted, provides a reduction in financial costs for their maintenance, but increases the time to alerting. According to the authors, the solution to this contradiction requires a comprehensive approach, which provides an in-depth consideration of the experience of troops and the use of theoretical research methods to justify the division of armed forces in the peacetime and wartime MFs. However, there is a lack of methods (methodological approaches) that would allow the in-depth consideration of resource and time limitations on the maintenance and alerting of troops, and on this basis, justification of the optimal division of the armed forces into unions (units) with varying degrees of manpower and equipment organization, security, training and preparedness to execute missions for the purpose intended. In this regard, the authors propose a methodological approach, which, taking into account military and economic aspects, in particular, the average annual financial resources required for the maintenance, mobilization (completion) and alerting unions (units) of a certain type, will allow a more reasonable approach to the division of the armed forces into peacetime and wartime MFs. The methodological approach presented in the article also applies to others formed in accordance with the legislation of MFs, which are entrusted with tasks and functions for the national security, protection of the country's sovereignty, territorial integrity and inviolability.
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Pozzi, Pablo A. "Argentina 1976–1982: Labour Leadership and Military Government." Journal of Latin American Studies 20, no. 1 (May 1988): 111–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00002509.
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Argentina's labour leaders make up one of the most powerful social groups in the nation's society. Their power is based on the unions' economic resources as well as on their capacity to mobilise rank-and-file workers. However, the group has developed a tendency towards bureaucratisation. On the one hand they are representative of their fellow-workers which is why they are continuously re-elected. At the same time, they have acquired technical and bureaucratic skills which ease their handling of the trade union structure. ‘As long as permanence at the head of the union becomes prolonged, the labour leader draws further away from the cultural and economic criteria of the workers who form the rank-and-file.’1This tendency towards self-perpetuation in office maintains the acquired social status. In addition, the separation from the rank-and-file increases in order to have a relative autonomy and play the role of intermediary between the worker and the employer. In this sense, the corporativism and verticalism inherent in the Peronist doctrine, as a form of selecting leaders, increases the tendency towards bureaucratisation in the trade union leaders, marking a breach with the historical tendency of the Argentine labour movement previous to 1946–7.
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Zemlyansky, Igor A. "The Military Libraries of the Far East in XIX - Early XX Century." Bibliotekovedenie [Library and Information Science (Russia)], no. 4 (August 21, 2013): 105–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.25281/0869-608x-2013-0-4-105-110.
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The article is dedicated to the establishment of military libraries in the Far East, which were set up under the military unions, naval posts, fortresses and Cossack forces. The research work deals with the activity of military libraries as state cultural and educational organizations, aimed to satisfy the aspiration of both military and civilians for reading. The most progressive and forward-thinking military officials clearly realized that the successful assimilation of Far East Region of Russia can happen only at the conditions of cultural and educational development based on reading and studying book collections.
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Heinecken, Lindy, and Michelle Nel. "Military Unions and the Right to Collective Bargaining: Insights from the South African Experience." International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 23, Issue 3 (September 1, 2007): 463–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2007021.
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With the convergence of civilian and military employment practices, the debate on whether ‘soldiers’ may be granted labour rights is highly controversial. In Europe, Euromil has made it their mission to have the right of freedom of association to join trade unions extended to military personnel. In South Africa, the Constitutional Court granted military personnel this right, as well as the right to collective bargaining (it appeared). As has been the case elsewhere, this has not been embraced by military leadership, who prefer to manage employee relations from a classically unitarist perspective. This article highlights why armed forces have such an issue with trade unions and collective bargaining. Specific reference is made to the unique South African experience and the various court cases over the right to collective bargaining. To place the level of discontent among soldiers in perspective, reference is made to some empirical findings of South African officers and to recent international examples. In the final section, the debate is placed in context and some lessons from the South African case are reflected upon.
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Zweig, Michael. "Iraqi Unions and Their American Labor Allies." International Labor and Working-Class History 78, no. 1 (2010): 132–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547910000207.
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Since the start of the Iraq war in 2003, images of suicide bombings, religious violence, and general chaos have come to mind when most Americans have thought about Iraq. Counterposed are thoughts of US military efforts to separate the combatants and restore order. Whether one has supported or opposed the US actions in Iraq, the actual Iraqi people, almost all of them ordinary working people, remain remote and unknown.
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Coscia, Vanesa, and Jack Ravenhill. "News media representations of the Trade Union Act (2016) and their links to liberal theory." Cuadernos de Relaciones Laborales 42, no. 1 (April 2, 2024): 195–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/crla.83820.
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This paper explores how concepts from two influential strands of liberalism, new liberalism and neoliberalism, are represented in a sample of online media articles by analysing news coverage of the Trade Union Act (2016). The analysis centres on internet news items published on the websites of The Guardian, The Daily Mail, Sky News, and BBC News. To systematise the analysis, three thematic axes were constructed: a) Democracy, Law and Order; b) Civil and Labour Rights; c) Military Metaphors, Privileges and Trade Unions.
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Upeniece, Vita. "Vai ir nepieciešamas karavīru arodbiedrības?" SOCRATES. Rīgas Stradiņa universitātes Juridiskās fakultātes elektroniskais juridisko zinātnisko rakstu žurnāls / SOCRATES. Rīga Stradiņš University Faculty of Law Electronic Scientific Journal of Law 3, no. 18 (2020): 177–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.25143/socr.18.2020.3.177-187.
