Relevant bibliographies by topics / Minimalist program (Linguistik)

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Academic literature on the topic 'Minimalist program (Linguistik)'

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Published: 4 June 2021
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Journal articles on the topic "Minimalist program (Linguistik)"

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ZWART, JAN-WOUTER. "The Minimalist Program." Journal of Linguistics 34, no. 1 (March 1998): 213–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226797006889.

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Noam Chomsky,The Minimalist Program. (Current Studies in Linguistics 28.) Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1995. Pp. 420.The Minimalist Program, by Noam Chomsky, is a collection of four articles, ‘The Theory of Principles and Parameters’ (written with Howard Lasnik, 13–127), ‘Some notes on Economy of Derivation and representation’ (129–166), ‘A Minimalist Program for linguistic theory’ (167–217), and ‘Categories and transformations’ (219–394). The first three articles have appeared elsewhere, and are reprinted here with minor revisions. The fourth was circulated in manuscript form earlier in 1995 and is commonly referred to as ‘Chapter four’. The volume opens with an ‘Introduction’ (1–11) and closes with a general bibliography and an index (395–420).The work collected here is based on material presented by Chomsky, and discussed by participating students, faculty, and visitors, in Chomsky's fall term lecture-seminars at MIT in the period of 1986 through 1994. For those who have ever wanted to attend these class lectures, but were never in the position to, this is a must read. The MIT Press is to be commended for having made this collection available in such an exemplary inexpensive volume.
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Cipriani, Enrico. "Semantics in generative grammar." Lingvisticæ Investigationes. International Journal of Linguistics and Language Resources 42, no. 2 (December 31, 2019): 134–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/li.00033.cip.

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Abstract I provide a critical survey of the role that semantics took in the several models of generative grammar, since the 1950s until the Minimalist Program. I distinguish four different periods. In the first section, I focus on the role of formal semantics in generative grammar until the 1970s. In Section 2 I present the period of linguistic wars, when the role of semantics in linguistic theory became a crucial topic of debate. In Section 3 I focus on the formulation of conditions on transformations and Binding Theory in the 1970s and 1980s, while in the last Section I discuss the role of semantics in the minimalist approach. In this section, I also propose a semantically-based model of generative grammar, which fully endorses minimalism and Chomsky’s later position concerning the primary role of the semantic interface in the Universal Grammar modelization (Strong Minimalist Thesis). In the Discussion, I point out some theoretical problems deriving from Chomsky’s internalist interpretation of model-theoretic semantics.
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Nevin, Bruce E. "A minimalist program for linguistics." Historiographia Linguistica 20, no. 2-3 (January 1, 1993): 355–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.20.2-3.06nev.

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Summary Zellig S. Harris (1909–1992) is a familiar icon of American structuralism. According to received views of the history of linguistics in the 20th century, he is an exemplar of ‘taxonomic linguistics’ seeking practical discovery procedures whereby one could mechanically derive a grammar from distributional analysis of a corpus of utterances without reference to meaning, and a proponent of empiricist and behaviorist views that have been overthrown by the revolution of Generative linguistics. An examination of what he actually wrote, however, shows a lifelong concern with the analysis and representation of meaning. Harris’ approach to the evaluation of alternative tools of analysis, alternative grammars, and alternative theories of language arises from a crucial but little acknowledged dilemma of linguistics grounded in a fundamental property of language, namely, that it contains within itself virtually unrestricted metalinguistic capacities, upon which any description of language whatever either directly or indirectly depends.
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Levot, Michael R. "Optimality and Plausibility in Language Design." Biolinguistics 10 (December 14, 2016): 107–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/bioling.9053.

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The Minimalist Program in generative syntax has been the subject of much rancour, a good proportion of it stoked by Noam Chomsky’s suggestion that language may represent “a ‘perfect solution’ to minimal design specifications.” A particular flash point has been the application of Minimalist principles to speculations about how language evolved in the human species. This paper argues that Minimalism is well supported as a plausible approach to language evolution. It is claimed that an assumption of minimal design specifications like that employed in MP syntax satisfies three key desiderata of evolutionary and general scientific plausibility: Physical Optimism, Rational Optimism, and Darwin’s Problem. In support of this claim, the methodologies employed in MP to maximise parsimony are characterised through an analysis of recent theories in Minimalist syntax, and those methodologies are defended with reference to practices and arguments from evolutionary biology and other natural sciences.
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Wilson, Mary Sweig. "Chomsky's Minimalist Program : A Brief Linguistic Primer." Perspectives on Augmentative and Alternative Communication 17, no. 2 (June 2008): 69–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1044/aac17.2.69.

