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Journal articles on the topic 'Militiamen'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 3 February 2022

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1

Harroff-Tavel, Marion. "Promoting norms to limit violence in crisis situations: challenges, strategies and alliances." International Review of the Red Cross 38, no. 322 (March 1998): 5–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020860400090732.

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In Somalia, a group of young actors, musicians and scriptwriters are working on a play which is to be produced, filmed and distributed in the form of a video throughout the country. One scene shows a young militiaman boasting of how he has terrorized the population and the reaction of the woman he loves. She evokes the suffering caused by his conduct and refuses to marry a man who has disregarded the code of honour of his clan. This creative work contains a message for young militiamen about the effect of unbridled violence on both its victims and its perpetrators.

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2

Andreieva, G. V. "The labor motivation of law enforcement officers as a management object in internal affairs agencies of Ukraine." Ukrainian society 27, no. 4 (December 30, 2008): 7–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/socium2008.04.007.

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The author proposes to realize the target motivative influence on militiamen as an important component of the process of management in Ukraine’s internal affairs agencies (IAA) and gives some recommendations about the peculiarities of its organization. The purposeful influence on the labor motivation of militiamen will allow one to coordinate personal purposes of an employee and the targets of IAA, to realize more completely the potential of each lawenforcement officer, to reveal and to eliminate the factors negatively affecting the attitude of militiamen to their work, and to prevent the domination of the enforced labor motivation.

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3

Churchill, Robert H. "Gun Regulation, the Police Power, and the Right to Keep Arms in Early America: The Legal Context of the Second Amendment." Law and History Review 25, no. 1 (2007): 139–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248000001085.

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On April 19, 1775, the town of Concord, Massachusetts was the scene of an interesting confrontation. After the militia of Concord and the surrounding towns had driven the British back from the North Bridge, some of the militiamen began to disperse. The wife of Nathan Barrett, captain of one of Concord's militia companies, spotted one of her husband's men skedaddling home. She went out of her house to confront him, and when he explained that he was feeling ill, she responded that he must not take his gun with him. When he replied simply, “Yes, I shall,” she exclaimed, “No, stop, I must have it.” The militiaman refused and began to walk off. Mrs. Barrett gave chase, but her quarry was too quick.

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4

Dorsey, Jennifer. "Conscription, Charity, and Citizenship in the Early Republic: The Shaker Campaign for Alternative Service." Church History 85, no. 1 (February 29, 2016): 140–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640715001389.

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The War of 1812 ignited a fierce debate in New York about the rights, duties, and responsibilities of citizens in wartime. Two counties in the Upper Hudson River Valley (Rensselaer and Columbia) openly revolted against Governor Daniel D. Tompkins's draft of local militiamen. In September 1812, opponents of the war met in a countywide assembly where they declared the federal draft of the New York militia an “assumption of power, unwarranted by the constitution, [and] dangerous to the rights and privileges of the good people of this state.” The assembly further resolved to defy the governor's detachment order, and as a result, less than a third of the 860 militiamen drafted from Columbia and Rensselaer Counties appeared at the designated rendezvous points. Within weeks, the governor convened the first of three courts-martial to prosecute militiamen “who failed, neglected or refused to obey the orders of the commander in Chief of the said State.” As late as 1818, the New York State legislature insisted upon making a “salutary example” of men who “disregard the voice of duty and the requisitions of law.”

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5

Minenko, Sergei, and Ekaterina Butorina. ""Militiamen Offered Their Whole Lives for Certification"." Statutes and Decisions 47, no. 1 (January 1, 2012): 64–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/rsd1061-0014470118.

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6

Barnett, Tracy L. "Mississippi "Milish": Militiamen in the Civil War." Civil War History 66, no. 4 (2020): 343–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cwh.2020.0052.

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7

Blackstock, Allan F. "‘A dangerous species of ally’: Orangeism and the Irish Yeomanry." Irish Historical Studies 30, no. 119 (May 1997): 393–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400013213.

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The Irish Yeomanry was a voluntary, part-time military force raised in 1796 for local law-and-order duties, with the potential for full military service during invasion or insurrection. It consisted of locally organised corps of up to 100 men serving under commissioned officers, paid, armed and equipped by government. The Irish Yeomanry and Orange Order are popularly associated to the extent of being semantically linked in songs: for example, one ballad claims that the Orangeman: Prays for peace, yet war will face,Should rebels congregate;Like the brave Orange YeomanryWho fought in Ninety-eight.The primary sources apparently corroborate this with much evidence of ostentatiously ‘Orange’ displays by yeomen. On 12 July 1797 eight Catholic Kerry militiamen were killed in Stewartstown, County Tyrone, in a brawl with yeomen and Orangemen after a militiaman seized an Orange cockade. At Hillsborough in October 1798 ‘a party of Yeoman Infantry (calling themselves Orangemen) beat a number of poor Papists out of the market’. Yet to automatically accept the received view on the ‘Orange yeomanry’ risks anachronistical determining cause by consequence.

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8

Abdullayev, Zafarbek. "PROBLEMS IN THE ACTIVITIES OF LAW ENFORCEMENT AGENCIES IN THE SYSTEM OF GOVERNANCE IN TURKESTAN (on the example of the Fergana regional police)." JOURNAL OF LOOK TO THE PAST 4, no. 1 (January 30, 2021): 41–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.26739/2181-9599-2021-1-7.

