Academic literature on the topic 'Ministère des relations internationales'
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Journal articles on the topic "Ministère des relations internationales"
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Demarey, Stéphanie. "Bercy, un vrai premier ministère ?" Pouvoirs 168, no. 1 (2019): 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/pouv.168.0059.
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Filippetti, Aurélie, and Emmanuel Laurentin. "Un ministère très politique." Esprit Sptmbr, no. 9 (2020): 103. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/espri.2009.0103.
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Corneo, Giacomo. "Un modèle simple de la relation ministère-entreprise en conditions d'approvisionnement incertain." Revue d’études comparatives Est-Ouest 23, no. 1 (1992): 61–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/receo.1992.1540.
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Mathieu, Pierre. "La présence internationale de l'état québécois dans le secteur forestier." Forestry Chronicle 66, no. 3 (June 1, 1990): 253–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5558/tfc66253-3.
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The author describes in a general way the importance and diversity of the activities conducted outside Québec by the forest sector of the ministère de l'Énergie et des Ressources du Québec. He ascribes the necessity of these international relations and exchanges to the forest sector's importance in Québec society and numerous in areas where Québec expertise is internationally recognized. These fields of excellence relate especially to forest management (respect for the sustained yield and multiple use of the forest) to expert consulting, industrial operating and processing equipment, fighting forest fires, softwood plan production, research and forest inventory. He mentions also the importance of the Forest sector of Québec from general statistical data.He also indicates the MER-forest sector's major partners and the parties dealing with it, as well as the type of international activities carried out. In this regard, he provides a summary of the forest sectors exchanges outside Québec for the 1986-1990 period and shows the sector's growth as well as the importance for Québec and its partners to continue in this direction. Key words: Québec, forest sector, experitise, exchanges, relations, partners, international activities, summary, international agreements.
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Bellon, Christophe. "Un témoignage exclusif : Michel Rocard au ministère de l'Agriculture." Parlement[s], Revue d'histoire politique 5, no. 1 (2006): 18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/parl.005.0018.
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Mauduit, Xavier. "Le ministère du faste : la Maison de l'Empereur Napoléon III." Parlement[s], Revue d'histoire politique HS4, no. 3 (2008): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/parl.hs04.0069.
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Ghiabi, Maziyar, and Maziyar Ghiabi. "Le ministère de la crise ou l’art de gouverner en Iran." Critique internationale N° 82, no. 1 (2019): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/crii.082.0009.
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Ficara, Julien. "Chronique de droit pénal français. Réflexions pour la constitution d'un ministère public français indépendant." Revue internationale de droit pénal 83, no. 3 (2012): 599. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/ridp.833.0599.
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Valluy, Jérôme. "Quelles sont les origines du ministère de l’Identité nationale et de l’Immigration ?" Cultures & conflits, no. 69 (April 20, 2008): 7–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/conflits.10293.
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Rakuzin, Marie-Ève. "La réforme du ministère des Affaires étrangères après la révolution de 1905." Cahiers du monde russe 48, no. 48/2-3 (April 15, 2007): 347–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/monderusse.5762.
Full textDissertations / Theses on the topic "Ministère des relations internationales"
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Levaillant, Mélissa. "Le ministère des Affaires étrangères indien (1947-2015) : la production d’une diplomatie sous-dimensionnée." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016IEPP0025/document.
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Afin d’analyser la posture diplomatique actuelle de l’Inde sur la scène internationale, ce travail de recherche étudie les processus d’institutionnalisation et d’adaptation du ministère des Affaires étrangères indien de 1947 à 2015. Le dispositif théorique de cette thèse conjugue les recherches menées sur l’adaptation des ministères des Affaires étrangères comme acteurs centraux de la diplomatie et la sociologie politique des institutions. En effet, on ne peut comprendre l’évolution de la diplomatie indienne que si on l’analyse à partir d’une démarche micro sociologique, par l’étude de ses lieux de production. Ces lieux désignent dans un sens restreint l’organisation du ministère des Affaires étrangères et le rôle qui y est joué par les diplomates. Dans un sens plus large, ils renvoient à l’interaction de ce ministère avec l’environnement diplomatique national et international. Cette thèse vise à démontrer la façon dont la vulnérabilité du ministère des Affaires étrangères indien, déterminée par son sous-dimensionnement structurel et sa marginalisation croissante dans le processus de décision, conditionne son adaptation graduelle aux évolutions de la mondialisation. Cette adaptation se manifeste par la plus grande importance donnée aux pratiques de « low diplomacy » comme la diplomatie économique, publique et consulaire. Mais elle reste fortement limitée, ce qui explique la posture diplomatique prudente de l’Inde sur la scène internationale, contrainte par la priorité donnée au développement économique du paysIn order to analyse the evolution of India’s diplomacy, this work studies the adaptation of the Indian Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) from 1947 to 2015, using a sociological approach to institutions. We argue that the evolution of Indian diplomacy can be better understood by studying its production at a micro level, which relates both to the organisation of the MEA and its interactions with other actors of Indian diplomacy. This work shows that the vulnerability of the Indian MEA is determined by its structural weaknesses and its growing marginalisation within the foreign policy decision making process. This vulnerability restrains the MEA’s adaptation to the evolutions of globalisation. The adaptation is gradual and is manifested by the growing importance given to the practice of low diplomacy (economic, public and consular diplomacy). Nevertheless, it remains greatly limited and constrained by domestic imperatives of economic development. That explains, to a large extent, many of India’s prudent diplomatic decisions
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Meimon, Julien. "En quête de légitimité : le ministère de la Coopération (1959-1999)." Lille 2, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005LIL20031.
