Relevant bibliographies by topics / Miners' Strike, 1920

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters

Academic literature on the topic 'Miners' Strike, 1920'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 15 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Miners' Strike, 1920"

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THORPE, ANDREW. "THE MEMBERSHIP OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF GREAT BRITAIN, 1920–1945." Historical Journal 43, no. 3 (September 2000): 777–800. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x99001181.

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The opening of archives in recent years makes it possible to reassess the membership of the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) before 1945. The revised aggregate figures, while not startling, suggest that revisions to established views of the effects of the General Strike, the shift to the ‘new line’ and the popular front, are in order. The party's membership was very predominantly male, tended to be young, often included a high proportion of unemployed people, and was heavily working class, with miners especially significant. Geographically, its membership was dominated for most of the period by London, Scotland, Lancashire, and South Wales. There was also a very high turnover of membership for much of the period. The reasons for this turnover, and explanations for the circumstances in which the party was best able to recruit, are discussed. Over time the party's membership did become less unrepresentative of Britain as a whole, enabling it to become an organic, if minor, part of British political life. CPGB membership patterns have similarities with those of other Western Communist parties and its predecessor organizations in Britain, showing how the CPGB reflected features of both international Communism and the British left.
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Bećirović, Denis. "Contribution to Research of the position and activity of Labour movements in Bosnia and Herzegovina since the end of the First World War until the beginning of the Husin Rebellion." Historijski pogledi 4, no. 5 (May 31, 2021): 87–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.5.87.

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Based on archival material and relevant literature, this text analyses and presents the activities of the labour movement in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the first years after the end of the First World War. During this period, the struggle for workers'rights, mostly through strike actions, resulted, among other things, in an increase in wages, the introduction of eight-hour working days in most companies, the exercise of the right to elect workers' commissioners and trade unions. The workers managed to get other benefits related to the economic position of the workers, such as retail co-operatives, apartments, assistance in purchasing work suits, etc. Workers' representatives fought for a radically better position and a new place in society. In addition to eight-hour working days, higher wages and other demands to improve the material position of workers, strikes against the political disenfranchisement of workers were conducted during this period, as well as for political freedoms and democratisation of political life in the country. During 1919 and 1920, several strikes about pay were organised by miners, construction workers and metalworkers in the forest industry, catering workers and employees in Sarajevo, Tuzla, Bijeljina, Brčko, Zenica, Breza, Mostar, Zavidovići, Dobrljin, Lješljani, Maslovarama and Rogatica. It was part of over 125 strikes by workers in Bosnia and Herzegovina during the period of legal activity of the Socialist Labour Party of Yugoslavia (SLPY) (c), i.e. the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (CPY) and its close trade unions. At the initiative of the SLPY (c) and united syndicates, public political assemblies were organised in Sarajevo, Tuzla, Zenica, Mostar, Brčko, Derventa, Vareš and Drvar, at which demands were put forward to dissolve the authorities, and organise democratic elections for the Constituent Assembly and demobilise the army. The aggravation of the political situation in the first post-war years was noticeable in many local communities in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In a number of cities in Bosnia and Herzegovina, there were physical confrontations between workers and security bodies of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. One such example occurred, in Zenica in mid-October 1920, when police banned the Communists' attempt to hold an assembly despite a previously imposed ban. On that occasion, the gathered mass of 2,500 workers refused to disperse and demanded that the assembly be held. After the police and the gendarmerie tried to disperse the gathered workers, there was open conflict. Workers threw stones at security officials, and they responded by firing firearms. The rally was eventually broken up, one worker was wounded and twelve workers were hurt during a clash with police. Owing to the increasing engagement of workers' representatives, the political situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina worsened. It was not uncommon to have open conflicts between workers and government officials. After the collapse of the Husino uprising, the position of workers deteriorated. Also, this paper discusses the impact of the revolutions in Eastern and Central Europe on the labour movement in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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Katz, Elaine N. "The Underground Route to Mining: Afrikaners and the Witwatersrand Gold Mining Industry from 1902 to the 1907 Miners' Strike." Journal of African History 36, no. 3 (November 1995): 467–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700034502.