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Abstract Children around the world, no matter what their native language, follow a similar course in language acquisition from the emergence of first words to the mastery of syntax. The uniformity and rapidity of first language acquisition is possible because human infants are born with a biologically endowed innate language faculty within the brain that drives the course of language development. Although this premise was doubted 50 years ago, today biologists and linguists alike accept it. Our human language faculty orchestrates and shapes the acquisition of language. Neurotypically developing children need only the surrounding language input to acquire language. In contrast, children with receptive language delays, including many of those who are or will become augmentative and alternative communication (AAC) users, need more than exposure to language if they are to develop adult competence in their native language.
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Hornstein, Norbert. "The Minimalist Program After 25 Years." Annual Review of Linguistics 4, no. 1 (January 14, 2018): 49–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-linguistics-011817-045452.

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Freidin, Robert, and Noam Chomsky. "The Minimalist Program." Language 73, no. 3 (September 1997): 571. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/415885.

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Culicover, Peter W., and Giuseppe Varaschin. "On the goals of theoretical linguistics." Theoretical Linguistics 50, no. 1-2 (June 1, 2024): 49–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/tl-2024-2003.

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Abstract We review some of the main goals of theoretical linguistics in the tradition of Generative Grammar: description, evolvability and learnability. We evaluate recent efforts to address these goals, culminating with the Minimalist Program. We suggest that the most prominent versions of the Minimalist Program represent just one possible approach to addressing these goals, and not a particularly illuminating one in many respects. Some desirable features of an alternative minimalist theory are the dissociation between syntax and linear order, the emphasis on representational economy (i.e. Simpler Syntax) and an extra-grammatical account of non-local constraints (e.g. islands). We conclude with the outline of an alternative minimalist perspective that we believe points to more satisfactory accounts of the observed phenomena.
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Hornstein, Norbert. "Movement and Control." Linguistic Inquiry 30, no. 1 (January 1999): 69–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002438999553968.

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Since the earliest days of generative grammar, control has been distinguished from raising: the latter the product of movement operations, the former the result of construal processes relating a PRO to an antecedent. This article argues that obligatory control structures are also formed by movement. Minimalism makes this approach viable by removing D-Structure as a grammatical level. Implementing the suggestion, however, requires eliminating the last vestiges of D-Structure still extant in Chomsky's (1995) version of the Minimalist Program. In particular, it requires dispensing with the θ-Criterion and adopting the view that θ-roles are featurelike in being able to license movement.
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Narita, Hiroki, and Koji Fujita. "A Naturalist Reconstruction of Minimalist and Evolutionary Biolinguistics." Biolinguistics 4, no. 4 (December 21, 2010): 356–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/bioling.8803.

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Kinsella & Marcus (2009; K&M) argue that considerations of biological evolution invalidate the picture of optimal language design put forward under the rubric of the minimalist program (Chomsky 1993 et seq.), but in this article it will be pointed out that K&M’s objection is undermined by (i) their misunderstanding of minimalism as imposing an aprioristic presumption of optimality and (ii) their failure to discuss the third factor of language design. It is proposed that the essence of K&M’s suggestion be reconstructed as the sound warning that one should refrain from any preconceptions about the object of inquiry, to which K&M commit themselves based on their biased view of evolution. A different reflection will be cast on the current minimalist literature, arguably along the lines K&M envisaged but never completed, converging on a recommendation of methodological (and, in a somewhat unconventional sense, metaphysical) naturalism.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Minimalist program (Linguistik)"

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Herring, Joshua. "Grammar construction in the minimalist program." Thesis, Indiana University, 2017. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10251430.