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Darba tiesības regulējošie normatīvie akti parasti satur noteikumu kopumu, kas regulē attiecības starp darbinieku apvienību vai darbinieku grupu un darba devēju. Biedrošanās brīvība ir nostiprināta arī vairākos starptautiskajos dokumentos, it īpaši ANO Cilvēktiesību deklarācijā, ANO Starptautiskajā paktā par pilsoniskajām un politiskajām tiesībām, ANO Starptautiskajā paktā par ekonomiskajām, sociālajām un kultūras tiesībām, Starptautiskās darba organizācijas 1948. gada Konvencijā par asociāciju brīvību un tiesību aizsardzību, apvienojoties organizācijās (C87) un 1949. gada Konvencijā par tiesībām uz apvienošanos organizācijās un kolektīvo līgumu slēgšanu (C98), kā arī Eiropas Cilvēktiesību konvencijā un Eiropas Sociālajā hartā. Vienlaikus starptautiskie dokumenti pieļauj ierobežojumu noteikšanu nacionālajā regulējumā attiecībā uz karavīru arodbiedrību brīvību. 2018. gadā Latvijas Brīvo arodbiedrību savienība savā grāmatā aktualizēja jautājumu par atsevišķos dienestos, tostarp militārajā dienestā, esošo personu tiesību ierobežojuma apvienoties arodbiedrībās atcelšanu [1, 75]. Raksta mērķis: analizējot starptautisko un nacionālo regulējumu attiecībā uz arodbiedrību dibināšanu militārajā dienestā, kā arī Latvijā pašreiz pastāvošo karavīru tiesību aizsardzības sistēmu, izdarīt secinājumus par karavīru arodbiedrības izveidošanas lietderību. Raksta sagatavošanā ir izmantota vēsturiskā, analītiskā, sistēmiskā un teleoloģiskā metode. The right to freedom of association is embodied in a number of international treaties, such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, the Freedom of Association and Protection of the Right to Organise Convention (1948) No. 87, the Right to Organise and Collective Bargaining Convention (1949) No. 98, the European Convention on Human Rights and the European Social Charter. Simultaneously, the international treaties allow for a restriction on the freedom of military trade unions in the national regulation. In 2018, the issue of restriction of the right of soldiers to unite in trade unions was raised in Latvia in the book published by the Latvian Free Trade Union [1, 75]. The article examines the international and national regulation applicable to this issue, the current national system and procedures which are established for the protection of the rights of soldiers and concludes by expressing opinion about the need to establish a military trade union in Latvia. In the Author’s opinion, existing restriction on the establishment of a military trade union in the national regulation is compensated by the following rights: 1) the right to nominate a representative from among themselves to defend the interests of soldiers for the defense of their interests and settlement of household issues; 2) the right to be a member of associations and foundations of a non-political nature, as well as to establish military associations and foundations and to participate in other non-political activities, if such activity does not interfere with the performance of the duties of the service; 3) the right to lodge a service complaint within the framework of the National Armed Forces and to apply a complaint, as well as to receive a consultation from a structural unit which is independent of the National Armed Forces – the General Inspection of the Ministry of Defense; 4) the right to submit a complaint to a court, including a constitutional complaint to the Constitutional Court; 5) there is an effective mechanism for evaluating and controlling observance of law of disciplinary measures provided by both the General Inspection of the Ministry of Defense and the Appeal Commission of the Ministry of Defense; 6) the National Armed Forces are actively involved in the development of external and internal regulation. In addition, soldiers may make proposals to improve the content of the projects of external regulations within the framework of the public participation process, as well as by submitting proposals or suggestions to deputies. Although the application of strikes is considered to be an effective mean of leveling out the inequality of power between the employee and the employer, the prohibition of strikes among the military personnel is justified because the armed forces have the task of providing permanent and uninterrupted national defense. The existing restriction on military representatives to intervene in the performance of military service duties, as well as the lack of authorisation for military representatives to intervene in matters of military discipline, are reasonable restrictions, as such actions would reduce the effectiveness of the tasks of the armed forces. The Constitutional Court of Latvia also recognised that procedural manifestations of the exercise of freedom, such as the right to organise and participate in strikes and the possible influence of trade unions on the conduct of the service or participation in disciplinary liability issues, may have an impact on the State or public safety interests. Thus, the Author concludes that effective mechanisms have been established for the protection and representation of the interests of the soldiers. If the creation of a military trade union was allowed, it would duplicate the existing procedures on many issues. The imposition of restrictions on activities that could hinder or interfere in the issues of the discipline liability and in the performance of tasks of the armed forces will exclude effective means of influencing the employer. Therefore, the effectiveness of such unions would be debatable.
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ANTONIUK, Oksana, and Yaroslav SHEVCHUK. "PROBLEMS AND PROSPECTS OF FUNCTIONING OF CREDIT UNIONS IN UKRAINE." "EСONOMY. FINANСES. MANAGEMENT: Topical issues of science and practical activity", no. 1(63) (May 12, 2023): 20–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.37128/2411-4413-2023-1-2.
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The article examines the theoretical and practical principles of the functioning of credit unions in Ukraine at the current stage. Scientific and methodical approaches to defining the economic category «credit cooperation» have been analyzed. It was determined that in Ukraine the credit cooperation functions in the form of credit unions. The definition of a credit union as a non-profit organization founded by individuals, trade unions, and their associations on a cooperative basis with the aim of meeting the needs of its members in mutual lending and providing financial services at the expense of the combined monetary contributions of the members of the credit union is generalized. The impact of the credit cooperatives on the development of economic entities at the level of social well-being of the population and the national economy as a whole has been studied. It was established that credit unions belong to high-risk financial institutions, since they operate with citizens’ funds, they occupy a special place among the majority of financial intermediaries operating in the financial services market of Ukraine. It has been proven that the difference of credit unions and at the same time their advantage among the other financial and credit institutions lies in the ability to accumulate cheap monetary resources, use them to develop business needs and increase consumer demand. The influence of the military-political crisis on the work of the non-banking sector of the economy, in particular, on credit cooperation, is determined. The financial indicators of credit unions in Ukraine were analyzed and it was stated that these indicators have been deteriorating since 2018. A retrospective assessment of subjective and objective factors affecting the functioning of credit unions was carried out, and problems and prospects for their development were outlined. A number of problems are listed, the solution of which will allow credit unions in Ukraine to return to an effective direction. It was determined that the introduction of a system of control over the activities of credit unions, the introduction of strict regulations and requirements regarding the adequacy of own capital will contribute to the development of this segment of the financial services market. A method of solving the problems of the operation of credit unions is proposed, which lies in the plane of professional organizations through the centralization of some functions in order to make them cheaper, the creation of accumulative funds for development and education.
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Lemmon, Megan, Mira Whyman, and Jay Teachman. "Active-duty military service, cohabiting unions, and the transition to marriage." Demographic Research 20 (February 24, 2009): 195–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.4054/demres.2009.20.10.
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Kirkby, Diane. "Connecting work identity and politics in the internationalism of ‘seafarers … who share the seas’." International Journal of Maritime History 29, no. 2 (May 2017): 307–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0843871417692965.
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‘We seafarers … who share the seas’ is the expression of a collective identity and mutual responsibility. This article examines that collective identity among members of the Seamen’s Union of Australia and asks, what did internationalism mean in practice to seafarers themselves? Employing an oral history method, coupled with a reading of the union’s own printed media, it explores the seafarers’ understanding of internationalism that they claimed was ‘the language of seafarers’. It was grounded in the nature and reality of their work, and became their politics. The article takes as a case study the campaigns to restore democracy in Greece and Chile after military coups in 1967 and 1973 respectively, and the longer campaign against apartheid in South Africa, which began earlier, before 1960, and ended later, in 1990. These campaigns were conducted alongside many other trade unions, both in Australia and overseas, but maritime workers brought a unique inflection to activism as their internationalism expressed their connectedness across the oceans on which they sailed.