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This article discusses the activities of the police and the «Volunteer Police» in Turkestan in 1924, in particular in the Fergana region, the disruptions in their economic and financial supply, the reduction in the number of police, the allocation of funds and food security problems. It also provides information on the activities of the workers ‘and peasants’ militia in the early years of Soviet power, namely that there were two types of militiamen: state, mainly city militiamen, and volunteer militia. It is noted that the provision of police volunteers is the responsibility of the local population, which, in turn, has a certain «response» in the protection of law and order, the protection of state interests among the population.Index Terms: police, workers and peasants police, Soviet government, “Volunteer police”, supply, “Two weeks of aid”, army, Revolutionary Committee, Red Army, printing, illiteracy

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9

Enloe, Cynthia. "Closing Reflection: Militiamen Get Paid; Women Borrowers Get Beaten." Politics & Gender 11, no. 02 (June 2015): 435–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x15000161.

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10

Cashin, Edward J., and James M. Johnson. "Militiamen, Rangers, and Redcoats: The Military in Georgia, 1754-1776." Journal of American History 81, no. 3 (December 1994): 1288. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2081497.

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11

Dorokhov, Viacheslav G. "MISCONDUCT AND OFFENCE OF LAW AMONG SOVIET MILITIAMEN: 1953-1968." Scholarly Notes of Komsomolsk-na-Amure State Technical University 2, no. 15 (September 30, 2013): 74–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.17084/2013.iii-2(15).14.

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12

Searcy, Martha Condray, and James M. Johnson. "Militiamen, Rangers, and Redcoats: The Military in Georgia, 1754-1776." Journal of Southern History 61, no. 1 (February 1995): 121. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2211367.

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13

Booker, Jackie R. "Needed but Unwanted: Black Militiamen in Veracruz, Mexico, 1760–1810." Historian 55, no. 2 (December 1, 1992): 259–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-6563.1993.tb00895.x.

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14

Birdseye, Jim, and James M. Johnson. "Militiamen, Rangers, and Redcoats: The Military in Georgia, 1754-1776." Journal of Military History 61, no. 2 (April 1997): 370. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2953983.

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15

Tokarska-Bakir, Joanna. "Cries of the Mob in the Pogroms in Rzeszów (June 1945), Cracow (August 1945), and Kielce (July 1946) as a Source for the State of Mind of the Participants." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 25, no. 3 (July 11, 2011): 553–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325411398916.

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Although the starting point for all the Polish postwar pogroms (save for one) was a blood libel, this particular motif did not attract the historians’ attention until recently. Theories on plots devised by “Soviet advisors” or “Zionists” enjoyed an incomparably greater popularity. This article, based upon the documentation of the Rzeszów and Kielce pogroms, the most recent ethnographic resources (2005—2009), the documentation used in Marcel Łoziński’s documentary Świadkowie ( The Witnesses; made in 1980s), and an intensive search at the National Remembrance Institute (IPN), reveals a uniform social-mental formation of those partaking in the pogroms—the attackers and militiamen disciplining them, public prosecutors, and judges. All of them—including militiamen and Security Service officers—were subject to a blood libel suggestion. Traces of this thread have survived till this day in some segments of Polish society—not only in the countryside population, despite any appearances. This article aims at showing how an anti-Jewish alliance was getting formed in the first years after the liberation, on the grounds of a gradually strengthening “Polish national socialism,” and along with it, a synthesis of religious anti-Semitism (Jew as a “kidnapper/bloodsucker”) and a modern anti-Semitism (Jew as a “capitalist/bloodsucker” and “Judeo-communists” contaminating a sound national/party organism).

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16

Garrigus, John D. "Vincent OGé Jeune (1757-91): Social Class and Free Colored Mobilization on the Eve of the Haitian Revolution." Americas 68, no. 01 (July 2011): 33–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500000699.

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Vincent Ogé jeune (the younger) was one of the wealthiest free men of color in Saint-Domingue, but his behavior in the year before the Haitian revolution (1791-1804) was a puzzling anomaly. Returning to the colony from Paris in October 1790, Ogé quickly emerged at the head of a group of free colored militiamen demanding voting rights. Colonists labeled this a “revolt” and four months later they executed Ogé and three of his colleagues, breaking their bodies bone by bone in a public square and mounting their severed heads on posts.

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Garrigus, John D. "Vincent OGé Jeune (1757-91): Social Class and Free Colored Mobilization on the Eve of the Haitian Revolution." Americas 68, no. 1 (July 2011): 33–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2011.0078.

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Vincent Ogé jeune (the younger) was one of the wealthiest free men of color in Saint-Domingue, but his behavior in the year before the Haitian revolution (1791-1804) was a puzzling anomaly. Returning to the colony from Paris in October 1790, Ogé quickly emerged at the head of a group of free colored militiamen demanding voting rights. Colonists labeled this a “revolt” and four months later they executed Ogé and three of his colleagues, breaking their bodies bone by bone in a public square and mounting their severed heads on posts.

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18

Mazurkiewicz, Adam. "Modny „pan władza”. O strojach funkcjonariuszy MO w polskiej powieści milicyjnej lat 1956–1989." Literatura i Kultura Popularna 25 (July 28, 2020): 339–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/0867-7441.25.19.