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This paper challenges the conventional view that the 1907 miners' strike constituted a landmark in the history of Afrikaner employment in the Witwatersrand gold mining industry. According to this view, the participation of Afrikaners during the dispute, as first-time miners and strike-breakers, gained them a permanent and proportionally large niche in the industry, for the first time. In sharp contrast, this paper demonstrates that Afrikaners already constituted a substantial percentage of white underground workers, particularly as a discrete category of workmen, the miners, well before the strike had even begunThe Afrikaner miners lacked training and mining skills. Yet, like the overseas professional miners, most of whom were British-born, they were classed as skilled workmen, eligible for skilled wages. This anomaly occurred because the so-called skills of the overseas professional miners were fragmented by the labour practices peculiar to the Rand. The expertise of the foreign miner derived from his all-round capabilities and experience. These were exclusively defined to constitute his so-called skill, and hence his skilled wage. But on the Witwatersrand, the overseas professional miners were required to draw on only one of their numerous accomplishments in a ‘specialized’, but only semi-skilled, capacity. They were employed either as supervisors of Africans, who performed drilling tasks, or as specialist pit men doing a single pit task among many: pump minding, pipe fitting, timbering or plate laying. Such fragmentation of the foreign miners' a11-round skills facilitated the entry of lesser trained men as miners, notably the Afrikaners.To become a miner, more specifically a supervisor, the Afrikaner needed only a brief period of specific instruction, which he acquired in one of several ways: through mine-sponsored experiments with unskilled white labour, rather than black; through the informal assistance of qualified miners; and through management-sponsored learner schemes intended to provide a core of compliant Afrikaner miners who would break the monopoly of skills and collective strength of the overseas professional miners. Such training enabled the Afrikaner to earn the compulsory, but readily available, blasting certificate, the award of which was confined to whites. Although most Afrikaners possessed this certificate, the hallmark of a skilled miner, they could not earn the customary white skilled wage because they were obliged to work under a System of contracts and not on day's pay.The incompetent Afrikaner miners nevertheless obtained billets easily, partly because of the industry's growth, but mainly because the overseas pioneer miners were decimated by the preventable occupational mining disease, silicosis: the locally born simply filled their places. The Afrikaners, of course, were also vulnerable to silicosis; but it was only from 1911 onwards that this gradually developing disease claimed them in significant numbers too.The overseas miners shunned the Afrikaners not only for ethnic reasons but also for material ones: they feared that the local miners, who were inefficient and had not been trained in the lengthy apprenticeships traditional in the industry, would undercut skilled wage rates. Management also scorned them because of their incompetence. Despite their relatively large numbers – they comprised at least one-third of the miners – the Afrikaners, who were unsuccessful, isolated and spurned, made little impact on the socio-economic and cultural fabric of the industry's work-force, either at the time of the 1907 strike or during its immediate aftermath.
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Platonova, Nonna M., and Vladimir V. Sinichenko. "Social and Economic Development of the Suchan Coal Mine in the 1920s in the Documents from the State Archive of Khabarovsk Krai." Herald of an archivist, no. 3 (2021): 816–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2021-3-816-826.