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Bruley, Yves. "Le Quai d’Orsay sous le Second Empire." Thesis, Paris 4, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PA040165.
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Cette thèse n’est pas une histoire de la politique extérieure de Napoléon III, mais du Ministère des Affaires étrangères et de l’action diplomatique. La première partie montre que la continuité des structures, du personnel, des modes de vie révèle l’attachement à un modèle classique. La deuxième partie montre que le rôle du Quai d’Orsay a été plus important qu’on ne l’a cru. Impliqués dans la politique qui conduit au Congrès de Paris (1856), les diplomates font preuve d’initiative. La politique italienne puis la question allemande suscitent un profond clivage au Quai d’Orsay, sans altérer les certitudes quant à la puissance de la France. La troisième partie décrit une diplomatie ouverte à la modernité : le Quai d’Orsay est actif dans l’extension de l’influence française dans le monde et dans l’essor de la diplomatie économique. Mais il souffre des dysfonctionnements politiques des dernières années du règne, tandis que Bismarck remet en cause les fondements de la diplomatie classiqueThis doctoral thesis is not a history of Napoleon III’s foreign policy. It concerns the history of the French Foreign Office, including its diplomatic action. The first part shows how continuity in structure, staff and way of life reflect the predominance of the classical model. In the second section, the role undertaken by the Quai d’Orsay is analysed : it was more important than has usually been alleged. The Diplomats implicated in Policy that lead to the Congrès de Paris (1856) demonstrate initiative, drive and vision. The Italian file and then German affairs deeply divide the diplomatic staff, but does not undermine their unfaltering opinion concerning the importance of French power. The third part describes how this classical diplomacy is opened to modernity, through the endeavour to develop French influence around the world and the expansion of economic diplomacy. However in the last years of Napoleon III’s reign, the Quai d’Orsay is suffering from political problems – whereas Bismarck is calling into question the principles of classical diplomacy
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Germiyanoglu, Okan. "La lutte contre le terrorisme vue par les hauts fonctionnaires du quai d'orsay : pour une contribution française au concept d'operational code." Thesis, Lille 2, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014LIL20009/document.
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La lutte contre le terrorisme est une préoccupation contemporaine des diplomaties, alors que sa définition internationale demeure introuvable. Dans une approche organisationnelle, les hauts fonctionnaires du ministère français des Affaires étrangères partageraient une vision commune sur la violence terroriste et un « savoir-faire » qui leur permettraient de prendre des décisions efficaces pour la prévenir et la combattre. Or, dans une approche constructiviste, la lutte contre le terrorisme relève de relations intersubjectives comprenant l’activation de systèmes de croyances ou Operational Codes (OPCODES) différents, selon que les diplomates français viennent de l’ENA ou du Concours d’Orient. Ces croyances jouent un rôle dans la façon que les hauts fonctionnaires voient le monde, l’ennemi, mais aussi se perçoivent dans leurs fonctions. Ce sont aussi des croyances préexistantes, forgées à partir des expériences et des engagements personnels, qui font que les décisions en matière d’antiterrorisme ne relèvent pas seulement de considérations sécuritaires, mais aussi de motivations matérielles, émotionnelles, cognitives et morales pour un Etat comme la FranceThe fight against terrorism is a contemporary concern shared in state diplomacy, though no such common definition exists in international affairs. From an organizational approach, senior civil servants of the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs are thought to share a global vision on terrorist violence and a savoir-faire that should allow them to make effective decisions in their efforts to prevent and fight against it. However, in a constructivist approach, the war on terrorism draws its inspiration from inter-subjective relations that activate a set of belief systems or different Operational Codes (OPCODES). These beliefs systems, though dependent French diplomats’ background (Ecole Nationale d’Administration (ENA) or the Concours d’Orient), contribute to their decision making process. Thus, these beliefs play a role in the way decision makers see the world, the enemy, but also as to how they perceive themselves in their duties. These pre-existing beliefs which have been forged through personal experiences and commitments are responsible for shaping a decision making process that is not solely based on security concerns. They are in fact, also determined by material, emotional, cognitive and moral motivations for a state such as that of France
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Soosaithasan, Solène Nadia. "La quête de l’honneur apaisée de la « grandeur indienne ». : Déni de reconnaissance des « tigres tamouls » et événements catalyseurs au Sri Lanka. identité virile et inimitié des décideurs dans un conflit (1987-1990 puis 2000-2009)." Thesis, Lille 2, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016LIL20028.