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Creation of the militiaman — treated as a representative figure for the specific type of literary character typical for militia literature — was functionalised in such a way to present militiamen as heroes on and off duty. This is why they used their inconspicuous appearance as a “weapon” for fighting against criminals. The worldly gentleman allowed the creation of the image of an “ideal mil-itiaman”. These two strategies were supposed to evoke trust towards the investigative and policing organs, overused during the Stalinist period. In that way, “the supermen in blue uniforms” (a term created by Stanisław Barańczak) (re)gained their humanity becoming appealing to the readers; all in compliance with the ideological premises, however, due to different reasons than the national policymakers wished. Thus, the reconfigurations of the image of the militia official in “neo-militia literature”, having a demystifying tone, show to what extent the image created by the writers of militia literature remained artistically prominent. However, nowadays not only this demystifying notion, but also militia literature is regaining its popularity, the proof being the activity of its readers on the internet. The reason why these stories — very often full of propaganda — are interesting for readers may be their documentary values. It seems, however, that it is especially the depiction of the heroes perceived not as represent-atives of the policy, but as single units coping with the everyday struggles of living in the PRL (The Polish People’s Republic), that has the greatest influence on the popularity of this genre.

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19

Gamzatova, Venera. "Dagestan Militiamen Who Have Failed Recertification Declare That Their Rights Have Been Violated." Statutes and Decisions 47, no. 1 (January 1, 2012): 52–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/rsd1061-0014470114.

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20

Steinert, Christoph V., Janina I. Steinert, and Sabine C. Carey. "Spoilers of peace: Pro-government militias as risk factors for conflict recurrence." Journal of Peace Research 56, no. 2 (October 24, 2018): 249–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343318800524.

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This study investigates how deployment of pro-government militias (PGMs) as counterinsurgents affects the risk of conflict recurrence. Militiamen derive material and non-material benefits from fighting in armed conflicts. Since these will likely have diminished after the conflict’s termination, militiamen develop a strong incentive to spoil post-conflict peace. Members of pro-government militias are particularly disadvantaged in post-conflict contexts compared to their role in the government’s counterinsurgency campaign. First, PGMs are usually not present in peace negotiations between rebels and governments. This reduces their commitment to peace agreements. Second, disarmament and reintegration programs tend to exclude PGMs, which lowers their expected and real benefits from peace. Third, PGMs might lose their advantage of pursuing personal interests while being protected by the government, as they become less essential during peacetimes. To empirically test whether conflicts with PGMs as counterinsurgents are more likely to break out again, we identify PGM counterinsurgent activities in conflict episodes between 1981 and 2007. We code whether the same PGM was active in a subsequent conflict between the same actors. Controlling for conflict types, which is associated with both the likelihood of deploying PGMs and the risk of conflict recurrence, we investigate our claims with propensity score matching, statistical simulation, and logistic regression models. The results support our expectation that conflicts in which pro-government militias were used as counterinsurgents are more likely to recur. Our study contributes to an improved understanding of the long-term consequences of employing PGMs as counterinsurgents and highlights the importance of considering non-state actors when crafting peace and evaluating the risk of renewed violence.

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21

Tanner, Samuel. "The mass crimes in the former Yugoslavia: participation, punishment and prevention?" International Review of the Red Cross 90, no. 870 (June 2008): 273–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383108000295.

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AbstractThis article discusses sanctions for and the prevention of mass violence. But rather than take a classic approach centred on statutory players such as soldiers, officers or political leaders, all of them acting within a legal chain of command, I focus on non-state perpetrators. My reflections are based on case studies of four former Serbian militiamen who took part in mass violence in the former Yugoslavia. I argue that it is of the utmost importance to consider the typical grass-roots relationship between these local players and their own community, so as to maximize the effect of sanctions and perhaps prevent further offences by potential future perpetrators.

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22

Płotek, Marcin. "Citizens’ militia officers in the prosecutors’ assessment in Olsztyn’s Court of Appeal." Masuro-⁠Warmian Bulletin 292, no. 2 (August 2, 2016): 227–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.51974/kmw-135019.

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The relations between the prosecutors in Olsztyn’s Court of Appeal to information deriving from the public administration, are an interesting source for understanding socio-economic and political development in the first years after the War in Warmia and Mazury. This article presents the activities of the militia from Olsztyn province and several counties belonging to the province of Białystok. The opinion of the prosecutors of Olsztyn’s Court of Appeal concerning the attitudes of officers, their morale, level of education and training for service are presented. Alongside the opinions of the prosecutors concerning the functionaries, especially from the investigate division, the outlook of judges regarding the activities of the militiamen and their mistakes is presented.

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23

Barry M. Stentiford. "A Rabble in Arms: Massachusetts Towns and Militiamen during King Philip’s War (review)." Journal of Military History 73, no. 4 (2009): 1320–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jmh.0.0409.

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24

Tanner, Samuel. "Political Opportunities and Local Contingencies in Mass Crime Participation: Personal Experiences by Former Serbian Militiamen." Global Crime 8, no. 2 (May 2007): 152–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17440570701362273.

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25

Longley, Kyle. "Peaceful Costa Rica, The First Battleground: The United States and the Costa Rican Revolution of 1948." Americas 50, no. 2 (October 1993): 149–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007137.

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In February 1948 a spirited presidential race sparked a political powderkeg in normally tranquil Costa Rica. The opposition candidate, Otilio Ulate, unexpectedly defeated former president Rafael Angel Calderón. Calderón's National Republican Party, the Communist Partido Vanguardia Popular (Vanguard), along with incumbent President Teodoro Picado immediately overturned the results. The opposition responded by launching an armed struggle to install Ulate in power. Led by José Figueres, the rebels defeated the government army and its auxiliaries composed primarily of calderonista and vanguardista militiamen. In late April Figueres victoriously entered San José and established a revolutionary junta that ruled the country for eighteen months. At the end of this period, he stepped down and allowed Ulate to serve his full four-year term.