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Сотников, Сергей, and Sergey Sotnikov. "The experience of the Russian military emigration in educational work with young people." Universities for Tourism and Service Association Bulletin 7, no. 4 (December 23, 2013): 108–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/1842.
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One of the most important parts of the educational experience of the Russian military emigration is the
involvement of young people in the historical and cultural work in the museum, military, memorial, literary
and publishing field. Active military emigration in education can be regarded as an essential component of
the historical heritage of the Russian abroad in general and as a field for the development of socio-cultural
dialogue with the world of our compatriots abroad. Educational activity of the Russian military immigration,
carried out in the framework of cultural, educational, military, sporting and charitable organizations covered
a wide range immigrant youth in various countries around the world and helped to maintain the authority of
the military societies and unions in the society of Russia abroad.
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Sirenko, Vasyl. "Мilitary unions, blocks – an old form of ensuring state security." Yearly journal of scientific articles “Pravova derzhava”, no. 34 (August 1, 2023): 28–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.33663/1563-3349-2023-34-28-36.
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Introduction. The history of mankind from ancient times to the present day is accompanied by ancestral tribal international conflicts, wars and other clashes. In the constant struggle, alliances, coalitions, blocs are inevitably created between the opposing parties. It must be recognized that military blocs and alliances up to a certain time ensured both the security of the peoples participating in them, as well as victories and defeats in the course of aggressive wars of aggression. Goal. The article outlines a doctrinal theoretical approach to understanding the content of the war taking place in Ukraine and the possibility of its termination. The results. The reasons for the war are hidden in the depths of the interests of the conflicting parties. In order to understand the content of these interests, it is necessary to imagine the content of the interest regardless of the medium. Interest is a dependence between the need to satisfy the subject's needs and the possibility of their satisfaction through the activity of the subject, the bearer of interest. Having determined the subject's needs, it is possible to determine the possibilities of their satisfaction, as well as predict the subject's activities. Three groups of interests regarding their carriers are highlighted: the USA and the entire West, Russia and Ukraine. It was emphasized that the further use of military alliances as an advantage of one of the conflicting parties became limited to the achievements of scientific and technological progress. The accession of Ukraine to NATO as a constitutional requirement is unconstitutional because it narrows and limits the state sovereignty of Ukraine, obliges the state power to obey a unilateral decision in international state policy. A sovereign state must be able to steer its foreign policy along an advantageous course at any time. If the Constitution obliges the state to unilaterally join NATO, limiting other areas of foreign policy, the state's sovereignty is accordingly narrowed, which is in principle unacceptable. Conclusion. Proceeding solely from the interests of Ukraine, it is necessary for Russia to stop providing military assistance to the self-proclaimed unconstitutional quasi-state formations of the LPR and DPR and for them to dissolve themselves. Russia renounces the historically in comprehensible and unjustifiably fictional country"Novorossiya" and withdraws its troops from the territory of Ukraine. Ukraine, in turn, refuses to join NATO and returns to the status of a nuclear-free non-aligned neutralcountry, which will help ensure the territorial integrity of Ukraine. However, no federalization and autonomization should be allowed in Ukraine. Key words: interest, needs, sovereignty, territorial integrity, military alliances,blocs, security, danger.
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Silva, Patricio. "The State, Politics and Peasant Unions in Chile." Journal of Latin American Studies 20, no. 2 (November 1988): 433–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00003059.
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For the last fifty years Chilean rural unionism has been characterised by a structural weakness vis-à-vis the state, political parties and the vested landed interests. For instance, the formation of peasant unions remained illegal until 1967 and, after a short period of strength during the land reform, they could only barely survive the military takeover of 1973. So, in marked contrast to miners and industrial workers – who since the 1930s have built strong national organisations and achieved significant bargaining power within Chilean society – peasant unions have always had to rely on the support of urban social and political forces to exist.
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Štampar, Ljubo. "Collective Agreement for Members of Slovenian Armed Forces: Reflections on Features of Collective Negotiations in the Public Sector for the Military Profession." Central European Public Administration Review 12, no. 4 (May 25, 2015): 135–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.17573/ipar.2014.4.a06.
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In the Republic of Slovenia, the military is an organization that, like elsewhere in the European Union (EU), belongs to the public sector. The military service is a part of the public service sector and treated with a single collective agreement for the public sector. Despite certain theses (Janowitz 1977, Moskos 1986, Callaghan and Kernic 2003, Garb 2008) about the growing similarity of the military profession with professions in the public sector or other civilian occupations, work in the military is unique because of the specific role of the military in society. However, the military profession has sufficient similarities with other public sector professions in peacetime circumstances, so that soldiers should be granted the right to bargain the economic conditions of their employment. Through the process of collective bargaining, either within the public sector or individually, they could ensure compensation for the restrictions and requirements contained in the work of soldiers. The most important European institutions, in terms of safety and protection of the rights in the European region, are following the trend of changes in the security environment, new tasks of the military organization, the changed nature of the military profession in the postmodern era, and defend the concept of the “citizen in uniform”. Through resolutions, recommendations and memorandums, they are following the trend of increasing demands for the equalization of the rights of soldiers with the rights of other citizens. In particular, the right of unions to organize and the right for the possibilities to negotiate conditions of employment are emphasized. In the EU, there are two approaches regarding the possibility of bargaining on the economic conditions of employment for soldiers. Both provide the possibility of obtaining a special allowance for soldiers serving the country.
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Ingham, Patricia Clare. "Masculine Military Unions: Brotherhood and Rivalry in The Avowing of King Arthur." Arthuriana 6, no. 4 (1996): 25–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/art.1996.0026.
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Radulova, Lyuba. "Legal Protection Granted to Soldiers’ Partners in the Military Diplomas." PRÁVNĚHISTORICKÉ STUDIE 52, no. 2 (September 15, 2022): 11–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.14712/2464689x.2022.16.
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The paper examines the formulas granting conubium in the military diplomas, focusing on the problem of soldiers’ relationships with women before and after their discharge. Keeping in mind the fact that between Augustus and Septimius Severus a marriage ban was imposed on soldiers in service, the study offers a reconstruction of the way in which soldiers’ de facto unions were viewed by the authorities and analyzes the legal protection against abandonment granted to soldiers’ partners by the imperial constitutions.