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The Minimalist Program is in principle nothing more than a set of guidelines for cognitive syntactic research. Because of its historical pedigree and foundational assumptions, in practice it functions and is perceived as something closer to a formal theoretical framework. This opens the door to implementational possibilities. Though it is not possible to strictly delineate `"minimalist'" and `"non-minimalist'" linguistic theories by choice of theoretical device alone, it is possible to identify, and make concrete, shared theoretical assumptions and formal devices that minimalist theories draw from. This project surveys the recent minimalist literature and catalogs the most important such devices, unifying them where possible, to build a set of implementational primitives capable of accurately representing a large section of recent proposals in Minimalism. The utility of this approach is demonstrated through the development of a grammar development software toolkit for the Minimalist Program which makes these primitives available to researchers. By implementing theories in this system, it is possible to validate their empirical claims and adjudicate disputes over empirical coverage between competing theories. Sample implementations relevant to the ongoing dispute over the Movement Theory of Control are given.

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Samek-Ludovici, Vieri. "Optimality theory and the minimalist program." Universität Potsdam, 2006. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2009/3232/.

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Lázaro, Ibarrola Amparo. "El programa minimalista y el inglés/castellano-euskera de las ikastolas." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/MQ58474.pdf.

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Hacken, Pius ten. "The nature, use and origin of explanatory adequacy." Universität Potsdam, 2006. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2009/3229/.

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If we want to compare the explanatory and descriptive adequacy of the MP and OT, the original definitions by Chomsky (1964) are or little direct use. However, a relativized version of both notions can be defined, which can be used to express a number of parallels between the study of individual I-languages and the language faculty. In any version of explanatory and descriptive adequacy, the two notions derive from the research programme and can only be achieved together. They can therefore not be used to characterize the difference in orientation between OT and the MP. Even if ‘OT’ is restricted to a particular theory in Chomskyan linguistics (to the exclusion of, for instance, its use in LFG), it cannot be said to be stronger in descriptive adequacy than in explanatory adequacy in the technical sense of these terms.
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Silva, Filho Jomson Teixeira da. "Aquisição do número gramatical na concordância nominal interna ao DP no português brasileiro." Universidade Federal de Alagoas, 2011. http://repositorio.ufal.br/handle/riufal/504.