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La quêtede l’honneurpeut paraitre désuète de nos jours en Occident mais cela n’est pas forcément le cas si l’on poussait plus loin les analyses. Elle caractérise depuislongtemps les relations entre les décideurs indiens et les dirigeants de la région Asie du Sud. Les relations avec les belligérants sri lankais n’en font pas exception. L’honneur et la gloire sont souvent le produit d’un éthos guerrier et d’une démonstration de virilité de la part des dirigeants politiques et non pas uniquement des militaires.La virilité n’est donc pas biologique mais est un construit politique et social. Les heurts ont été nombreux quant à la résolution du conflit sri lankais.Les décisions, attitudes et actions prises par les Indiens ont été façonnées par les interactions avec leurs interlocuteurs sri lankais et par des éléments extrêmement importants que nous qualifions d’« événements catalyseurs».Après le départ de l’IPKF et l’assassinat de Rajiv Gandhi, les dirigeants indiens ont adopté une autre attitude et des discours plus apaisés vis-à-vis des dirigeants sri lankais tout en refusant de reconnaitre les « Tigres tamouls » (LTTE), une guérilla tamoule au Sri Lanka. La reconnaissance de la part des dirigeants indiens vis-à-vis des décideurs sri lankais a par ailleurs permis la résolution du conflit sri lankais par des moyens militaires. Vingt ans auparavant, cela aurait été totalement inconcevable pour les dirigeants indiens de laisser ainsi faire les décideurs sri lankais. La reconnaissance de part et d’autre a donc pu permettre d’améliorer les relations interpersonnelles et interétatiques indiennes et sri lankaisesToday, the quest for honor can seemoutdated in Western countries. But for a long timeit has characterizedthe relationships between the Indian decision-makers and the South Asian leaders. Relationships with Sri Lankan protagonists are also shaped by this question of honor but also of glory. Just as the military, political leaders are also influenced by honor and glory which are often produced by a warrior ethos So they want to show their manliness. Virility is not biological but a political and social construct. Throughout the resolution of the Indian-Sri Lankan conflict, numerous clashes took place between between their respective leaders. Decisions, attitudes and actions taken by the Indians have been shaped by their interactions with their Sri Lankan counterparts. And this evolution has also been possible because of “catalyst events”. After the IPKF’s withdrawal and Rajiv Gandhi’s murder,Indian decision-makers refused to recognize the“Tamil Tigers” guerilla (Liberation Tamil Tigers of Eelam, in Sri Lanka. But the Indian Political leaders’ recognition of the Sri Lankan rulersopened the way to a conflict resolution with military means. Twenty-years ago it would have been completely impossible for the Indians to allow the Sri Lankans to have their way.Recognition on both parts have largely improved the Indian and the Sri Lankan interpersonal and interstate relationships
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Revauger, Guilène. "Fonctions, pouvoirs et influences d’un acteur de la politique étrangère britannique : le Foreign and Commonwealth Office (1968-1985)." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018USPCA037/document.
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Cette recherche s’attache à l’étude d’une institution britannique, à son rôle et son organisation depuis la fusion, en 1968, du Commonwealth Office et du Foreign Office, jusqu’à l’année 1985.Il s’agit ainsi de voir comment le Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) fonctionne et comment il a su évoluer au gré du temps, du changement de la place de la Grande-Bretagne dans le monde, et des conflits internationaux. Ainsi, on peut se demander quelles influences le contexte a eu sur l’institution en elle-même. Dès lors, une place particulière est accordée à l’Europe, la ‘relation spéciale’ avec les États-Unis et la décolonisation.La politique étrangère britannique semble aujourd’hui être principalement dans les mains du pouvoir politique : du ministre des Affaires étrangères (Foreign Secretary), et du Premier ministre. Quelle place le FCO occupe-t-il alors, et quelles relations entretient-il avec le pouvoir politique ?Il s’agit ainsi de considérer la place du FCO au sein des différents acteurs internes et externes de la politique étrangère britannique en analysant trois cas concrets : une réorganisation interne de l’institution (la fusion de 1968), une gestion de crise (l’indépendance retardée de la Guyane britannique, 1953-1966), et une négociation d’accord en temps de paix (l’échec des négociations de la Convention des Nations unies sur le droit de la mer, 1973-1982).Ce travail de recherche tente ainsi d’offrir une interprétation allant au-delà du fonctionnement interne de l’institution. Il s’agit de mettre en relation le Foreign and Commonwealth Office et le pouvoir politique, et ainsi d’étudier les pouvoirs et influences du FCO tout en s’attachant à des périodes clés à l’orée de changementsThis research work is devoted to the study of a key British institution, its function and its organization, from the merger of the Commonwealth Office and the Foreign Office in 1968, until 1985.Of particular interest is the way the changing role of Britain in the world and international conflicts bear upon the functioning and the evolution of the FCO. The point is to assess to what extent the context influences the institution itself.British foreign policy seems to be mostly determined by the Foreign Secretary and the Prime Minister. It is therefore well worth gaging what the function of the FCO is, and its relationship with the holders of political power.The role of the FCO as one of the internal and external agents of British foreign policy is assessed here, through three cases: the internal reorganization of the service in 1968, the management of a crisis – the postponements of independence for Guiana from 1953 to 1966, and the failure of a negotiation in peacetime – the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea from 1973 to 1982.Beyond the internal functioning of the institution, this research work strives to offer an interpretation of the changes. The relationship between the FCO and the holders of political power, the real power and influence of the FCO are under consideration, in particular during key moments of particular significance for the institution
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Efangon, Lucien Sédar. "Relations franco-africaines et dynamiques internationales." Lyon 3, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000LYO33043.