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Fontes, Paulo, and Larissa R. Corrêa. "Labor and Dictatorship in Brazil: A Historiographical Review." International Labor and Working-Class History 93 (2018): 27–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547917000229.
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AbstractThis article analyzes recent Brazilian scholarship on workers and trade unions during the military dictatorship (1964–1985), emphasizing the relative absence of studies and the neglect of worker organization. By focusing on working-class agency and the dilemmas the labor movement faced due to the regime's economic policies and fierce repression, this essay offers a better understanding of the political scenario after 1964. The second part of the article examines the themes of the most recent studies about workers and the labor movement during the military regime, emphasizing existing blind spots and future challenges for scholarship.
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Jega, Attahiru M. "Unions and Conflict Management in Nigeria’s Tertiary Institutions." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 24, no. 1 (1996): 61–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700502200.
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The persistent, if not chronic crisis in the Nigerian education sector in general, and in the tertiary institutions in particular, has created the impression that unions are largely responsible for creating, rather than managing or regulating conflicts. Unions and their leaders are perceived as the incorrigible trouble makers, hell-bent on causing mischief and in giving perpetual headaches to the administrators of their respective institutions as well as the government, the funder of these institutions. This negative perception has been nurtured and sustained by the Nigerian State, especially under military rule, and then reinforced by intolerant and insecure administrators who see enmity and confrontation in any voice of dissent or critical appraisal. The most cogent and somewhat recent articulation of this perspective, for example, has been advanced by Mr. Ben Nwabueze, then Secretary for Education who, while addressing a gathering of Vice Chancellors and Pro-Chancellors of Nigerian universities, averred that unionism has done nothing but cause senseless distress in, and destruction of, our tertiary institutions.
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Jega, Attahiru M. "Unions and Conflict Management in Nigeria’s Tertiary Institutions." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 24, no. 1 (1996): 61–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1548450500004984.
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The persistent, if not chronic crisis in the Nigerian education sector in general, and in the tertiary institutions in particular, has created the impression that unions are largely responsible for creating, rather than managing or regulating conflicts. Unions and their leaders are perceived as the incorrigible trouble makers, hell-bent on causing mischief and in giving perpetual headaches to the administrators of their respective institutions as well as the government, the funder of these institutions. This negative perception has been nurtured and sustained by the Nigerian State, especially under military rule, and then reinforced by intolerant and insecure administrators who see enmity and confrontation in any voice of dissent or critical appraisal. The most cogent and somewhat recent articulation of this perspective, for example, has been advanced by Mr. Ben Nwabueze, then Secretary for Education who, while addressing a gathering of Vice Chancellors and Pro-Chancellors of Nigerian universities, averred that unionism has done nothing but cause senseless distress in, and destruction of, our tertiary institutions.
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Voitovych, Leontij. "What Rus’-Ukraina was begun with?" Problems of slavonic studies 69 (2020): 99–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/sls.2020.69.3491.
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Background: The Thorny problems of indo-european and Slavic ethnogenezis abandon debatable the questions of beginning of the Ukrainian ethnos and his state system. Practical absence of a traditional spring base pushed away on the second plan usual historiography methods and pulled out on the first plan a tool end proofs of the special disciplines created on his base: linguistics, onomastics, ethnography, anthropology and archaeology. But white the Ukrainian researchers from far away watch after the polemic of their neighbours, last, especially taking into account the terms of “hibrid war”. With lightness attribut these questions to beginning of 20 of century and, even, later. Purpose: In the article a realizable attempt is on the basic of the last achievements of world science to analyse Slavic ethnogenezis from appearance of the Slavic tribal unions. Community development of the se tribal unions is analysed also in the light of mone new theories of chiefdom up to her transformation in the early state of military wife type (military hovernment). Results: The consequences of this development are fixed in the first fixed undoubted report about existence the Caganat of Rus’. In the process of research the comparative analysis of development of institutes of the state of military hovernment was carried out in Slavic, Scandinavian and Centrally-Cerman arrays. The similar global analisis of these difficult processes and phenomena comes true in general first with complete realization discussions are round them on the whole as well as in separate details. The undoubted is seemed only by a general conclusion in relation to completion of these processes and transformations in the Dnepr region in the first half of 9 of Century as a result of creation of Caganat of Rus’. Key words: old indo-european association, culture of lithoidal battle-exes, German and Baltic-Slavic languare groups, tribe, chefdom, state of military hovernment, Caganat of Rus’.
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Loveman, Brian. "Military Dictatorship and Political Opposition in Chile, 1973-1986." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 28, no. 4 (1986): 1–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165745.
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In 1970, Dr. Salvador Allende, presidential candidate of the Unidad Popular coalition, won a plurality — but not a majority — of votes from the Chilean electorate. Consequently, and in accord with Chilean electoral laws and constitution, the Chilean Congress was called upon to vote for the president, and it selected Dr. Allende as the country's new president. Soon thereafter a wave of opposition to his administration developed among business and middle-class sectors: Rightist political movements and parties, entrepreneurial associations, some white-collar unions, as well as groups representing both commercial interests and those of small business. Eventually this opposition determined that “the government of Allende was incompatible with the survival of freedom and private enterprise in Chile, (and) that the only way to avoid their extinction was to overthrow the government” (Cauce, 1984).
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KHUBULOVA, S. A. "SOCIAL POLICY IN RELATION TO MILITARY SERVICEMEN’S FAMILIES DURING THE GREAT PATRIOTIC WAR (BASED ON THE MATERIALS OF NORTH OSSETIA)." Kavkazologiya, no. 1 (2021): 130–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.31143/2542-212x-2021-1-130-140.
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The article considers the directions of social work with military families during the great Patriotic war. Archived sources and ego-documents introduced into scientific circulation allow us to analyze this problem from different sides. It is noted that assistance to this category of population was provided in several ways. First of all, this is state support and patronage, which allowed us to provide targeted assistance in the form of food and manufactured goods parcels, housing benefits, placement of children in kindergartens and schools, and preferential employment rights. Along with the state, the families of combatants were supported by public organizations, trade unions, etc. The Timur movement has also become a form of social assistance for this category of population. In regional historiography, little attention is paid to the problem of adaptation of war invalids in the conditions of the rear region, which also turned out to be another poorly protected layer of Soviet society. State assistance consisted not only in awarding disability pensions, but also in organizing retraining with further employment, and solving the housing problem. For the first time, the article raises the issue of providing assistance to children of military personnel, including orphans. The scope of the measures that the state has provided to support children is analyzed. Of great scientific interest is the analysis of ego documents-complaints, statements, letters, which give an idea of the problems faced by military families in everyday life. It is concluded that paternalistic social policy was closely intertwined with public assistance from voluntary organizations, youth unions and ordinary citizens of the Republic.