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This research is embedded in the Chomskyan linguistic theory, specifically in the Principles and Parameters framework (Chomsky, 1981 and following) and its more recent reformulations, namely, the Minimalist Program (Chomsky, 1995 and following) and it has as main objectives to analyze and to explain the acquisition process of grammatical number agreement between the elements of the DP in Brazilian Portuguese and to explain the diversity found in the speech data of children with regard to the realization of grammatical number. The acquisition data presented in this investigation are the spontaneous production of two children in the acquisition phase of the city of Maceió-AL, one male and one female, with 2, 11 and 3, 5 respectively. Data from other languages are derived from other studies have made. We hypothesize that the information corresponding to the number on the items that form the functional category Determinant (D) is of fundamental importance for the identification number of the grammatical system of the Portuguese, being the decisive factor responsible for the core agreement between the nominal number of elements of DP in PB. Put another way, the core where the number would be interpretable trace is a parameter to be fixed and the core in determining the number that would be interpretable in BP. This would explain the fact that where agreement is non-redundant, BW brand morphological number appears in the determinant, the other way, ie, one in which the morpheme is adjoined only to the name, an ungrammatical form, at least in PB. This would explain the fact that where agreement is non-redundant, BW brand morphological number appears in the determinant, the other way, i. e, one in which the morpheme is adjoined only to the name, an ungrammatical form, at least in PB. Regarding the agreement between the DP flexionáveis elements, we assume as in Chomsky (1988, 1989) that this is due to a syntactic operation, Agree, but recast in Frampton & Gutmann (2000a). With this reformulation, it is assumed as a sharing agreement between core syntactic features. The results of the analysis of language production of children acquiring the CP, we can conclude that the appearance of determinants can be defined as a trigger for the parameter of agreement nominal internal elements of the DP, the trace of definiteness is crucial for setting the parameter agreement, and the co-occurrence in the speech patterns of children from non-redundant and redundant grammatical and even ungrammatical pattern. We conclude that this fact can be explained due to the variation of the input to which the child is exposed, ie, input variable has also resulted in an output variable. Thinking of PB in the data, we conclude that D is, being the head of the chain-б responsible for definiteness and semantic interpretation at LF, bearing the mark of plural. Where have varieties of brand PB morphology on all elements of the phrase, we can consider that the brand is spreading because of the sharing features.
Fundação de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado de Alagoas
Esta pesquisa está inserida na Teoria Linguística Chomskyana, mais especificamente no modelo de Princípios e Parâmetros (Chomsky, 1981 e seguintes) e em suas reformulações mais recentes, a saber, o Programa Minimalista (Chomsky, 1995 e seguintes) e apresenta como principais objetivos analisar e explicar o processo de aquisição da concordância de número gramatical entre os elementos do DP no Português Brasileiro e explicar a diversidade encontrada nos dados de fala de crianças no que diz respeito à realização gramatical de número. Os dados de aquisição apresentados nesse trabalho são de produção espontânea de duas crianças em fase de aquisição da cidade de Maceió- AL, uma do sexo masculino e outra do sexo feminino, com 2;11 e 3;5 respectivamente. Os dados de outras línguas são retirados de outros trabalhos já constituídos. Hipotetizamos que a informação correspondente a número constante nos itens que formam a categoria funcional Determinante (D) é de fundamental importância para a identificação do sistema gramatical de número no português, sendo o Determinante o núcleo responsável pela concordância nominal de número entre os elementos do DP no PB. Dizendo de outro modo, o núcleo em que o traço de número seria interpretável é um parâmetro a ser fixado e o determinante o núcleo em que o número seria interpretável no PB. Isso explicaria o fato de que nos casos em que ocorre concordância não-redundante em PB, a marca morfológica de número aparecer no determinante, sendo a outra forma, ou seja, aquela em que o morfema é adjungido apenas ao nome, uma forma agramatical, pelo menos em PB. No que tange à concordância entre os elementos flexionáveis do DP, assumimos assim como em Chomsky (1988, 1989) que essa acontece devido a uma operação sintática, Agree, mas reformulada por Frampton & Gutmann (2000a). Com essa reformulação, assume-se concordância como compartilhamento de traços entre núcleos sintáticos. Com os resultados das análises das produções linguísticas das crianças adquirindo o PB, podemos concluir que o aparecimento de determinantes definidos possa ser um dado acionador para o parâmetro da concordância nominal interna aos elementos do DP, sendo o traço de definitude crucial para a fixação do parâmetro de concordância, além da co-ocorrência na fala das crianças dos padrões gramaticais redundantes e não redundantes e ainda do padrão agramatical. Concluímos que esse fato é explicável devido à variação do input ao qual a criança está exposta, ou seja, input variável tem como conseqüência um output também variável. Pensando ainda nos dados do PB, concluímos que é D, por ser a cabeça da cadeia- б o responsável pela definitude e pela interpretação semântica em LF, carregando a marca de plural. Nos casos em que as variedades do PB apresentam marca morfológica em todos os elementos do sintagma, podemos considerar que a marca se alastra por conta do compartilhamento de traços.
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Park, Hyeson. "Child second language acquisition and grammatical theories: The Minimalist Program and optimality theory." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/252897.

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The aim of linguistic theory is to explain what knowledge of language consists of and how this knowledge is acquired. Generative linguistics, which had set out to achieve this goal, has recently seen the development of two main approaches to Universal Grammar (UG). One is the Minimalist Program (MP) and the other is Optimality Theory (OT). In the MP framework, language is claimed to be acquired through parameter setting, while in OT language acquisition is viewed as a constraint reranking process. In this study, I compare the two evolving linguistic theories in relation to child L2 acquisition phenomena; that is, how and whether the two different approaches to UG could be used to account for language development in real time. The database for this study was a corpus of natural and elicited-interview speech collected by the National Center for Bilingual Research from six Korean children learning English as an L2 in a bilingual education school program. Two constructions, null arguments and wh-questions produced by the Korean children in their developing L2 English, were chosen for in-depth investigation. The data analysis shows that (1) the children dropped few subjects from the early stages, (2) the children dropped more objects than subjects, (3) the children did not apply subject-verb inversion in why -questions, and (4) of the wh-questions, when-questions were one of the last to appear in the children's developing English. It was examined whether these four findings could be explained within the MP and the OT frameworks. The MP and OT in their present forms, however, do not seem to be able to fully account for the data. I have proposed some adaptations of the theories and explored plausible explanations. The overall picture emerging from the study is that the gradual nature of language development can best be explained as being a result of the incremental acquisition of the lexicon. The relationship between linguistic theory and acquisition studies, especially second language acquisition studies, has been unidirectional, from theory to acquisition (SLA) studies. It is to be hoped that this study may contribute to connecting the gap between linguistic theory and SLA studies, and making their relationship more bidirectional.
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Komen, Erwin R. "Branching constraints." Universität Potsdam, 2009. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2009/3227/.