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The study addresses the socio-economic development of the Suchan coal mine, the oldest coal-mining enterprise in the Russian Far East; it draws on archival sources in order to highlight the pages of history of the coal industry in the region. Taking into account the results of their predecessors’ work, the authors study the characteristic features of the coal industry development in the Far East under the conditions of the New Economic Policy of the Soviet state. There was a lack of diversified assistance from the Center, while the attention of the party elite to the resources of extractive industries increased: these were traditionally redirected for the needs of the Western regions or exported. The novelty consists in a comprehensive study of the development of the Suchan mine in the 1920s in the context of political and socio-economic situation in the country and the region. The study shows the role of central and local authorities at the stage of reconstruction of the coal industry, the participation of trade union organizations in the formation of labor collectives in the Suchan. It considers the mechanism of regulation of ‘collective agreement relations, the participants of which were the miner trade union and the Suchan mines. Analysis of the socio-economic development of the coal mining enterprise in the era of transformation contributes to formation of ideas about the material and living condition of the miners. The causes of unstable social situation in the Suchan mines are revealed in the context of social policy of the Soviet state. There were problems with wages and unsettled system of coal mining prices, which repeatedly became a cause for conflict between the coal hewers and the administration, attempting to avoid strikes. The social image of the Suchan workers has been reconstructed: they were mostly from rural areas and kept a close connection with the village. The unsolved housing problem had an impact on the miners’ way of life. It is concluded that with completion of the restoration of the industrial sector of the Soviet Far East economy, the model of state patronage over the region had been established; alongside with military and strategic tasks, it focused on the coal industry. However, the complex of social and household problems of the Suchan miners remained unsolved.
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Isaac, Esther. "“Pure Means” and the Possibilities of the Past." Radical Philosophy Review 23, no. 1 (2020): 5–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/radphilrev202032106.

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In his essay “Critique of Violence,” Walter Benjamin argued that only certain types of strikes can be considered revolutionary, while others—i.e., most bread and butter, or “political” strikes—tacitly rely on the violent logics of the state. This paper suggests, however, that by reading Benjamin against himself and applying his discussion of “pure means” to those “political” strikes, the extent to which even these basic collective actions represent effective “strategies of resistance” becomes evident. This framework requires an interdisciplinary approach to radical labor studies, combining political theory with history in order to identify and analyze past instances of joyful community-building during strikes. Relying also on a historical case study—the 1926 miners’ lockout in South Wales—and Benjamin’s own writings on the discipline of history, this paper contends that strikes, and the “alternative communities” they encourage workers and their families to build, present enormous revolutionary potential. When theory and history are studied together, and when we pay close attention to the actual tactics of solidarity that make up strike actions, this potential is uncovered.
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KRIKLER, JEREMY. "THE INNER MECHANICS OF A SOUTH AFRICAN RACIAL MASSACRE." Historical Journal 42, no. 4 (December 1999): 1051–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x99008791.

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This study focuses upon a bout of racial killing that occurred on the South African Witwatersrand during a white miners' strike in 1922. By demonstrating that most of the racial victims of the strikers and their supporters were not African miners, or Africans working with the police to suppress the strike, it argues against any easy explanation of the racial killings in narrow terms of class conflict. A more complex account is then offered, one that relies upon close attention to the nature of the victims, the timing and location of the killings, as well as to the rumours that accompanied them. In essence, the article proposes that the murders are to be understood as part of a (subconsciously impelled) process by which many in the striking communities sought to reconstitute the white racial community then sundered by acute class antagonisms. This attempt was made as the strike rolled towards civil war, and on the basis of a putative ‘black peril’. Set in a comparative frame, the article closes by reflecting upon the importance in the murders of white workers' sense that their identity had been destabilized by changes in and outside the workplace.
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Vorster, Paul. "Press-party parallelism:The Star'seditorial position on the 1922 Miner's Strike." Communicatio 14, no. 1 (January 1988): 48–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02500168808537681.

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Boal, William M. "The Effect of Unionization on Productivity: Evidence from a Long Panel of Coal Mines." ILR Review 70, no. 5 (December 5, 2016): 1254–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019793916682222.