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Karimova, Lola M. "SOCIAL PROCESSES SOCIAL MOBILLIKNING MOVEMENT QUALITATIVE STREET." American Journal Of Social Sciences And Humanity Research 3, no. 10 (October 1, 2023): 17–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/ajsshr/volume03issue10-04.
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This article provides information about the sources of social mobility, the motivation to achieve, the law of increasing needs, and the hierarchical system of distribution of social results. The presence of channels of social mobility in society, including various social institutions -the military, religion, education, political organizations, trade unions, family, marriage, art, sports, inheritance, elections, mass media, social networks, social networks of individuals and their groups. creates conditions for movement.
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Karimova, Lola Muzaffarovna. "REGULATION OF MECHANISMS OF SOCIAL MOBILITY." Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities Research Fundamentals 3, no. 12 (December 1, 2023): 54–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.55640/jsshrf-03-12-13.
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This article provides information about the sources of social mobility, the motivation to achieve, the law of increasing needs, and the hierarchical system of distribution of social results. The presence of channels of social mobility in society, includingvarious social institutions -the military, religion, education, political organizations, trade unions, family, marriage, art, sports, inheritance, elections, mass media, social networks, social networks of individuals and their groups. creates conditionsfor movement.
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Karimova, Lola Muzaffarovna. "FACTORS AND CHANNELS OF WOMEN'S SOCIAL MOBILITY IN MODERN SOCIETIES." European International Journal of Pedagogics 3, no. 12 (December 30, 2023): 28–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.55640/eijp-03-12-08.
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This article provides information about the sources of social mobility, the motivation to achieve, the law of increasing needs, and the hierarchical system of distribution of social results. The presence of channels of social mobility in society, including various social institutions -the military, religion, education, political organizations, trade unions, family, marriage, art, sports, inheritance, elections, mass media, social networks, social networks of individuals and their groups. creates conditions for movement.
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Alim I., Tetuev. "Restructuring of the activities of state authorities and public organizations during the Great Patri-otic war: problems of daily life of the population (by the example of Kabardino-Balkaria)." Kavkazologiya 2022, no. 3 (September 30, 2022): 218–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.31143/2542-212x-2022-3-218-242.
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For the first time, based on new archival documents and other sources, the restructuring problem of the activities of state authorities and public organizations in wartime conditions on the materi-als of Kabardino-Balkaria is investigated, the features of the transformation of the state and polit-ical leadership of the country and in the field are revealed. The changes of the All-Union Com-munist Party (b) and the Kabardino-Balkarian regional party organization are analyzed. The expe-rience of an organizational work of party organizations and Soviet authorities of the republic in organizing military mobilization, providing the needs of the front with military products, food and industrial goods, is summarized. Tasks and content of the organizational work of trade unions, Komsomol organizations and the public in organizing fundraising for the National Defense Fund and helping evacuation hospitals, evacuated population, families of military personnel, disabled veterans of the Great Patriotic War, and orphans were studied. Analysis of the organization of dai-ly life of the population is carried out. Shortcomings and omissions in the work of state and public organizations to provide the population with food and industrial goods, fuel and cultural work have been identified. It is concluded that changes in the forms and methods of work of state bodies and public organizations during the war were a critical factor in the consolidation of power and society to protect the Fatherland.
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Fu, Tingchen. "Sino-Soviet Relations in the Early 1950s - Late 1960s." Lecture Notes in Education Psychology and Public Media 25, no. 1 (November 28, 2023): 155–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7048/25/20230689.
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From 1950 to 1960, Sino-Soviet relations transitioned from a close alliance to an eventual split. This change was influenced by various factors, including the Sino-Soviet Treaty of Friendship, Alliance, and Mutual Assistance, as well as the Korean War. Despite sharing communist ideologies, the two countries had fundamental differences in their developmental objectives, which led to irreparable divisions and an ultimate severance of ties. Additionally, the personal characteristics of the leaders further exacerbated suspicions and military tensions between the two nations. In the early 1950s, the Chinese Communist Partys (CCP) policies were primarily focused on safeguarding its domestic interests. Despite underlying suspicions and compromises, China and the Soviet Union formalized their alliance through the Sino-Soviet Treaty of Friendship, Alliance, and Mutual Assistance. Chinas military involvement in Korea in 1953 further strengthened the relationship, ushering in a honeymoon period for the alliance. However, the CCP harbored a long-term objective of establishing itself as an independent entity free from external control. The underlying motives and imbalances inherent in Soviet aid began to erode the CCPs trust in the USSR. In 1956, the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) marked the onset of ideological divergences between the two nations. Subsequent internal conflicts within the socialist bloc and disagreements on how to resolve them prompted China to scrutinize the Soviet Unions true intentions and its great power chauvinism. These evolving dynamics progressively widened the divide between China and the Soviet Union, accentuating pre-existing tensions and eventually culminating in the dissolution of their alliance.
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Notar, Ernest J. "Japan's Wartime Labor Policy: A Search for Method." Journal of Asian Studies 44, no. 2 (February 1985): 311–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2055925.
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AbstractsThe industrial Patriotic Movement (Sampō) symbolized the suppression of labor unions in prewar Japan, but it also shaped the development of Japan's postwar system of industrial relations. When first launched by officials of the Home Ministry in 1938, Sampō was intended to be a constructive reform movement for reducing conflict and for maintaining an efficient labor market. With the support of the police and of some labor leaders, Sampō encouraged formation of factory committees with elected worker representatives for negotiating wages and working conditions. The resistance of business leaders led to the assertion of direct bureaucratic control over the movement, and with army interference in civil administration after 1940, Sampō eventually led to the suppression of unions. Nevertheless, the foundations were laid for the spread of enterprise unionism on a national scale in the postwar era even under military rule.
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Alexander, Shcherba. "The Work of Educational and Scientific Institutions of St. Petersburg (Petrograd) in the Interests of Military Production during World War I." TECHNOLOGOS, no. 4 (2021): 119–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.15593/perm.kipf/2021.4.09.