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26

Лисейцев, Д. В. "Костромские “выборные дети боярские” в 1612-1618 гг.: провинциальное дворянство на исходе Смуты." Canadian–American Slavic Studies 47, no. 3 (2013): 333–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22102396-04703009.

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This article is devoted to changes that took place during the final stage of the Time of Troubles (1612-1618) at the top of the Kostroma provincial nobility – among vybornye deti boiarskie. By studying the collective biography of the Kostroma nobility of this category, it can be concluded that during the Troubles the top layer of the provincial nobility received a unique opportunity to enhance their own welfare and to have more successful careers. At the beginning of the XVII century the Kostroma district ceased to be a place of exile for proscribed nobles, due to which local noble families received an opportunity to lead the gentry militiamen of their district and to promote their own representatives at the Sovereign’s court (Gosudarev dvor).

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27

Mbakem, Evarist Anu. "Population Displacement and Sustainable Development: The Significance of Environmental Sustainability in Refugee–Host Relationships in the Congo−Brazzaville Crises." Journal of Asian and African Studies 52, no. 3 (July 31, 2015): 363–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909615594306.

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The Republic of Congo experienced repeated outbreaks of armed conflicts between militiamen affiliated to three main political factions, which affected the socioeconomic fabrics of the Congolese society until late 2000. This paper examines the socioeconomic and environmental impact of interactions between the local population and forcibly displaced people from an environmental sustainability perspective. The findings hold that the impact of repeated political violence and associated livelihoods insecurity escalated resentment towards refugees regarded by some members of the local population as scroungers, despite their visible contribution toward innovative community projects. It is also shown here that although refugees’ livelihoods initiatives were environmentally sustainable, institutional disregard and misrepresentations enhanced misleading interpretations and subjectivities. It is proposed therefore that environmental sustainability is one of the key ingredients in refugee−host relations.

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28

Olaszek, Jan. "Jan Walc – Od kultury oficjalnej do kultury niezależnej." Studia Interkulturowe Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 12 (November 15, 2019): 156–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.5621.

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Jan Walc was a character with rich achievements, and at the same time colorful and interesting. He was a critic who writes about Tadeusz Konwicki and Adam Mickiewicz, secretary of Jaroslaw Iwaszkiewicz ordering his archives and at the same time one of the most severe critics of his attitude, teacher, a co-worker of weeklies “Polityka” and “Kultura”, and finally – a longtime activist of the democratic opposition and a leading publicist and printer of the second circulation in the PRL. The above calculation itself shows the originality of this character, today almost completely forgotten. In his texts he critisised party activists, militiamen, prosecutors, luminaries of Polish literature, democratic opposition leaders, former and current colleagues, and even his daughter’s teachers. In the talk I will want to show the Jan Walc’s way to participate in independent publishing movement and his role in this phenomenon.

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29

Woods, Denise. "Good Guys, Bad Guys: Images of the Australian Soldier in East Timor." Media International Australia 98, no. 1 (February 2001): 143–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0109800115.

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It is said that pictures tell a thousand words, but to Malaysian Prime Minister Dr Mahathir, the images of Australian soldiers pointing guns at suspected militiamen in East Timor made one word stand out: ‘belligerent’. Images that meant one thing in Australia represented quite different and often opposite meanings in Southeast Asia. In the Australian press, the Australian soldiers were constructed as ‘the good guys’ helping out a neighbouring country in trouble. The press in some Southeast Asian countries told quite a different story — that of the Australian soldiers as intimidating and therefore the ‘bad guys’ of the region. Through a textual analysis of these images, this paper examines the ways in which the Australian soldiers have been represented in the press in Southeast Asia. This paper also discusses the role the reading of these images played in negotiating Australia's role in East Timor and the region.

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Patrick M. Tucker and Laurel E. Heyman. "Welcome to Hard Times: Two French Merchants and Militiamen in the Detroit River Region During the War of 1812." Michigan Historical Review 38, no. 1 (2012): 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.5342/michhistrevi.38.1.0053.

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Patrick M. Tucker and Laurel E. Heyman. "Welcome to Hard Times: Two French Merchants and Militiamen in the Detroit River Region During the War of 1812." Michigan Historical Review 38, no. 1 (2012): 53–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mhr.2012.0021.

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32

Witwer, David. "Labor and the New Millennium: Class, Vision, and Change. The Twenty-second North American Labor History Conference." International Labor and Working-Class History 60 (October 2001): 215–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547901254520.

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On October 19–21, 2000, scholars gathered for this annual labor history conference at Wayne State University in Detroit, this year focusing on the issues confronting working people in the so-called new economy. Globalization, growing corporate power, the need for diverse working populations to form effective alliances—all of these issues provided the context in which historians and other scholars presented and discussed a range of papers. Over the course of three days, sessions approached these issues from a number of different directions. While some panels explored the ways in which past labor struggles prefigured current dilemmas, others focused on the very recent. A third group of papers approached these issues by debating changes in methodology that would create a history of working people more responsive to the current dilemmas and more reflective of the past experiences of working people. These themes, however, did not impose any straitjacket on the proceedings. With over sixty-five formal papers and presentations, the conference provided a rich assortment of subjects, from papers offering a comparative perspective on slave labor to a profile of strikebreaking state militiamen in turn-of-the-nineteenth-century Colorado.