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Ce travail analyse l'évolution du sous-système franco-africain. Il montre que le sous-système subit l'influence déterminante de l'environnement international et du jeu des fluctuations internes. Il traverse, depuis la fin de la guerre froide, une crise sans précédent, qui se situe au point de jonction de ses propres évolutions contradictoires, devenues manifestes aujourd'hui. Ces contradictions étaient en réalité inhérentes au sous-système depuis son émergence. La reproduction à l'identique du sous-sytème franco-africain est contrariée par la restructuration des relations internationales africaines et la reconfiguration de la hiérarchie des puissances internationales. A terme, les conséquences se déclinent sous la forme d'une remise en cause du leader hégémonique, la France. A partir d'une approche systémique, cette réflexion sur les relations franco-africaines dresse un état des lieux, restitue les logiques d'interaction entre le sous-sytème et le système international global, dégage les nouveaux enjeux des relations franco-africaines et tente de cerner les nouvelles logiques qui se mettent en place et tendent à restructurer désormais la coopération franco-africaine.
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Zakané, Vincent. "Relations commerciales internationales et contraintes écologiques." Université Robert Schuman (Strasbourg) (1971-2008), 1994. http://www.theses.fr/1994STR30014.
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L'environnement est devenu, ces dernières années, une préoccupation majeure pour tous les états et pour la communauté internationale dans son ensemble. Il suscite, dans tous les pays, des mesures législatives et réglementaires destinées à assurer sa protection. Au plan international, on assisté à l'émergence d'un certain nombre de normes formant une sorte d'ordre écologique mondial. Cependant, les rapports entre l'environnement et le commerce international sont au centre d'une controverse doctrinale et juridique : le développement prodigieux et continu du commerce international ne risque-t-il pas d'avoir des effets négatifs sur l'environnement de plusieurs pays et, à terme, sur l'environnement mondial ? Inversement, les mesures nationales et internationales de protection de l'environnement ne sont-elles pas de nature à perturber les échanges commerciaux internationaux? Au-delà des simples questions de fait qu'elle soulève, l'introduction des normes écologiques en droit international est susceptible d'engendrer des conflits juridiques avec les règles du commerce international. Il apparaît ainsi une contradiction fondamentale entre les politiques juridiques de protection de l'environnement, qui sont d'essence interventionniste, et celles du commerce international, qui sont plutôt libérales. Le droit international ne prévoyant aucune règle de conflit à cet égard, seules les organisations internationales à vocation économique ou écologique sont aptes à y apporter des solutions ponctuelles. Mais, ces institutions sont-elles en. .In recent years, the environment has become a major concern for all the states and for the international community. Rules and regulations are made in all the countries to assure its protection. On the international level, there is an emergence of a certain number of normes constituting some sort of a world ecological order. However, the relations between the environment and international trade are at the centre of a doctrinal and legal controversy: does the rapid and continuous development of world trade not curry the risk of having negative effects on the environment of several countries and, in the end, on the world environment? Conversely, are the national measures of protection not likely to disturb international trade? Beyond these simple problems brought up, the introduction of environmental norms in international law is likely to create legal conflicts with the rules of international trade. A fundamental contradiction between legal policies of environmental protection, which are interventionniest in nature, and legal policies of international trade, which are rather liberal, thus manifests itself. With international law providing us rules to deal with this, only economic and ecological international organizations are capable of providing select solutions. But, are these institutions capable of resolving the conflicts between the imperatives of environment and the requirements of international law which are likely to result?
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Aoumeur, Mama. "Les médias et les relations internationales." Nice, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008NICE0002.