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The author measures the effect of unionization on productivity based on a panel of West Virginia coal mines from 1897 to 1928. Output and inputs are measured in physical terms, and most of the mines in the panel changed union status at least once, though not simultaneously, so the panel is close to ideal for measuring the effect of unionization on productivity. Fixed-effects estimates show that the union had little effect on productivity before 1914, but thereafter it had a negative effect of 5 to 10%. This negative effect was not reversed when mines were later deunionized. The author evaluates a variety of possible explanations for these results. Some evidence points to declining investment at union mines relative to nonunion mines, but the evidence is circumstantial and the direction of causality is unclear. The most plausible explanation is a sharp deterioration in labor relations at union mines after the violent Paint Creek-Cabin Creek strike of 1912–1913.
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Higginson, John. "Privileging the Machines: American Engineers, Indentured Chinese and White Workers in South Africa's Deep-Level Gold Mines, 1902–1907." International Review of Social History 52, no. 1 (March 9, 2007): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859006002768.

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Economists and historians have identified the period between 1870 and 1914 as one marked by the movement of capital and labor across the globe at unprecedented speed. The accompanying spread of the gold standard and industrial techniques contained volatile and ambiguous implications for workers everywhere. Industrial engineers made new machinery and industrial techniques the measure of human effort. The plight of workers in South Africa's deep-level gold mines in the era following the Anglo-Boer War of 1899–1902 provides a powerful example of just how lethal the new benchmarks of human effort could be. When by 1904 close to 50,000 Africans refused to return to the mines, mining policy began to coalesce around solving the “labor shortage” problem and dramatically reducing working costs. Engineers, especially American engineers, rapidly gained the confidence of the companies that had made large investments in the deep-level mines of the Far East Rand by bringing more than 60,000 indentured Chinese workers to the mines to make up for the postwar shortfall in unskilled labor in late 1904. But the dangerous working conditions that drove African workers away from many of the deep-level mines persisted. Three years later, in 1907, their persistence provoked a bitter strike by white drill-men.
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Streltsov, Alexey D. "Rand rebellion of 1922: the perception in British public opinion." RUDN Journal of World History 10, no. 4 (December 15, 2018): 371–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2018-10-4-371-381.

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The article presents the research of the problem of white miners uprising in Witwatersrand in January-March 1922. The aim of the research was to surround the causes of the uprising, the reaction of British establishment and press, as well as the leader of the South African Union. Based on a number of sources, are shown the history of the issue and the driving forces of the rebels. The article contains an indication of both the traditional factors of the strike, characteristic of the industry of the fi rst half of XX, and the specifi c features of South Africa that aff ected the uprising. The author paid attention to the way of analyzing by the British press the causes of the uprising, and how various publications appreciate it, depending on their ideology. Besides, is considered the signifi cance of the uprising for further decision-making by the British leadership on colonial policy.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Miners' Strike, 1920"

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Kirshner, Eli Martin. "Race, Mines and Picket Lines: The 1925-1928 Western Pennsylvania Bituminous Coal Strike." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin158825965126023.

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Horn, Claire Helen. "Well enough to work health and class in southern Colorado coal mining towns, 1900-1930 /." Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2009.

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Jacobson, Michael E. "The rise and fall of place the development of a sense of place and community in Colorado's southern coalfields 1890-1930 /." Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2006.

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Price, John. "Labour relations in Japan's postwar coal industry : the 1960 Miike lockout." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/26904.

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The essay explores the events and background of the 1960 lockout at the Miike colleries of the Mitsui Mining Co. in Kyushu, Japan. The dispute, one of the longest and most violent in postwar labour history, occurred at the same time as the anti-U.S.-Japan security treaty struggle and the two events capped 15 years of social turbulence after the war. At issue in the Miike case was the designated dismissal of 1200 miners. In analyzing the events at Miike the author challenges current assumptions about the so-called three pillars of Japanese labour-management relations (lifetime employment, enterprise unions, and seniority-based wages). Couterposed are four factors—capitalist rationalism, worker egalitarianism, enterprise corporatism, and liberal democracy—the combination of which lend Japanese labour-management relations their specific character in any given instance. The essay also explores the particular role of the Japan Federation of Employers Organizations (Nikkeiren) in other labour disputes in the 1950s as well as at Miike. The economic background to the Miike strike is also analyzed, in particular, the political aspects of the rationalization of the coal industry. The final chapter deals with relief measures for unemployed coal miners and coal companies during the 1960s.
Arts, Faculty of
History, Department of
Graduate
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Klovan, Felipe Figueiró. "Sob o fardo do ouro negro : as experiências de exploração e resistência dos mineiros de carvão do Rio Grande do Sul na década de 1930." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/132366.