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Rejecting approaches with a directionality parameter, mainstream minimalism has adopted the notion of strict (or unidirectional) branching. Within optimality theory however, constraints have recently been proposed that presuppose that the branching direction scheme is language specific. I show that a syntactic analysis of Chechen word order and relative clauses using strict branching and movement triggered by feature checking seems very unlikely, whereas a directionality approach works well. I argue in favor of a mixed directionality approach for Chechen, where the branching direction scheme depends on the phrase type. This observation leads to the introduction of context variants of existing markedness constraints, in order to describe the branching processes in terms of optimality theory. The paper discusses how and where the optimality theory selection of the branching directions can be implemented within a minimalist derivation.
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Broekhuis, Hans. "Derivations (MP) and evaluations (OT)." Universität Potsdam, 2006. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2009/3234/.

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The main claim of this paper is that the minimalist framework and optimality theory adopt more or less the same architecture of grammar: both assume that a generator defines a set S of potentially well-formed expressions that can be generated on the basis of a given input, and that there is an evaluator that selects the expressions from S that are actually grammatical in a given language L. The paper therefore proposes a model of grammar in which the strengths of the two frameworks are combined: more specifically, it is argued that the computational system of human language CHL from MP creates a set S of potentially well-formed expressions, and that these are subsequently evaluated in an optimality theoretic fashion.
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Silva, Adriana C. R. Quinelo da. "ECM, raising & control infinitival small clauses: case assignment in english and brazilian portuguese revisited in Chomsky's minimalist program." Pontif?cia Universidade Cat?lica do Rio Grande do Sul, 2012. http://tede2.pucrs.br/tede2/handle/tede/2065.

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This dissertation claims that embedded Inflected Infinitival Small Clauses (IISCs) in Brazilian Portuguese (BP) are not well accounted for via any Movement- Approach, such as the Movement Theory of Control (MTC), as opposed to embedded infinitives in English. The main focus for the data analysis and for corroborating this thesis under Chomsky s (2008) Feature Inheritance is Control verb complements in BP and English, which in BP are taken as full φ-CP infinitives/φ-complete infinitival CPs, characterizing an unbounded Phase, while this possibility is not available in English. This difference thus adds evidence in favor of the approach to be pursued for Brazilian IISCs to be a Non-Movement one, so that the φ-features of the embedded subject can be saturated within the embedded CP-Phase. Concerning the embedded subject within this context, this dissertation then claims that in BP it is a noun (D/NP), pronoun or a pro (not a PRO), given the status of the embedded clause as a φ-complete, hence an [+ Agr] infinitival CP-Phase.
Esta Tese defende que as senten?as encaixadas do tipo infinitivas flexionadas (Inflected Infinitival Small Clauses - IISCs) em Portugu?s Brasileiro (PB) n?o s?o tratadas de forma adequada via qualquer abordagem com base em movimento, como a Teoria de Controle via Movimento (Movement Theory of Control - MTC), ao contr?rio das mesmas infinitivas encaixadas em Ingl?s. O foco principal para an?lise dos dados e para corroborar esta Tese sob a abordagem Minimalista de Chomsky (2008), conhecida como Feature Inheritance, s?o as encaixadas infinitivas como complementos de verbos de Controle em Portugu?s Brasileiro e em Ingl?s, as quais em PB s?o consideradas como ―full φ-CP infinitives/φ-complete infinitival CPs‖, ou seja, complementos do tipo CP-completos, caracterizando uma Phase/Fase intranspon?vel, ao passo que esta possibilidade n?o est? dispon?vel em Ingl?s. Tal diferen?a, portanto, contribui para evidenciar que a abordagem adequada a ser adotada para dar conta da atribui??o de Caso do sujeito das senten?as encaixadas infinitivas flexionadas em PB ? aquela que n?o envolva movimento do sujeito da senten?a encaixada para fora do CPencaixado; ou seja, para fora da CP-Phase/Fase-CP. Uma vez n?o havendo o movimento, as features-φ (φ-features) do sujeito da senten?a infinitiva encaixada s?o saturadas dentro da Fase-CP. Dado este contexto em PB, argumento que o sujeito encaixado, uma vez realizado, seja um nome (D/NP) ou um pronome a receber Caso Nominativo. E, bem como, quando n?o realizado, seja um pro (n?o PRO) Nominativo, uma vez que o status da senten?a encaixada infinitiva flexionada em PB ? φ-completo (φ-complete); mais especificamente, uma Fase-CP [+Agr].
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Wu, Tong <1980&gt. "La relativisation prénominale." Doctoral thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/15568.