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Les progres des techniques, le developpement de la diffusion satellitaire, la multiplication des chaines transfrontieres et dautres canaux de diffusion tel l'internet ont pour effet d'amplifier le phenomene de la diffusion internationale de l'information. On constate l'avenement de la diffusion internationale de l'information. Le probleme principal de ce secteur n'est pas la production et la diffusion d'un nombre croissant d'informations de toutes natures, mais de reconnaitre que ces industries gerent des visions du monde, et sont donc inseparables d'une reflexion sur les conditions de leur accueil. Le controle de cet appareil ideologique que constituent les medias deviendrait un enjeu politique important. L'issue des guerres et des conflits depend plus que jamais de la maitrise de l'information et de la communication. Les medias sont devenus des acteurs a part entiere des relations internationales. Notre etude portera principalement sur la guerre du golfe de 1991 car elle est une invite a une profonde reflexion/revision de ce qui, hier encore, semblait relever de la certitude et de la referenceThe technical progress, the development of the broadcast satellite, the increase of the cross-border channels, and other distribution channels as internet carry the expanding of the international distribution of information. We can note the coming of the globalisation of the media. The main problem is not the increase of information, but to realise and admit that those industries of communication manage the vision of the world and can not be separate of a reflexion about the way they are received. The control of this ideogical machenery made up by the media have a political effect. The resolution of wars and conflicts depends more than never on information and communication control. The media becomes a real actor of the international relation. Our study deals mainly about the gulf war in 1991 which should leads us to a deep relexion on what was previously considered
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Jamot, Didier. "Le Parlement et les relations internationales." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012AIXM1005.
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Le Parlement est généralement considéré comme un acteur institutionnel ne pouvant s'impliquer dans les relations internationales. Seul, le pouvoir exécutif disposerait de la capacité à agir dans ce domaine. En réalité, cet état de choses qui était vrai à l'aube de la Vème République n'est plus d'actualité. L'évolution du monde au lendemain de la Seconde Guerre mondiale avec la décolonisation, la fin de la guerre froide, la mondialisation, mais aussi l'accélération de la construction européenne, a été à l'origine de l'attrait des parlementaires pour les questions de politique étrangère. Les révisions constitutionnelles successives, les modifications des règlements des assemblées et l'adoption de plusieurs lois leur ont alors fourni les moyens d'agir.Désormais, les députés et les sénateurs exercent une influence sur la politique étrangère de la France ; ils disposent d'outils parlementaires leur assurant une information et un contrôle des activités internationales du Gouvernement ; et ils sont parvenus à mettre en place une véritable diplomatie parlementaire tant bilatérale, comme dans le cadre des groupes d'amitié, que multilatérale, comme dans celui des assemblées parlementaires internationalesParliament is generally thought to be an institution which is incapable of influencing international relations. The Executive Power alone is said to be capable of acting in this sphere.In reality, while this was true at the dawn of the Fifth Republic, it is no longer the case. The way the world changed after World War II – decolonization, the end of the Cold War, globalization, but also the rapid European integration – was the fundamental appeal of foreign policy for members of Parliament. The constitutional changes which then occurred, changes to Rules of Procedure of the assemblies and the adoption of several laws, afforded them the ability to act. Ever since, deputies and senators have influenced French foreign affairs. They have access to tools which assure them information and a certain control of the Government's international activities. They have likewise succeeded in establishing a parliamentary diplomacy equally bilateral – like Friendship groups – as multilateral, as is found in international parliaments
Books on the topic "Ministère des relations internationales"
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Huijgh, Ellen. The public diplomacy of federated entities: Excavating the Quebec model. The Hague: Netherlands Institute of International Relations "Clingendael,", 2009.
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Noda, Shiro. Entre l'indépendance et le fédéralisme, 1970-1980: La décennie marquante des relations internationales du Québec. [Sainte-Foy, Québec]: Presses de l'Université Laval, 2001.
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Yao-N'Dré, Paul. Relations internationales. Abidjan: Presses des Universités de Côte d'Ivoire, 1999.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Ministère des relations internationales"
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Delori, Mathias. "Relations internationales." In Dictionnaire. Genre et science politique, 444–56. Presses de Sciences Po, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/scpo.achi.2013.01.0444.
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"2 Post-war prime ministers of Japan." In Japan's International Relations, 559. Routledge, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203804056-49.
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Bely, Lucien, and Georges-Henri Soutou. "Les relations internationales." In Les historiens français à l'œuvre, 1995-2010, 261. Presses Universitaires de France, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/puf.gauva.2010.01.0261.
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"Les relations internationales." In Et Toulouse pour apprendre, 147–51. Presses universitaires du Midi, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/books.pumi.20927.
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Khôi, Lê Thành. "VII. Les relations internationales." In L’éducation : cultures et sociétés, 307–52. Éditions de la Sorbonne, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/books.psorbonne.76879.
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"RELATIONS PUBLIQUES INTERNATIONALES ET INTERCULTURELLES." In Les relations publiques, 151–212. Presses de l'Université du Québec, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv18pgjg4.10.
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Pardew, James W. "Wrestling an Alligator." In Peacemakers. University Press of Kentucky, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813174358.003.0020.
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The T&E Program moves forward despite constant international interference and difficult relations between the Muslims and the Croats. The EU embargo on Bosnia prevents East European countries from selling equipment to the Federation. However, the Dutch agree to the sale of nonlethal trucks. The Secretaries of State and Defense demand the removal of the Bosnian Muslim Deputy Minister of Defense Cengic from his position. In a compromise, both the Muslim and Croat ministers in Bosnia are fired, clearing the way for the unloading of American military equipment destined for delivery to the Federation. Gradually, T&E makes progress, but serious problems remain between the Federation partners.