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During the First World War which quickly acquired the limits of an unprecedented military confrontation between the largest world powers all Russian resources were mobilized to work in the interests of military production for the first time. Scientific and educational institutions of various levels were involved in this work. In this article it is shown how this process took place in practice by the example of the capital of the Russian Empire, St. Petersburg (Petrograd). The mobilization of science during the First World War is understood as the intensification of research aimed at the development of the defense industry, energy and transport support for its activities, the supply of raw materials and the introduction of new technologies into production in order to provide the front with ammunition, weapons and military equipment and other military products, as well as the development of scientific principles for the organization of industry, agriculture, military medical service and the use of natural resources in wartime. This fully refers to educational institutions. During the war there appeared new forms of organizing the scientific and educational institutions work in the interests of military production. They included military-industrial committees, special meetings, various scientific societies, unions and meetings. Some of them obtained a very extensive and multi-stage structure and showed their effectiveness in a short time. The educational institutions of the city began to be even more actively involved in the sphere of military production. Their best representatives began to participate in research on military topics. Various educational institutions of Petrograd in close cooperation with the laboratories of military factories were increasingly involved in the development of complex technological processes at military production. In addition, the production divisions of various educational institutions of the city received tasks for the manufacturing military products, sometimes of the highest degree of complexity. During the war military orders for many educational institutions of the city became permanent.
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Phelan, Craig. "Plus ça change: trade unions, the military and politics in Burkina Faso, 1966 and 2014." Labor History 57, no. 1 (January 2016): 107–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0023656x.2016.1140701.
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Cook, María Lorena. "Labor Reform and Dual Transitions in Brazil and the Southern Cone." Latin American Politics and Society 44, no. 1 (2002): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2002.tb00195.x.
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AbstractThe sequencing of transitions to democracy and to a market economy shaped the outcome of labor law reform and prospects for expanded labor rights in Argentina, Brazil, and Chile. Argentina and Brazil experienced democratic transitions before market economic reforms were consolidated in the 1990s. During the transition, unions obtained prolabor reforms and secured rights that were enshrined in labor law. In posttransition democratic governments, market reforms coincided with efforts to reverse earlier labor protections. Unable to block many harmful reforms, organized labor in Argentina and Brazil did conserve core interests linked to organizational survival and hence to future bargaining leverage. In Chile this sequence was reversed. Market economic policies and labor reform were consolidated under military dictatorship. During democratic transition, employers successfully resisted reforms that would expand labor rights. This produced a limited scope of organizational resources for Chilean unions and reduced prospects for future improvements.
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Kirstine Ugelvig Petersen, Kajsa, Julie Elbaek Pedersen, Jens Peter Bonde, Niels Erik Ebbehoej, and Johnni Hansen. "Long-term follow-up for cancer incidence in a cohort of Danish firefighters." Occupational and Environmental Medicine 75, no. 4 (October 21, 2017): 263–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/oemed-2017-104660.
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ObjectivesTo examine cancer incidence among Danish firefighters using several employment-related exposure subgroups.MethodsA historical cohort of 9061 male Danish firefighters was established from collected personnel and membership records from employers and trade unions. Using the unique Danish personal identification number, information on additional previous employment, cancer and vital status was linked to members of the cohort from the Supplementary Pension Fund Register, the Danish Cancer Registry and the Danish Civil Registration System. SIRs were calculated for specific cancer types using rates for the general population, a sample of the working population and military employees, respectively.ResultsCompared with the selected reference groups, the overall observed incidence of cancer among the firefighters was at level with the expected (SIR 1.02, 95% CI 0.96 to 1.09 vs the general population). The SIR for colon cancer was consistently significantly reduced, while the slight excess seen for melanoma of the skin, prostate and testicular cancer compared with the general population was not reproduced using the military as reference.ConclusionsPrevious associations with melanoma of the skin, prostate and testicular cancer are supported by our main results. However, the increase in incidence of these cancers is not reproduced using the military as reference. Similarities in cancer profile for the firefighters and the military point to shared risk factors in either lifestyle or work environment.
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Omme Asma and Maroof Bin Rauf. "Student Unions as Catalysts: Identifying Their Role in Fostering Political Awareness in Universities." Voyage Journal of Educational Studies 4, no. 2 (April 30, 2023): 363–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.58622/vjes.v4i2.137.
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Student unions play a significant role at universities as catalysts for developing political awareness in today's ever-changing political landscape. These organizations provide a place for students to discuss ideas and actively affect campus politics. Student unions create an exciting environment that encourages students to become informed and engaged citizens by hosting conferences and meetings and inviting guest speakers. They encourage conversation and promote social responsibility and critical thinking abilities among students. Pakistan is a democratic country, but due to a lack of political awareness and power politics, we have suffered political instability and military involvement in politics. It has resulted in extortion, corrupt political leaders, inflation, unemployment, poverty, abuse of authority, and many issues that have affected Pakistan's social, economic, and political situation. Political awareness encompasses civic responsibilities and citizen rights. Citizens must understand a thorough legal and political education to comprehend their fundamental rights. This paper investigates the students' key role in shaping political perceptions and how their actions contribute to their political education.
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Shah, Ali Shan, Muhammad Waris, and Mian Muhammad Azhar. "Independence of Judiciary: An Assessment of Lawyers Movement and its Impact on Civil Society of Pakistan." Global Regional Review III, no. I (December 30, 2018): 402–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2018(iii-i).30.
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Lawyers are important part of Pakistani society. They actively participated in the movement against the military regimes. Social movement are necessary for the renewal of the society. These movements help to make a society vibrant and prone to democratization. All the fractions of the society took keen interest in this movement. This historic movement gave youth the initial lessons of democracy and students took part in this movement as they were active in the first two decades of Pakistani political history. Students are the educated and informed part of the society and remained on forefront in the movements in the country. In recent years lawyers, media, students unions, military and ulema played important role in restoring of judiciary and played important role for Lawyers Movement in Pakistan 2007-09.Rule of law issue educated Pakistani civil society and the society became more vibrant about the democratization in the country.
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Mironov, Vladimir V. "On the Genesis of Veteran Organisations in Austria in the First Half of the 1920s in the Context of the Official "Politics of Memory"." Central-European Studies 2020, no. 3 (12) (2021): 53–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2619-0877.2020.3.3.