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Durante o governo provisório e constitucional de Getúlio Vargas ocorreu a criação do aparato sindicalista corporativista no Brasil. A partir dessa conjuntura, o presente estudo analisa as condições que possibilitaram as estratégias de resistência dos mineiros de carvão do então município de São Jerônimo, no Estado do Rio Grande do Sul durante a década de 1930, contra a extrema exploração e opressão a que estavam submetidos através do desgastante e perigoso trabalho nos subsolos e da arquitetura mina-com-vila-operária. Nesse cenário da pesquisa, traça-se uma continuidade entre as condições de vida e trabalho, cultura e identidade de classe, inteligência própria, resistência individual, coletiva e organizada para compreender a eclosão de greves entre os anos de 1933 e 1935. Esses conflitos entre as Companhias extrativistas e os mineiros na arena jurídica e na pressão direta através da paralização da produção, auxiliam a entender muitos aspectos dessa comunidade encravada na região do Baixo Jacuí. A análise contempla, também, as condições peculiares da categoria mineira, os processos trabalhistas individuais, a refundação de entidades classistas como a FORGS e os sindicatos mineiros e as greves. Todos esses aspectos compõem experiências importantes para compreender a luta desses trabalhadores por direitos.
While President Getúlio Vargas was under his provisional and constitutional command, there was the execution of the so called union and corporatist labor machine in Brazil. From this conjuncture, the present study analyses the conditions that brought the resistance strategies of the coal miners in the so called town São Jerônimo, situated in Rio Grande do Sul State, during the 30’s, against the extreme exploration and oppression that labors were submitted to through the dangerous and irksome work in the underground mine and architecture-with-village-working. Under the prospect of the research, a guide continuity is traced between the living and working conditions, culture and class identity, own intelligence section, individual, collective and organized resistance to understand the outbreak of strikes between the years 1933 and 1935. These conflicts between the Extractive companies and miners in the legal field and the direct pressure through the break of production help to understand many aspects of this community nestled in the Lower Jacuí region. The analysis also includes the peculiar conditions of the mining category, individual lawsuits, the refounding of class entities as FORGS and miners unions and strikes. All these aspects make up significant experiments to understand the struggle for rights of these workers.
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Swim, Michael. "Bituminous coal miners' strike incitement events of Muchakinock, IA 1879-1900| An historical geographic analysis of how a company town became a union town." Thesis, California State University, Long Beach, 2016. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1592742.

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Examining the creation and peopling of the Consolidated Coal Company (CCC) company town Muchakinock, Iowa through the industrial labor migrations of Welsh, Swedes and African-American residents, this thesis focuses upon the social contestations between workers, owners and unions during four bituminous coal miners' strike incitement events in town history (1879–1900). Presenting some of the most comprehensive historical geography research to date on the company town of Muchakinock, the thesis presents eight claims for resident's strike resistance and ultimate capitulation and union affiliation; and the associated spread of capitalism and trade-unionism across Iowa's coal mining landscapes during the Gilded Age. Seeking a normalization of historical discourse, findings revealed the presence of conflicting discourses in existent historical communications content between predominantly white and African American historical communications content, and identified the emergence of a hegemonic discourse largely based on the representations of the former. More than just a micro-history of the relict company town of Muchakinock, Iowa, the thesis variously explores Muchakinock's wider network of connected geographies across Iowa terrains and the United States.