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Vennesson, Pascal. "Chapitre 29. La stratégie." In Traité de relations internationales, 717–46. Presses de Sciences Po, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/scpo.balza.2013.01.0717.
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Rioux, Michèle. "Chapitre 33. Les organisations internationales." In Traité de relations internationales, 823–60. Presses de Sciences Po, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/scpo.balza.2013.01.0823.
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Grosser, Pierre. "Chapitre 17. L'histoire." In Traité de relations internationales, 349–72. Presses de Sciences Po, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/scpo.balza.2013.01.0349.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Ministère des relations internationales"
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Abbasova, Ulviyya, and Natavan Babayeva. "Integration of HE system of Azerbaijan in the Global World." In Fourth International Conference on Higher Education Advances. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica València, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/head18.2018.8386.
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This article deals with the analysis of some important reforms and innovations implemented in the education sector by the government in Azerbaijan. After gaining the independence Azerbaijan started successfully to move forward towards the development as an independent country. The country established the close relations with different international organizations and institutions. After Azerbaijan signed on to the Bologna process, the Ministry of Education developed a comprehensive action plan, calling for the modernizing of the higher education system, a transfer to the credit system, the elaboration of new diploma and the recognition of international documents on higher education. As a result, the government of Azerbaijan started the implementation processes of reforms focused on the improvement of the quality of education in order to integrate to international standards. The Ministry of Education of Azerbaijan closely collaborates with major international organizations such as: The Council of Europe, UNESCO, World Bank, UNICEF, ISESCO, EU and so on. Cooperation between Azerbaijan and the EU is carried out within the framework of TEMPUS/TACIS, Erasmus+, Twinning/TAIEX programs. This article provides a brief overview about the above mentioned programs, their application processes, as well as the results and their influences in education system of Azerbaijan .
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Karluk, S. Rıdvan, and Ayşen Hiç Gencer. "Turkey and Uzbekistan Relations within the Scope of Economic and Political Integration of Central Asia." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01466.
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After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Uzbekistan declared her sovereignty on June 20th, 1990 and her independence on September 1st, 1991. Turkey was the first country to recognize the Republic of Uzbekistan on December 16th, 1991. On March 4th, 1992, diplomatic relations between Turkey and Uzbekistan were established and more than 90 bilateral agreements and protocols were signed. Among the Central Asian countries, Uzbekistan has an important geopolitical location and has the largest Turkish population. Turkish and Uzbek people share the same culture and language (Uzbek-Chagatai Turkish). Prime Minister Erdoğan and President Kerimov emphasized the necessity of improving the Turkish-Uzbek relations at the opening ceremony of Sochi 2014 Winter Olympics. Turkish Foreign Minister Davutoğlu's visit on July 10th, 2014 started improving bilateral relations that had come to a halt in 2003. This paper analyzes Turkish-Uzbek relations in the framework of integration in Central Asia and with respect to the structural economic changes in Uzbekistan and her foreign trade policy.
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Pereira, Marcus Vinicius, and Agnaldo Arroio. "ANALYSIS OF SCIENCE VIDEOS PRODUCED BY BRAZILIAN MINISTRY OF EDUCATION." In Proceedings of the 2nd International Baltic Symposium on Science and Technology Education (BalticSTE2017). Scientia Socialis Ltd., 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.33225/balticste/2017.92.
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It is presented an analysis of science videos produced by Ministry of Education of Brazil to prepare high school students for an exam. It was identified how these videos were produced under filmic analysis framework. They are long duration videos, more similar to TV programs, which incorporate popular Youtube videos to solve problems inset with the dialogue between a presenter (an actor) and a teacher. Also there is weak relation between the guest interviewed and the video subject. Keywords: media literacy, filmic analysis, science education, Youtube.
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Medina, José Manuel, Tatiana Herreros, Pamela De Barca, and Carolina Crovetto. "PEDAGOGICAL INTERACTIONS IN PRIMARY SCHOOL REINTEGRATION PROCESSES: A CASE STUDY IN CHILE." In International Conference on Education and New Developments. inScience Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36315/2021end046.