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The veteran movement in the Habsburg monarchy, which was, in the last third of the nineteenth and early twentieth century, the most important pillar of the political system, faced serious difficulties after the 1918 Revolution in Austria. Until the collapse of the ruling coalition of Social Democrats and Christian Socials in 1920, there were insurmountable obstacles to the revival of the “old Austrian” military traditions. Officers’ and veterans’ organizations were firmly associated in the eyes of leftist political forces with the legacy of the “old regime”. The gradual “rehabilitation” of the “old Austrian” military traditions was closely connected with the tenure of the Minister of War of Austria Carl Vaugoin, who sought to get rid of the influence of the Social Democrats on the armed forces. As a result, in 1921and 1922 the formation of new veteran organisations began, developing their activities against the background of competition between Social-Democratic, Christian-Social and pan-German narratives about the First World War in the public consciousness of the First Republic. Considering the typology of veteran associations, one should single out organisations that united veterans at the national (local) level, regardless of their place of service during the war, and veterans’ unions based on specific military units of Austria-Hungary. The latter, as contemporary research proves, played a leading role in the formation of the historical memory of the war. The main means of group self-identification was the feeling of “front-line comradeship”cultivated in the veteran unions, which was the highest value orientation of the former front-line soldiers who shared right-wing political views. The veteran supporters of Social Democrats resisted the constant appeal of the right to the “front-line comradeship”, allegedly smoothing out social contradictions within the army collective during the war. In veteran organisations, both “pure” and “mixed” forms of memory of the First World War were “confessed”. The latter were typical of the veterans of those regions of Austria that were affected by the territorial reorganisation in accordance with the Saint-Germain Peace Treaty of 1919.
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Semchynskiy, K. V. "A Comparative Analysis of the Just War Doctrines in Islam and Christianity." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 37 (December 6, 2005): 68–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2006.37.1705.
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We live in a time of significant change in the world. The end of XX century. marked by the gradual expansion of the globalization process through closer economic and information links, which also leads to different levels of interdependence between countries and regions. Instead of the state, transnational forces (military-political blocs, unions, corporations) act as units of political discourse. The threat to the national interests of individual states comes precisely from transnational forces (corporations, terrorism). Significant changes in the world make it imperative that global security strategies be revised in the light of cultural factors.
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Seipp, Adam R. "‘We Have to Pay the Price’: German Workers and the US Army, 1945–1989." War in History 26, no. 4 (September 13, 2019): 563–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0968344517738550.
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This article examines the relationship between German civilian workers and the United States Army in the Federal Republic of Germany during the Cold War. Using archival and published sources, the article offers an entangled history of ‘local national’ employees and their role in maintaining the American presence in Central Europe. Beginning in the late 1960s, German labour unions began to challenge American labour policy. In doing so, they consistently argued for a more forceful assertion of German sovereignty. This labour relationship was therefore important for both the military history of the Cold War and for the development of German democracy.
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KARATEPE, İlkay, and Vasif NABİYEV. "Military camouflage classification with Mask R-CNN algorithm." Communications Faculty of Sciences University of Ankara Series A2-A3 Physical Sciences and Engineering 65, no. 1 (June 3, 2023): 69–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.33769/aupse.1242627.
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Camouflage, which is used as an art of hiding by living things in nature, started to be used in the military field in the 19th century with the widespread use of long-range firearms. When factors such as different nations, environment and climate are considered, we come across camouflages in various colors and patterns. Over time, the camouflage patterns adopted and used by countries or unions have become national identity. This study is on the classification and segmentation of camouflaged soldiers of 5 countries with deep learning. While the similarity of the camouflaged area with the background makes segmentation difficult, it becomes difficult to classify each camouflage pattern due to the cut of the fabric and the different locations of the pattern pieces on each soldier. There are different studies in the literature that are referred to as camouflage or pattern classification. The mentioned studies are in the form of segmentation of camouflaged object or classification of camouflaged objects of different types. Since the segmented and classified objects in this study are camouflaged soldiers, what is expected from the deep learning algorithm is to classify the objects mainly according to the camouflage pattern, not their outlines. In the study, 861 camouflaged soldier images were collected for 5 countries (Türkiye-Azerbaijan, USA, Russia, China, France) and polygonal labeling was made. Türkiye and Azerbaijan are considered a class as they have similar camouflages. For the solution of the problem, military camouflage classification was discussed with the Mask R-CNN algorithm, which is widely used today for object detection, segmentation and classification, and the importance of deep learning algorithms has been proven with such a difficult problem. The training resulted in 0.005219 classification loss and 0.03985 masking loss. The classification and segmentation success rate of the study is 95%.
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Schoot Uiterkamp, Annet. "'Voorlopig in alle stilte' terwerkstelling van politieke gevangenen in de mijn Willem-Sophia te Spekholzerheide (1945-1946)." Studies over de sociaaleconomische geschiedenis van Limburg/Jaarboek van het Sociaal Historisch Centrum voor Limburg 62 (January 12, 2023): 166–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.58484/ssegl.v62i12369.
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'For the time being keep it silent'. Employment of political prisoners at the mine Willem-Sophia in Spekholzerheide (1945-1946)'. This article investigates the beginnings of the employment of collaborationist prisoners in Dutch coal mines after the Second World War, especially in the mine Willem-Sophia in Spekholzerheide (1945-1946). Such employment, made urgent by shortage of fuel as well as of labour, was debated in the early months of 1945. Initially the military commander in charge (‘Militair Gezag’) forbade employment of prisoners unless no regular unemployed were available. Mine directors insisted, particularly because in the months following the liberation of the southern part of Limburg, political prisoner camps housed numerous skilled miners. In collective memory their employment is supposed to have generated much resistance among miners and their unions, as it was supposed to be a degradation of their profession. But research in the archives does not produce much evidence to corroborate this as far as the Willem-Sophia is concerned: the first Dutch coal mine to employ these ‘infected’ miners.
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López Dietz, Ana. "Desarticulación y resistencia. Movimiento obrero y dictadura en Chile, 1973-1981." Revista Grafía- Cuaderno de trabajo de los profesores de la Facultad de Ciencias Humanas. Universidad Autónoma de Colombia 10, no. 2 (July 14, 2013): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.26564/16926250.491.
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Resumen:El presente artículo analiza la política de la dictadura cívico-militar hacia el movimiento obrero en Chile durante los años 1973 a 1981, cuyos ejes principales fueron la represión y desarticulación de los trabajadores y las organizaciones sindicales; asimismo, estudia la implementación y alcances del Plan Laboral Piñera que representaría un cambio fundamental en las relaciones capital-trabajo (atomización sindical, fin de la negociación colectiva, limitación del derecho a huelga), como también las manifestaciones de resistencia de los trabajadores ante estas políticas.Palabras Clave: Dictadura, sindicatos, trabajadores, plan laboral, represión, resistencia. *************************************************************** Disarticulation and resistance. Labor movement and dictatorship inChile, 1973-1981Abstract:This article analyzes the politics of civil-military dictatorship to the labor movement in Chile during the years 1973-1981, were the main axes of repression and dislocation of workers and trade unions, also studies the implementation and scope of the Plan labor Piñera would represent a fundamental change in capital-labor relations (union fragmentation, to collective bargaining, limiting the right to strike), as well as demonstrations of worker resistance to these policies.Key words: Dictatorship, syndicates, workers, labor plan, repression, resistance.***************************************************** Desarticulação e resistência. Movimento operário e ditadura no Chile,1973-1981 Resumo:O presente artigo analisa a política da ditadura cívico-militar com relação ao movimento operário no Chile entre os anos de 1973 e 1981, e cujos principais eixos foram a repressão e a desarticulação dos trabalhadores e das organizações sindicais. Da mesma forma estuda a implementação e os alcances do Plano Laboral Piñera, que representaria uma mudança fundamental nas relações capital-trabalho (atomização sindical, fim da negociação coletiva, limitação do direito a greve), assim como também as manifestações de resistência dos trabalhadores diante dessas políticas.Palavras chave: Ditadura, sindicatos, trabalhadores, plano laboral, repressão, resistência.