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Notre étude porte sur la proposition relative prénominale (Prpré), dans le cadre de la typologique et du modèle minimaliste de la grammaire générative. Le premier chapitre pose pour objets principaux de définir la proposition relaive (PR) et d’établir trois typologies concernant la PR. Le deuxième chapitre spécifie la PRpré et les langues à PRpré. Nous restreindrons notre étude aux langues à PRpré première. Nous resituons ces langues dans leur répartition géographique et leur affiliation linguistique pour montrer que les facteurs géographiques et génériques ne peuvent pas rendre compte de la PRpré. Le troisième chapitre expose en détail les analyses théoriques générativistes sur la PR et rend compte de la possibilité de les intégrer dans le programme minimaliste. Le quatrième chapitre est consacré, dans la première partie, à analyser la PRpré dans une perspective minimaliste suivant Kayne (1994). Nous tentons de proposer des dérivations permettant de linéariser correctement les éléments suivants dans le SD de la PRpré : article défini, démonstratif, PR, relativiseur et nom tête. Le syntagme [SD SDem [D° [SC SN [C° [SI tSN]]]]] sert de base pour les différentes dérivations générant les 16 linéarités des éléments dans SD repérées dans les langues à PRpré. Ensuite, nous analysons les effets de reconstruction en suivant Bianchi (2004). Nous adopterons l’idée de "case-stacking" de Pesetsky (2009a et 2009b) pour le conflit casuel/Casuel et aussi pour le trou syntaxique et l’idée de Boeckx (2003) pour le pronom résomptif. Dans la deuxième section, nous présenterons l’analyse de Cinque (2003/8) pour la PRpré. Le cinquième chapitre expose les caractéristiques typologiques non-intrinsèques de la PRpré.
This study concerns the prenominal relative clause in the framework of typology and of the Minimalist model of Generative Grammar. The first chapter defines the relative clause and establishes three typologies on relative clauses. The second chapter specifies what are "prenominal relative clause" and "primary prenominal relative clause languages". These languages are presented according to their geographic distribution and linguistic affiliation, but the geographic and genetic factors cannot analyze properly the prenominal relative clause, because it can be better analyzed according to its typological properties. The third chapter exposes in detail the generative analyses on relative clauses, i.e. Head External Analysis, Head Raising Analysis and Matching Analysis, and discusses how they can be integrated into the Minimalist Program. The fourth chapter analyzes the prenominal relative clause in the Minimalist framework according to Kayne (1994). It is shown how the following elements in the DP of the prenominal relative clause can be correctly linearized, i.e. definite article, demonstrative, relative clause, relativizer and head noun. The basic structure is [DP DemP [D° [CP NP [C° [IP tNP]]]]]. It can derive the 16 linear orders found in prenominal relative clause languages. The reconstruction effect is analyzed according to Bianchi (2004), the case/Case conflict and the gaps according to Pesetsky (2009a & 2009b) and the resumptive pronoun according to Boeckx (2003). In the last section, another analysis, i.e. Cinque (2003/8), is applied to the prenominal relative clauses. The fifth chapter talks about non-intrinsic typological properties of the prenominal relative clause.
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Books on the topic "Minimalist program (Linguistik)"

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Brody, Michael. Lexico-logical form: A radically minimalist theory. Cambridge, Mass: MIT Press, 1995.

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Broekhuis, Hans. Optimality theory and minimalism: Interface theories. Potsdam: Universitätsverlag Potsdam, 2009.

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Chomsky, Noam. The minimalist program. Cambridge, Mass: The MIT Press, 1995.

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Chomsky, Noam. The minimalist program. Cambridge: MIT Press, 1995.