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Bailey, Rebecca J. "Matewan before the massacre : politics, coal, and the roots of conflict in a West Virginia mining community /." Morgantown : West Virginia University Press, 2008. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/toc/fy0903/2008936435.html.

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Segal, Lauren. "Mines, migrants and women: strike action and labour unrest on the Witbank collieries from 1940-1950." Thesis, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10539/18643.

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Books on the topic "Miners' Strike, 1920"

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Wilsher, Peter. Strike: Thatcher, Scargill, and the miners. [Falmouth, Cornwall]: Coronet Books, 1985.

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Wilsher, Peter. Strike: Thatcher, Scargill, and the miners. London: A. Deutsch, 1985.

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1946-, Lloyd John, ed. The miners' strike, 1984-5: Loss without limit. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1986.

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Adeney, Martin. The miners' strike 1984-5: Loss without limit. London: Routledge, 1988.

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O, Margarita García Luna. Huelgas de mineros en El Oro, Méx., 1911-1920. [Toluca?]: Secretaría del Trabajo del Gobierno del Estado de México, 1993.

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Villarreal, Jesús Manuel Esparza. Que nos dejen pasar!: Novela : 21 de enero de 1951, el glorioso episodio de los mineros de Coahuila. México: De Viva Voz, editores, 1994.

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The next time we strike: Labor in Utah's coal fields, 1900-1933. Logan, Utah: Utah State University Press, 1985.

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Anstis, Ralph. Blood on coal: The 1926 General Strike and miners' lockout in the Forest of Dean. Lydney (47-49 High Street, Lydney, Gloucestershire, GL15 5DD): Black Dwarf Publications, 1999.

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Norlen, Arthur. Death of a proud union: The 1960 Bunker Hill strike. Cataldo, Idaho: Tamarack Pub., 1992.

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The 1926 miners' lockout: Meanings of community in the Durham coalfield. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009.

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Book chapters on the topic "Miners' Strike, 1920"

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Charlesworth, Andrew, David Gilbert, Adrian Randall, Humphrey Southall, and Chris Wrigley. "The 1984–5 miners’ strike." In An Atlas of Industrial Protest in Britain 1750–1990, 217–25. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24435-5_28.

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"The Strike of 1922." In The Miners of Windber, 264–309. Penn State University Press, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/j.ctv14gp5v6.16.

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"10. The Strike of 1922." In The Miners of Windber, 264–309. Penn State University Press, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780271074580-014.

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"DENABY-CADEBY STRIKE OF 1902 AND ENSUING LEGAL ACTION." In The History of the Yorkshire Miners 1881-1918, 311–40. Routledge, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203168233-22.

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"Chapter One: 1945–1960: Strife and Sanctity." In Closed Doors, Open Minds, 1–11. Academic Studies Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781618117571-003.

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Forrest, David, and Sue Vice. "Imagining post-industrial Britain." In Barry Hines. Manchester University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781784992620.003.0005.

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This chapter explores Hines’s conception of Britain after the miners’ strike, and the difficulty he experienced in fictionalising those divisive events. While his 1994 novel The Heart of It is a metafictional account of a writer’s coming retrospectively to understand the strike through his father’s experience, three plays Hines wrote about it remain in draft form and never appeared in the public realm. Both Shooting Stars (1990) and Born Kicking (1992), take unexpected views on Hines’s staple subject of football and its social role, in relation respectively to the effect of unexpected wealth on a working-class man, and what happens if the footballer is a woman. Elvis Over England (1998), Hines’s last published novel, is a road journey undertaken by an unemployed steelworker who starts to confront his past by means of Elvis’s songs. Although critics and Hines himself predicted that Elvis Over England would end up on the screen, it was never filmed.
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Phillips, Jim. "Miners and the Scottish Nation: from the 1950s to the 1970s." In Scottish Coal Miners in the Twentieth Century, 158–94. Edinburgh University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474452311.003.0006.