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33

Salvatore, Ricardo D. "Stunting Rates in a Food-Rich Country: The Argentine Pampas from the 1850s to the 1950s." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 17, no. 21 (October 25, 2020): 7806. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph17217806.

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Little is known about the effects of malnutrition rates in the long-run. Applying the methodology recommended by the World Health Organization, this study estimates stunting rates for Argentine adult males from the 1850s to the 1950s. We use five large samples of army recruits, prison inmates, militiamen, and electoral records totaling 84,500 cases. These samples provide information about height in Buenos Aires province and the Pampa region, the most fertile, food-producing area of the country. As the study shows, estimated stunting rates remained stable from the 1850s to the 1880s and then declined persistently until the 1950s. The total decline was substantial: if fell from 15.3% in the 1870s to 5.6% in the 1940s, then stagnated. In this 95-year period, stunting rates went from “medium” to “low” levels in the WHO classification of malnutrition intensity. At the end of our study period (the 1950s) the Pampa’s malnutrition rate was only 3.5 to 4 percentage points above contemporary estimates for well-developed economies in Europe and North America. A significant expansion in the region’s production of grains and beef (food availability), combined with a sustained decline in infant mortality (increased health) were probably the two main underlying factors of this long-tern reduction in malnutrition. Yet, this association remains to be determined.

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34

Laurie, Bruce. "Paul Foos, A Short, Offhand, Killing Affair: Soldiers and Social Conflict During the Mexican-American War. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2002. 223 pp. $49.95 cloth; $18.95 paper." International Labor and Working-Class History 65 (April 2004): 221–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547904400131.

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In this book, Paul Foos seeks to rescue the Mexican-American War from its status as a forgotten war, a status it has long shared with the Korean War. His approach is in keeping with recent work on the history of war from the perspective of the ordinary soldier, the regulars and militiamen who did the fighting at the front, not from the perspective of the generals. He thus mines a rich and fruitful seam of first person accounts written by soldiers themselves in the form of letters and memoirs long overlooked by historians. He seeks to correct two standard interpretations of the war. One of these, in the triumphalist tradition, interprets the conflict as a limited war that reflected and unleashed American “nationalism;” the other sees it as a victory for moralistic political elites who rescued the nation from the reckless expansionism of Southern extremists by limiting the acquisition of Mexican land in the final settlement. Both interpretations—and the second in particular—spotlight the leading men, insisting it was a war that the “masses” did not “understand, nor did they care” (9). Readers of this lively and eye-opening book are unlikely to put much credence in the received wisdom.

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35

McEnroe, Sean F. "SITES OF DIPLOMACY, VIOLENCE, AND REFUGE: Topography and Negotiation in the Mountains of New Spain." Americas 69, no. 02 (October 2012): 179–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000316150000198x.

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Through much of the history of the Americas, political life took place in two spheres: the colonial realm, in which a complex population of Indians, Africans, and Iberians interacted within the civic framework of European institutions; and the extra-colonial realm, in which largely indigenous populations beyond the reach of imperial authority maintained separate political systems. Encounters across this divide were sometimes peaceful and symbiotic, but at other times violent. Many historical discussions of interethnic conflict presume a general and persistent difference in power between these two groups. On Mexico's northern frontier of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, however, the relative advantage enjoyed by colonial versus extra-colonial peoples shifted radically depending on the moment and place of encounter. This article proposes that differences in topography and ecology, often between places not far removed in absolute distance, produced inversions in the relative power enjoyed by indigenous and settler populations. The cultivation of maize was common to the refuge zones of settlers and northern Indians alike: unassimilated Indian bands concealed and protected their crops in difficult-to-find mountain valleys; settler communities, both Spanish and Indian, protected crops close to their respective concentrations of population and militiamen. Both colonial and extra-colonial peoples subsisted on cattle, and the demand for vast pasture spaces produced inevitable conflict. Thus, the geography of the north produced areas of security and vulnerability for all parties.

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McEnroe, Sean F. "SITES OF DIPLOMACY, VIOLENCE, AND REFUGE: Topography and Negotiation in the Mountains of New Spain." Americas 69, no. 2 (October 2012): 179–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2012.0094.

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Through much of the history of the Americas, political life took place in two spheres: the colonial realm, in which a complex population of Indians, Africans, and Iberians interacted within the civic framework of European institutions; and the extra-colonial realm, in which largely indigenous populations beyond the reach of imperial authority maintained separate political systems. Encounters across this divide were sometimes peaceful and symbiotic, but at other times violent. Many historical discussions of interethnic conflict presume a general and persistent difference in power between these two groups. On Mexico's northern frontier of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, however, the relative advantage enjoyed by colonial versus extra-colonial peoples shifted radically depending on the moment and place of encounter. This article proposes that differences in topography and ecology, often between places not far removed in absolute distance, produced inversions in the relative power enjoyed by indigenous and settler populations. The cultivation of maize was common to the refuge zones of settlers and northern Indians alike: unassimilated Indian bands concealed and protected their crops in difficult-to-find mountain valleys; settler communities, both Spanish and Indian, protected crops close to their respective concentrations of population and militiamen. Both colonial and extra-colonial peoples subsisted on cattle, and the demand for vast pasture spaces produced inevitable conflict. Thus, the geography of the north produced areas of security and vulnerability for all parties.