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Eremeeva, Anna N., and Timofey V. Kovalenko. "Preserving the Memory of the Great Patriotic War: Regional Practices (1941–1945)." Izvestia of the Ural federal university. Series 2. Humanities and Arts 23, no. 1 (2021): 25–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/izv2.2021.23.1.002.
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The perpetuation of the feat of the Soviet people during the Great Patriotic War through monuments, museum displays, and artistic texts has been going on for three-quarters of a century now. Perpetuation strategies at various stages have been determined by official interpretations of events, processes, and commemorative practices. Referring to the analysis of the situation in Krasnodar Krai, this article reconstructs the initial stage of war commemoration and the mechanisms of historical memory production that were formed synchronously with the events of 1941–1945. The sources for the reconstruction are various documents of central and local Soviet bodies and the Communist party, creative unions, cultural institutions, periodicals, memoirs, and artistic texts. The main directions of the war commemoration were the combination of all-Union recommendations as well as regional peculiarities. The work was developed mainly after the liberation of the region in 1943. Military and labour exploits of the Kuban population were actualised. The merits of the Cossack formations were specially highlighted, while information about the facts of collaboration was minimised. Resistance to fascism during the occupation of Kuban was represented by the partisan theme. The main print source of the partisan movement in the region was the books by P. K. Ignatov, commander of the partisan detachment, that were promptly published and replicated in the USSR and abroad. The exploits of his dead sons, Heroes of the Soviet Union, became a classic example. Memorial spaces, a system for recording military monuments were formed. The artistic chronicle of the war was created as a set of victorious stories. The theme of the ongoing war was added to the repertoire of professional and amateur art groups, as well as exhibitions of local museums. The calendar of holiday dates included anniversaries of the liberation of territories from the Nazis. The memory of the war was reflected in the local toponyms.
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Houtzager, Peter P. "State and Unions in the Transformation of the Brazilian Countryside, 1964-1979." Latin American Research Review 33, no. 2 (1998): 103–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100038255.
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In the early 1960s, the dramatic mobilization of rural wage laborers and small farmers placed the agrarian question at the top of the Brazilian political agenda. The question facing governing elites was how to modernize an archaic agrarian sector that was widely perceived as posing a major bottleneck for development and a breeding ground for agrarian radicalism. Until that time, wage laborers and small farmers in various forms of land tenure had effectively been excluded from existing labor legislation, social security, and coverage by national law in general. Instead, various traditional and clientelist forms of social control regulated rural social relations. The new rural movements were led by relatively moderate urban groups or individuals seeking to create a rural political base. Their appearance soon after the Cuban Revolution however, and in the larger context of the cold war, triggered fears of possible revolution. National debate quickly centered not on whether but on how the Brazilian state should intervene in the countryside. Attempts by the populist government of President João Goulart to address the agrarian question were cut short by the military coup of 1964. In its wake, the fledgling rural movements were brutally repressed in a wave of state-sponsored repression and private landowner violence.
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Abdulmajidov, Ramazan S. "MUTUAL RELATIONS OF COMMUNITIES OF SOUTH-WESTERN DAGESTAN WITH GEORGIA AND THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE IN THE SECOND HALF OF THE 18th - EARLY 19th CENTURY." History, Archeology and Ethnography of the Caucasus 15, no. 2 (June 25, 2019): 188–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.32653/ch152188-204.
Full textAbstract:
The present article reveals the history of relations between the south-western unions of communities of Dagestan and the Kingdom of Kakheti in the second half of the 18th - early 19th century. It is established that political and economic contacts between them, due to mutual cooperation, were generally of a peaceful and good-neighbourly nature. In the second half of the 18th century there was a significant strengthening of military-political and cultural ties between Georgia and Dagestan. The arrival of the Russian Empire in the Caucasus in the early 19th century not only shifted the balance of military and political forces in the region, but also radically changed the nature of trade and economic relations between Dagestan and Georgia. In this regard, the main attention is paid to the processes that began after the loss of Georgian statehood, when the border Dagestan communities tried to negotiate with the new authorities. Furthermore, the author reveals the policy of Dagestan feudal rulers, whom the unions of Dagestan communities saw as intermediaries in their relations with the Russian Empire. On the basis of numerous sources, both already published and identified by the author in the Central historical archive of Georgia, the article considers the most important events that took place in the region during the study period. According to the author, before the appointment of A. P. Ermolov to the Caucasus, St. Petersburg did not rush to assert its power there, content at first with "external signs of citizenship" of the highlanders. With the arrival of the latter, who pursued the policy on the well-known principle of "divide and conquer", the trade and economic blockade of the highlanders of Western Dagestan increased significantly, leading to their subsequent active participation in the people's liberation movement of the highlanders of the North-East Caucasus in the 20-50s' of the 19th century..
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Renshaw, Patrick. "Why Shouldn't a Union Man Be a Union Man? The ILGWU and FOUR." Journal of American Studies 29, no. 2 (August 1995): 185–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875800020818.
Full textAbstract:
Historians generally agree that in the 1950s and 1960s organized labour in the United States had become thoroughly bureaucratized. This is often explained as part of a general process of growth and maturity. In their lean, radical youth in the 1930s, those American unions which had launched the Congress of Industrial Organizations had aimed at two targets: to organize and bargain collectively, as promised by the 1935 National Labor Relations Act; and then to use this power to press for wider industrial democracy and social reform. By the time the CIO was reunited with the American Federation of Labor in 1955, this picture had been substantially changed. Increasingly labour cooperated with management and had become part of the white, male, liberal corporate power structure which ran the American capitalist industrial and political system. This military-industrial complex was the indispensable basis, not just for American prosperity but the whole Cold War strategy of containment of communism through the Pax Americana.