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Economic security in the coalfields was strengthened after the closure of Scotland’s largest colliery, Michael in East Fife, in 1967. The moral economy was enforced vigorously by the New Mine generation. Mobilisation averted a significant erosion of employment. Increased coal burn at new power stations was secured. As the creation of jobs in new industries slowed, so did the rate of employment loss in coal. Pits closed only where the interests of mining localities were carefully protected. Security was also pursued through industrial action for improved wages. The New Mine generation in Scotland was instrumental in shifting union politics to the left, and Scottish miners were prominent in major unofficial strikes in 1969 and 1970. Miners across Britain won significant pay increases in 1972 and 1974. These struggles reflected ambitions for more trenchant resistance to deindustrialisation, but the trend to unity across the coalfields was countered by the NCB’s introduction of area incentive schemes. The prominence of territorial divisions reinforced the Scottish labour movement’s argument that deindustrialisation and economic security were phenomena with distinct national features in Scotland.
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"The British Miners’ and General Strike of 1926: Problems and Practices of Radical International Solidarity." In International Communism and Transnational Solidarity: Radical Networks, Mass Movements and Global Politics, 1919–1939, 168–90. BRILL, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004324824_006.

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Bentley, Peter J. "Can You Compute?" In Digitized. Oxford University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199693795.003.0006.

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Created by pioneering mathematicians and engineers during times of political unrest and war, computers are more than electronic machines. Underneath the myriad complicated circuits and software glows a mathematical purity that is simplicity itself. The maths at the root of computers illuminates the nature of reality itself. Today explorers of the impossible still compete to find the limits in our universe. With a revolution in mathematics and technology and a million dollars at stake, who can blame them? . . . It was 1926 and the General Strike was taking place in England because of disputes over coal miners’ pay. There were no buses or trains running. Fourteen-year-old Alan Turing was supposed to be starting at a grand boarding school: Sherborne in Dorset. Yet he was living in Southampton, some sixty miles away. Many children would have simply waited for the ten-day strike to finish and have a longer holiday. Not Turing. He got on his bike and began cycling. It took him two days, with a stay in a little hotel halfway, but young Turing made it to his new school on time. Turing’s independence may have stemmed from the fact that he and his older brother John had seen little of their parents while growing up. Both parents were based in India, but decided their children should be educated in England. The boys were left with friends of the family in England until their father retired and returned in 1926—just as Turing made his way to the new school. It was an impressive start, but Alan Turing didn’t do very well at his new school—he never had in any previous school. His handwriting was terrible, his written English poor. His English teacher said, ‘I can forgive his writing, though it is the worst I have ever seen, and I try to view tolerantly his unswerving inexactitude and slipshod, dirty, work . . .’ The Latin teacher was not much more approving. ‘He is ludicrously behind.’ The problem was that Turing didn’t pay attention to the curriculum being taught. Instead he spent more time following his own interests.
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10

Macmaster, Neil. "The Nationalists Go Underground." In War in the Mountains, 200–227. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198860211.003.0011.

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This chapter moves on from the communist-led movements in the Dahra, north of the Chelif valley, to examine how the nationalists of the PPA (Parti du people algérien) began to organize a clandestine, insurrectionary movement in the great massif of the Ouarsenis to the south. During 1947 and 1948 the Messalists created a clandestine paramilitary corps, the Organisation spéciale (OS), and steps were taken in August 1947 to plan a future maquis in the Chelif region. An important secret meeting of the Central Committee held in a farmhouse in Zeddine, near Duperré, backed detailed proposals for a peasant-based insurrection. Although the detection and mass arrest of the OS network in 1950 impeded the process, the ongoing radicalization of the Ouarsenis region is explored through the operations of the mines, like that at Bou Caid, where farm-based workers were organized by the CGT union, went on strike, and provided a nursery for future guerrilla leaders like Djilali Bounamaa. A case study of the town of Teniet el Haad, located in the high mountains, shows how PPA cells were spreading into the most isolated douars of the interior, preparing the ground for a future revolt.
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