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Połaniecka, Agnieszka, and Anna Błaszkowska. "Determinants of the Evolution of Physical Culture in the Koszalin Region in 1945−1950." Physical education, sport and health culture in modern society, no. 4(48) (December 30, 2019): 38–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.29038/2220-7481-2019-04-38-45.

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In the first post-war years, in the Koszalin region there was a multi-million migration related to the settlement of the so-called Recovered Territories. Rapid development and settlement of the largest number of Poles in the area became one of the most important tasks after the end of hostilities. It should be noted that the population that came to the so-called The Recovered Territories, built from scratch, living conditions and certain areas of social life, including cultural and sporting life. Among the settlers who arrived in Koszalin, there were pre-war sports activists, players, members of associations and clubs who, apart from professional activities, took up the organization of sport. In a new, uneasy situation, Poles’ environments organized their cultural and sporting lives without closing to the emerging and mixed communities. The first organizational units of physical culture in Central Pomerania were sports clubs, which primarily formed at selected professional groups, the most active were groups of railwaymen, militiamen and craftsmen. Sport in this area was more than just competition or “fun for the body and soul”, it also served to integrate the settled population. This applied not only to rivals competing with each other, but also fans watching sporting events, which became a way of spending time and an opportunity to celebrate together. Not only, however, they also influenced the formation of social bonds. Cooperative works for the development of sport formed the foundation of a new social life.

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Passell, Josh. "New patriot games." Index on Censorship 24, no. 5 (September 1995): 114–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030642209502400524.

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When I returned to the United States after four years in England, I felt as if the country had shifted under my feet. Remember 1991? George Bush was triumphantly concluding the Gulf War and seemed electorally invincible; Bill Clinton was stumbling in the early primaries; no-one had heard of Clarence Thomas or Anita Hill; Waco was just another town in Texas; OJ was still married. Don't worry about the far right, I would say with the confidence and accuracy of a BBC meteorologist, they've always been there, and periodically they reappear to scare us. I would cite The Order, Posse Comitatus, or Aryan Nation as the Michigan Militia of their time. Then Waco happened, and I was stunned. Then Oklahoma City happened, and I was aghast. Politicians have been ‘running against Washington’ and voters ‘throwing the bums out’ for as long as I can remember. The rise of cults, militias, and other extremists is something very different with little relation to left or right, Republican or Democrat. With militiamen spouting hate and calling it love, with ‘patriots’ taking up arms against the government, with religious zealots dying in infernos, one might justifiably ask what else is at hand. Where is America now? Ask another American and you'd get another answer, but here's mine: America is at (or near) a place where I cannot burn the nation's flag and call it legal protest, but the Ku Klux Klan can burn a cross in a public space and call it religion. If I feel a little unsteady on my feet, I guess I haven't regained my land legs yet.

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Frolova, Marina M. "Forward Detachment of Lieutenant General Iosif V. Gurko in Eski-Zagra in July 1877 (As Remembered by the Russian-Turkish War of 1877–1878 Participants)." Slavic World in the Third Millennium 15, no. 1-2 (2020): 21–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2412-6446.2020.15.1-2.02.

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This article reveals the circumstances of the presence of the Forward detachment of Lieu- tenant General Iosif V. Gurko in the city of Eski-Zagra (now Stara-Zagora) (July 10–19, 1877) and recreates a multifaceted panorama of contacts between soldiers, ofﬁ cers, and the city’s inhabitants. The article is based on published sources (many facts from which are ﬁ rst introduced here). The Forward detachment, which included the Bulgarian militia, was solemnly met in Eski-Zagra. Russian ofﬁ cers contributed to the organization of the city council, police, gendarmerie, and hospitals. For their part, the Bulgarians provided broad assistance to the Russians (in baked bread preparation, sale of food to the troops and fodder for the cavalry, as well as the delivery of information about the Turkish troops). The city managed to suppress the outbreaks of mutual hatred between Christians and Muslims, but in the surrounding district the Bulgarians slaughtered and plundered the Muslim population, burning houses and villages. The defeat at Plevna did not allow the command of the Danube army to send reinforcements to General Gurko. A small detachment left in Eski-Zagra had to ﬁ ght the superior forces of Suleiman Pasha and retreat to Kazanlak. During the battle, armed citizens stayed behind the Russian reserves and, at critical moments, despite their previous statements, chose to escape and not to support their compatriot militiamen. A terrible fate — the revenge of Muslims — was expected by the residents — Bulgarians and wounded soldiers who could not manage to leave the city. Russian ofﬁ cers, noting the positive qualities of the Bulgarian character, predicted an enviable future for the nation after its release from power of the Turks.

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Drake, James D. "A Rabble in Arms: Massachusetts Towns and Militiamen during King Philip's War. By Kyle F. Zelner. (New York: New York University Press, 2009. Pp. xvi, 325. $50.00 cloth.)." New England Quarterly 82, no. 4 (December 2009): 727–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/tneq.2009.82.4.727.

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Wood, James A. "The Burden of Citizenship: Artisans, Elections, and the Fuero Militar in Santiago de Chile, 1822-1851." Americas 58, no. 3 (January 2002): 443–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2002.0030.