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Kitahara, Hisatsugu. Elementary operations and optimal derivations. Cambridge, Mass: MIT Press, 1997.

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Chomsky, Noam. A minimalist program for linguistic theory. Cambridge, MA: Distributed by MIT Working Papers in Linguistics, Dept. of Linguistics and Philosophy, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1992.

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Chomsky, Noam. A minimalist program for linguistic theory. Cambridge, MA: Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Linguistics and Philosophy, 1992.

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David, Epstein Samuel, and Seely T. Daniel, eds. Derivation and explanation in the Minimalist Program. Malden, MA: Blackwell Pub., 2002.

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Jan, Neidle Carol, ed. The syntax of American Sign Language: Functional categories and hierarchical structure. Cambridge, Mass: MIT Press, 2000.

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Case and agreement from fringe to core: A minimalist approach. Berlin: De Gruyter, 2010.

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Book chapters on the topic "Minimalist program (Linguistik)"

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Kitahara, Hisatsugu. "Some notes on the Minimalist Program." In Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today, 3–15. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/la.91.05kit.

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Poole, Geoffrey. "Optional Movement in the Minimalist Program." In Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today, 199. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/la.12.11poo.

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Irurtzun, Aritz. "Focus and clause structuration in the minimalist program." In Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today, 68–96. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/la.91.09iru.

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Boeckx, Cedric. "French Complex Inversion in the Light of a Minimalist Program." In Current Issues in Linguistic Theory, 43. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/cilt.216.06boe.

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De Caën, Vincent. "Hebrew Linguistics and Biblical Criticism: A Minimalist Programme." In Perspectives on Hebrew Scriptures I, 299–324. Piscataway, NJ, USA: Gorgias Press, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.31826/9781463210823-020.

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Uriagereka, Juan. "Formal and Substantive Elegance in the Minimalist Program (On the Emergence of Some Linguistic Forms)." In The Role of Economy Principles in Linguistic Theory, edited by Chris Wilder, Hans-Martin Gärtner, and Manfred Bierwisch, 170–204. Berlin, Boston: De Gruyter, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783050072173-008.

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Boeckx, Cedric. "The Minimalist Core." In Linguistic Minimalism, 61–109. Oxford University PressOxford, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199297573.003.0003.

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Abstract The historical development discussed in the previous chapter highlighted the fact that until well into the 1980s, solving the acquisition problem was the paramount measure of theoretical success in linguistics. Once, however, this problem is taken as essentially understood, then the question is not how to solve it but how to solve it best. By its nature, this question abstracts away from the Poverty of Stimulus problem and points towards other criteria of adequacy (that is, going ‘beyond explanatory adequacy’, to use a popular phrase in the minimalist literature). Seen in this context, Minimalism emerges from the success of the Principles and Parameters (P&P) program. Because the P&P approach ‘solves’ the logical problem of language acquisition, more methodological criteria of theory evaluation can become more prominent. Such criteria revolve around simplicity, elegance, and other notions that are hard to quantify but, as we will see in Chapter 4, are extremely important. I cannot overstate the fact that minimalism presupposes the major findings from the early P&P period. In many ways, minimalism is but an attempt to find ways of gaining a better grasp of the same model. In this chapter I will examine the ingredients that were extracted from the P&P approach and show how these constitute the core of the minimalist program. This will allow me to discuss the nature of scientific programs as a whole.
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Chomsky, Noam. "A Minimalist Program for Linguistic Theory." In The Minimalist Program, 153–200. The MIT Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.7551/mitpress/9780262527347.003.0003.

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"A Minimalist Program for Linguistic Theory." In The Minimalist Program. The MIT Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.7551/mitpress/10174.003.0005.

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Boeckx, Cedric. "The Minimalist Highlights." In Linguistic Minimalism, 152–92. Oxford University PressOxford, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199297573.003.0005.

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Abstract Minimalism is animated by the belief that the old adage ‘Least is best’ is not only methodologically desirable but also true of the design of the language faculty. Ultimately, the success of the minimalist program ought to be measured by the range and depth of analyses it has helped generate. As they say, the proof of the pudding is in the eating. In the words of Epstein and Hornstein (1999: ix), ‘the proof of a program ultimately rests in how good the detailed products that result from taking its strictures seriously look.’
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