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In Chile, despite the great coverage achieved, there are still children and adolescents who leave school without being able to complete 12 years of compulsory education (Casen, 2015); moreover, among the countries that make up the OECD, Chile is in the first places of deschooling (TALIS, 2013). This marginalization from the school system is affecting a significant number of children and hindering areas of integration and social development, which accentuates processes of social exclusion and violation of rights in Chile (Casen, 2015; Mide-UC, 2016; Mineduc, 2017). This is reinforced by pedagogical practices that strengthen these probabilities of failure (Román, 2013). The phenomenon of school reintegration has little evidence in relation to the human and technical component in school reintegration processes, either locally (Mide-UC, 2016; UNESCO-UNICEF-Chilean Association of Municipalities, 2012), or internationally (CEPAL, 2010; Contreras et al, 2014; Sucre, 2016), which implies observing and analyzing pedagogical intervention practices in these contexts, in terms of how these dialogical-reflective relational dynamics between teachers and children and adolescents are developed, from the perspective of pedagogical interactions, an area of growing interest in educational sciences, which looks at more than the action itself, at how and what happens in the interaction. (Colomina et al, 2001) This research from a qualitative, transactional approach, oriented from the perspective of descriptive studies (Hernández,et al, 2010) and enriched with the symbolic interactionism of Blumer (1969), whose contributions indicate that the nature of the teaching-learning processes can only be unraveled through direct examination, seeks to understand pedagogical intervention practices from the perspective of pedagogical interactions which are developed between teachers and their students, within the framework of the specialized protection programs in school reintegration implemented in Chile by the National Service for Minors of the Ministry of Justice and Human Rights, in vulnerable sectors of the communes of Talca, Region of Maule and La Pintana, Metropolitan Region. The analysis through the theoretical and empirical contributions provided by the scientific evidence on pedagogical interactions, in terms of how they are configured, deployed and how these pedagogical intervention practices are perceived by the actors involved, added to the findings obtained, provides an opportunity to innovate by allowing the observation of school reintegration as a scenario of human relations and to deepen around this professional action as a critical element, constituting the improvement of teaching and effectiveness in school reintegration processes.
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Tseng, Hua Hui. "THE RELATIONS BETWEEN MUSICIANSHIP AND CORE COMPETENCIES IN PROFESSIONAL MUSIC TRAINING—THE TUT EXPERIENCE." In International Conference on Education and New Developments. inScience Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36315/2021end003.
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After being asked to respond to the Arts Education Act of 2015 by the Ministry of Education, Taiwan, concerning curricula and their impact on music education, what follows are some observations and reflections from the Tainan University of Technology (TUT), Taiwan, about its educators' experiences of teaching undergraduate music and music degrees. The idea put forward isthatskills/knowledge competency reflects an emergent sensibility in contemporary music cultures, and this represents an opportunity for music educators to reconfigure and strengthen their pedagogical approaches. By recognizing the legitimacy of new and varied forms of musicianship and acknowledging the ways in which course curricula continue to grow in their range of practices and necessary literacies, strategies can be developed to support broader, cohesive, inclusive, diverse, meaningful, and useful experiences for music students.
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Koç, Neslihan. "Analyzing the Foreing Trade Relations of Turkey and Macedonia within the Framework of Free Trade Agreement." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.00965.
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Turkey, because of its responsibilities derived from Custom Union with European Union, makes limited Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) with those states which have already signed such agreements with EU. As yet Turkey has signed FTAs with 19 countries including Macedonia. It's expected from FTA's that raise awareness of partner countries about each other’s economic and commercial potentials. In this study a general overview will be made to emphasize the relationship between FTAs which Turkey has signed with other countries and increase in Turkey’s trade volume in the same period. Subsequently, with regarding the FTA and commercial relations with Macedonia, an assessment will be made by using the lists of countries imports and exports, based on Republic of Turkey Ministry of Economy statistics for the period of 2001-2012.
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Ibrahim, Meram, Banan Mukhalalati, Majdoleen Al alawneh, and Ahmed Awaisu. "Qatar National Vision 2030." In Qatar University Annual Research Forum & Exhibition. Qatar University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.29117/quarfe.2020.0226.
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Introduction: The United Nations launched the Sustainable Development Goals in 2015. One of these goals describes achieving a Universal Health Coverage by 2030. This signifies workforce planning in healthcare professions (United Nations, 2015). The International Pharmaceutical Federation (FIP) published reports about pharmacy workforce planning in several countries. However, data about Qatar was not included in these reports. In 2017, FIP developed a transformational roadmap of pharmaceutical workforce and education. One component of the roadmap is the Pharmaceutical Workforce Development Goals (PWDGs) (International Pharmaceutical Federation, 2016). This research aims to conduct a self-assessment of the pharmaceutical workforce and education in Qatar in relation to the FIP’s PWDGs. This will be followed by prioritization of the identified gaps and recommendation of measures to address them. Methods: Three rounds of conventional Delphi technique (Hasson et al., 2000) are conducted with expert panels in the College of Pharmacy at Qatar University and the Ministry of Public Health, utilizing the FIP’s self-assessment survey. Content analysis is used to analyse and prioritize the identified gaps. Results: The lack of competency framework (PWDG5), workforce data (PWDG12), and workforce policy formation (PWDG13) are the three major gaps in the provision of pharmaceutical workforce and pharmacy education in Qatar, influencing other PWDGs. These gaps need to be addressed by the formation of Qatari Pharmaceutical Association through which academic, practice, and policymaking sectors can work together in developing a health workforce intelligence system. Conclusion: The results indicated that PWDGs are interrelated and a gap in one goal can negatively influence others (Bruno et al., 2018). Results and recommendations of this research will facilitate the implementation of strategic plans across leading pharmacy sectors to meet health needs in Qatar and achieve the third pillar of the Qatar National Vision 2030 “A Healthy Population: Physically and Mentally” (General Secretariat for Development, 2008).