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On December 13, 1845 the recently founded Santiago newspaper El Artesano Opositor (The Opposition Artisan) published a letter submitted by “twenty artisan friends of Cerda.” The letter related the tragic case of José Agustin Cerda, a young tailor, soldier in the civic militia, and member of an electoral association called the Sociedad de Artesanos de Caupolicán (Caupolicán Artisans Society), who had been arrested on November 12 by the city's military prosecutor on the charge that he was involved in an anti-government “conspiracy.” Claiming innocence, Cerda, according to his companions, denied his involvement in the alleged conspiracy “with noble arrogance.” As a result he was locked in iron shackles in a military prison, causing his legs to swell up and his illness-weakened lungs to struggle for air. A follow-up article in the newspaper announced that Cerda was still being held in that “unjust and inhumane” condition two months later, along with several other city residents who were linked to the electoral associations of the liberal opposition in Santiago. While the outraged authors of the letter to El Artesano Opositor singled out the Cerda case for its malicious effects on their friend, they clearly saw the incident as part of a larger problem: the routine and systematic mistreatment of all artisan militiamen by the conservative governing regime. Not content simply to demand the release of their colleague, the “friends of Cerda” demanded the complete reform of a political system that denigrated the honor, dignity, and patriotism of all the city's artisans. “Understand,” continued the letter in a provocative flourish, “that by attacking the innocent life of Cerda you attack the lives of all the artisans of the Republic.” “We should expect more,” it concluded solemnly, “from the men we elevate with our votes, defend with our blood, and maintain with our sweat and labor.”

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Iuliia, Pavlova, Andriy Andres, Tetiana Dukh, Valeriy Kryzhanovsky, and Vadym Shvets. "Сurrent state of the organization of physical training cadets of higher education institutions of internal affairs." Scientific Journal of National Pedagogical Dragomanov University. Series 15. Scientific and pedagogical problems of physical culture (physical culture and sports), no. 3(133) (March 22, 2021): 95–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.31392/npu-nc.series15.2021.3(133).19.

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The purpose of the study to summarize the experience of modern methods of organizing physical training of law enforcement officers and criteria for assessing physical fitness for joining the police. Results. The article considers topical issues related to the organization of physical training of cadets of higher education institutions of internal affairs bodies. Relevant areas for improving the process of psychophysical readiness are the use of priority sports, increasing the adaptation of freshmen to specific learning conditions, the use of pedagogical technologies, the introduction of new technologies for assessing the physical fitness of cadets and methods of physical training taking into account climatic and geographical conditions. Having conducted a detailed analysis of the state of organization of physical training of police cadets, the negative dynamics of physical training of cadets was established. In senior courses, the level of physical fitness decreases. The results of the scientific research confirm that the physical fitness of more than 40% of entrants is low, there is no motivation to improve their physical capabilities. Only 19.1% of respondents are satisfied with their physical shape. The experience of law enforcement shows that the underestimation of the importance of psychophysical readiness of personnel leads to injuries and wounds of law enforcement officers during the performance of official duties. The modern tendencies of improvement of physical training of police, and necessary conditions for development of professionally important physical qualities of militiamen are studied. A comparative analysis of Ukrainian and foreign experience of professional selection and evaluation criteria of physical fitness to law enforcement agencies. Conclusions. It was found that the priority issues that need to be addressed are the provision of favorable conditions for adaptation of freshmen to specific learning conditions, revision of criteria for assessing physical fitness, professional selection and the need to develop differentiated programs for psychophysical fitness of cadets.

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Bayramova, Rakhshanda. "Change of government in the Guba region of Azerbaijan and its tragic consequences (1920-1921)." Grani 23, no. 9 (October 28, 2020): 83–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/172086.

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One of the steps taken by the new government in the political sphere was the abolition of the former national army. On May 7, the Revolutionary Committee of Azerbaijan decided to reorganize the army and navy. According to the decision, the new Azerbaijani army and navy were, in fact, created as part of the Red Army of Soviet Russia. Azerbaijani military units were directly subordinated to the commander of the XI Red Army, and warships to the command of the Caspian fleet. Thus, from the first months of its existence, the Soviet Republic of Azerbaijan "voluntarily" renounced the right to have an armed force, which is one of the important conditions of statehood. the Soviet authorities and the 11th Army were accused of open looting in Azerbaijan under the name of "confiscation of the property of the bourgeoisie." After the establishment of Soviet power in Guba, the old system of administrative management was completely abolished and a new administrative system - the Soviet system - was established. The article "Change of government in the Guba region of Azerbaijan and its tragic consequences" concerns the issue about the reactivation of the Armenians in Karabakh and Zangazur, the Azerbaijani army units defending the northern border – Guba. The paper was dedicated to the situation in the militia system improved relatively in the late 1920s. Tha aim of the study is to determine conditions the formation of new government structures in remote villages continued until mid-1921 under the influence of a number of factors. In this context, issues of the Communist newspaper were first listed, number of militiamen in the Guba district was determined, avtivities to increase technical training, communist centers, people`s attitude towards the militia were analyzed. This analysis was conducted with the study of the sources related to the subject, the analysis of the results obtained, the analysis and synthesis of the arguments, and also the comparative analysis method.

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44

Ranlet, P. "A Rabble in Arms: Massachusetts Towns and Militiamen during King Philip's War. By Kyle F. Zelner. (New York: New York University Press, 2009. xvi, 324 pp. $50.00, ISBN 978-0-8147-9718-1.)." Journal of American History 96, no. 4 (March 1, 2010): 1156–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/96.4.1156.

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45

Zayats, B. R. "HISTORICAL EXPERIENCE OF PREVENTING CORRUPTION IN THE ANCIENT WORLD AND ITS IMPORTANCE FOR ANTI-CORRUPTION ACTIVITY IN UKRAINE." Legal horizons, no. 18 (2019): 7–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/legalhorizons.2019.i18.p7.

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The activities of the militia in 1947 had its own peculiarities. This is, firstly, post-war devastation, which has reached enormous proportions. Secondly, it was the 1946-1947 famine in Ukraine, that had the worst results in the first half of 1947. Thirdly, it a post-war morally-psychological situation in society is a habit to violence and application of weapon. Fourthly, a negative influence on counteraction to criminality was the abolition of death punishment in May in 1947. Fifthly, in 1947 there is the strengthening of the general repressiveness of the totalitarian regime in Ukraine, due to the return to the leadership of L.M.Kahanovych. Sixth, 1947 was the peak of the increase of criminality in the post-war years. Seventh, on December, 14 in 1947 by a government resolution was accepted «About realization of monetary reform and about the abolition of cards on food and industrial stuff». The basic activity of militia, related to this event, came true already in 1948, that is why we examine the beginning of this work only. The review of literature testifies that a scientific problem is given is investigational not enough. The novelty of the article consists in that in her basic work of militia assignments are first studied in this certain historical period - 1947р., a question is complemented about the influence of structural changes in the organization of militia of Ukrainian SSR on counteraction to criminality. There was a reorganized control system of criminal search in these years, increase her basilar links and the number of skilled staff increased. In 1947 from the Ministry of Internal Affairs to the Ministry of State Security were transferred departments to combat banditry. At the offices of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, there were organized special departments to combat speculation. Militiamen of Ukraine in these years in majority honestly carried out the duties. But legality and discipline in a militia remained at an insufficient level. A militia did not succeed to be obtained an improvement of the criminogenic situation - the crime in this year grew. Need a further study activity of militia in relation to counteraction to hooliganism in an indicated period and the work of district militia officers. Keywords: Ukraine, 1947, militia, Ministry of Internal Affairs, counteraction of criminality

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46

Bortnik, S. M., and V. A. Grechenko. "ORGANIZAION AND ACTIVITY OF MILITIA IN THE UKRAINIAN SSR IN 1947: BASIC ASPECTS." Legal horizons, no. 17 (2019): 7–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/legalhorizons.2019.i17.p7.

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The activities of the militia in 1947 had their own peculiarities. This is, firstly, postwar devastation, which has reached enormous proportions. Secondly, it was the 1946-1947 famine in Ukraine, that had the worst results in the first half of 1947. Thirdly, it a post-war morally-psychological situation in society is a habit to violence and application of weapon. Fourthly, a negative influence on counteraction to criminality was the abolition of death punishment in May in 1947. Fifthly, in 1947 there is the strengthening of the general repressiveness of the totalitarian regime in Ukraine, due to the return to the leadership of L.M.Kahanovych. Sixth, 1947 was the peak of the increase of criminality in the post-war years. Seventh, on December, 14 in 1947 by a government resolution was accepted «About realization of monetary reform and about the abolition of cards on food and industrial stuff». The basic activity of militia, related to this event, came true already in 1948, that is why we examine the beginning of this work only. The review of literature testifies that a scientific problem is given is investigational not enough. The novelty of the article consists in that in her basic work of militia assignments are first studied in this certain historical period – 1947р., a question is complemented about the influence of structural changes in the organization of militia of Ukrainian SSR on counteraction to criminality. There was a reorganized control system of criminal search in these years, increase her basilar links and the number of skilled staff increased. In 1947 from the Ministry of Internal Affairs to the Ministry of State Security were transferred departments to combat banditry. At the offices of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, there were organized special departments to combat speculation. Militiamen of Ukraine in these years in majority honestly carried out the duties. But legality and discipline in a militia remained at an insufficient level. A militia did not succeed to be obtained an improvement of the criminogenic situation – the crime in this year grew. Need a further study activity of militia in relation to counteraction to hooliganism in an indicated period and the work of district militia officers. Keywords: Ukraine, 1947, militia, Ministry of Internal Affairs, counteraction of criminality.

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47

Welwei, Karl-Wilhelm. "Jörg Rüpke, Domi militiae." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte. Romanistische Abteilung 109, no. 1 (August 1, 1992): 617–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgra.1992.109.1.617.

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48

Najib Hourani. "The Militiaman Icon: Cinema, Memory, and the Lebanese Civil Wars." CR: The New Centennial Review 8, no. 2 (2008): 287–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ncr.0.0028.

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49

Haas, Philip. "»Si vis societatem para ad militiam.«." Militaergeschichtliche Zeitschrift 75, no. 1 (May 1, 2016): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mgzs-2016-0001.

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50

Morshed, Aliakbar, and Parviz Mohit. "Cystic angiomatosis of the skull presenting with extradural pneumocephalus." Journal of Neurosurgery 72, no. 6 (June 1990): 968–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.3171/jns.1990.72.6.0968.

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✓ The case is reported of a 40-year-old militiaman who presented 4 days after a blast injury with a huge swelling of the scalp. The bulge was determined to be an air mass collected extradurally via lysis of the air cells of the mastoid bone. Pathological study of the resected bones revealed cystic angiomatosis. The unusual clinical presentation, as well as the rarity of the pathological findings, prompted this report.

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