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Apak, Sudi, and Selin Kozan. "The Impact of Ukraine Crisis's on Turkey and Ukraine’s Economic Relationship." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c06.01262.
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After the breakup of the Soviet Union and independence declaration of Ukraine in 1991, as in the other Soviet countries, Ukraine has left a heavy industrial based economy with an insufficient technology. Trade relations with Turkey gained momentum in 2004 and has continued its growing until today. This trade relationship has a complementary role and mostly based on intermediate good export. Turkey is the second largest export volume partner of Ukraine and providing the largest trade surplus for Ukraine. Ukraine economy is very sensitive to foreign trade fluctuations, therefore in the 2009 global crisis, Turkey’s trade volume with Ukraine declined more than two times. In 2014, military conflict in the East, Russian trade restrictions, the Hryvnia depreciation and tight fiscal austerity measures have exacerbated the existing macroeconomic challenges of Ukraine and pushed the country into its deepest recession since 2009.
This study analyses the Ukraine crisis effects on its economic situation and effects on the Turkey and Ukraine’s economic relationship by using statistical methods. Data sources are: National Bank of Ukraine, State Statistics Service of Ukraine, Ministry of Finance of Ukraine, Trade Statistics for International Business Development, National Bank of Turkey, Turkish Exporters Assembly, Turkish Statistical Institute.
Turkey, as a country has earned trusts of both Ukraine and Russia, is able to lead a peacekeeping force in Ukraine. Furthermore, Turkey should evaluate the possibilities to provide a credit line to Ukraine and it would be useful for Turkey to search the other markets and trade conditions as well.
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Rasul, Hewa. "organizing legislative initiative in kurdistan region." In INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE OF DEFICIENCIES AND INFLATION ASPECTS IN LEGISLATION. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicdial.pp141-151.
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The regulation of the legislative initiative is one of the sensitive and important issues in the field of regulating the relations between the three authorities in the state, especially the legislative and executive authorities, and that is why we find that the majority of countries dealt with it in their constitutions through general constitutional principles, because the constitution determines and regulates the powers of the authorities, in the Kurdistan Region not We have a constitution at the time of writing this research, and that is why the Kurdish legislator was forced to deal with it through the ordinary laws and the internal system of the Parliament of Kurdistan, and this is what made it subject to many changes during the past thirty years. This competence, for example, in light of the abolished internal system of Parliament, the Council of Ministers in the region had the competence of two types of legislative initiative, namely, the submission of draft laws as well as draft legislative decisions. He was left with nothing but the right to present draft laws, and these many changes led to a state of instability in the organization of this jurisdiction Which is an important part of the legislative process, and based on this, we took the initiative to write this research in order to show how to organize it in the light of the developments that took place in this field at the level of different countries and in a way that serves the stability of relations between the authorities in the region.
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Djuria, Rachmawati Felani. "Factors Relating to Knowledge about Gastritical Swamedcation among Students at Pondok Hidayatussalikin Pangkalpinang." In The 7th International Conference on Public Health 2020. Masters Program in Public Health, Universitas Sebelas Maret, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.26911/the7thicph.02.05.
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Background: Gastritis was one of the diseases that could be self-treatment handling. Usually gastritis was found middle age in many of student. This is because the student choose a task that many lectures and activites on school, not yet eat. One of the school in Pangkalpinang is Pondok Pesantren Hidayatussalikin. The purposes of this study is to know the factors that related to knowledge about self-treatment gastritis at Pondok Pesantren Hidayatussalikin Pangkalpinang. Subjects and Method: This was a cross-sectional study conducted at Pondok Pesantren Hidayatussalikin Pangkalpinang. A total of 130 students were enrolled in this study. The dependent variable was knowledge about self-treatment gastritis. The independen variables were interest, experience, and information resources. Results: 125 students had knowledge about self-treatment gastritis self-treatment gastritis (96.3%), 95 students (73.6%) had gastritis, and 69 students (53.6%) got information about self-treatment gastritis from one dan two media. 88 respondents (67.7%) had good level of knowledge about self-treatment gastritis. There was no statistically significant relationship between interest, experience, and information resources on the level of knowledge about self-treatment gastritis Conclusion: Knowledge about self-treatment gastritis is not associate by interest, experience, and information resources. Keywords: self-treatment gastritis, knowledge, interest, experience, information resource Correspondence: Rachmawati Felani Djuria. School of Health Polytechnics, Ministry of Health, Pangkalpinang. Jl. Telaga Biru I, Desa Padang Baru, Kecamatan Pangkalan Baru, Bangka Tengah, Bangka Belitung Province. Email: felanDJ87@gmail.com. Mobile: 081995596959. DOI: https://doi.org/10.26911/the7thicph.02.05